Zaire - SpeedyLook encyclopedia

History

In 1960, the Belgian Congo reached independence under the name of " Republic of Congo" of Belgium. The old French colony bore the same name of République of Congo, state with which the country divided a border in the west. In 1966, term democratic was added to distinguish the two states, and old Belgian Congo was from now on known under the name of Democratic republic of Congo (DRC). However, the two states since were often distinguished by their capitals: Congo Kinshasa (then Congo Léopoldville) and Congo Brazzaville.

Uncertainties of the capacity and the rebellions were followed until 1965, date on which the Lieutenant Général Mobutu, then commander-in-chief of the army, took the control of the country and autoproclama president for 5 years. Mobutu consolidated its capacity quickly and was later elected president at the conclusion of a poll without opposition.

The second republic

Like retrospective justification of the cut intervened in 1965, Mobutu establishes an assessment of the first republic like " chaos, disorder, negligence, and incompétence." The rejection of the legitimacy of the first republic went beyond the words. During the first two years of its existence, the new mode put its priorities on the tasks of rebuilding and political consolidation. To create the new bases of the legitimacy of the state, in particular under a mode of sole party, became the priority of Mobutu. Another priority was to rebuild the social and political structures country, process which began in 1970 and culminated with the adoption of the news Constitution of 1974. In 1976, however, this policy started to show its limits and to generate its own contradictions, and to prepare the return of a system bula matari (" that which breaks the rochers") fact of brutalities and repressions.

Autoproclamé father of the Nation

Since 1965, Mobutu Sese Seko dominated the political life of Zaire, restructuring the state on various occasions, and giving itself the title of " Father of Nation." Any analysis relating to the political structures of this country and its organization cannot be under consideration without being interested in the man who gave this name to the country.

Mobutu was born in the town of Lisala near the Congo, the October 4th 1930. In spite of this birthplace, Mobutu did not belong to the majority ethnos group in the area, but to the Ngbandi S, a small ethnos group whose territory is near the border with the Central African Republic.

Mobutu referred constantly at its modest origins and with re-elected of his/her uncle, a warrior and astrologer of the village of Gbadolite. Although born under the name of Joseph-Desired Mobutu, it was also called name of its great-uncle, Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu wa za Banga , which, according to some, means " large conquering warrior, who goes from triumph in triomphe". But it is not exactly that, even if these attributes can be given to a large warrior, who goes from triumph in triumph. Here makes of it the true significance of the name of this former Head of State of ex-Zaire: Mobutu , i.e. You are dust Sese seko , eternal ground Kuku ngbendu , the green pepper (which is not ripe) Wa za Banga , the feu/La light burns/shines in the occident. When, under the era of the authenticity at the beginning of the Years 1970, the Zaireans had to adopt names " authentiques" , Mobutu took again the name of its great-uncle Mobutu Sese Seko Nkuku Ngbendu wa za Banga, or more commonly Mobutu Sese Seko (see Zaïrianisation, toughening, and retrocession).

Mobutu, which spent four years to the elementary school of Léopoldville, took seven years to reach the diploma of secondary education, attending various schools. It have frequent conflicts with the catholic missionaries of the schools which he attended. It was definitively returned from there in 1950 at the 19 years age. It was then integrated for seven years in the Police force.

The military service was crucial in the career of Mobutu. Contrary to other soldiers, it controlled very well the French, which been worth an use of office quickly to him. In November 1950, it was sent to the school for Congolese officers, where it became acquainted with number of the soldiers who were to ensure the control of the army after the departure of the Belgian officers with independence. Towards the end of sound enrôlement, in 1956, Mobutu had acquired the rank of Quartermaster-sergeant, more the high ranking accessible to Congolese. It had in addition started to publish in newspapers under a pseudonym.

Mobutu turned over to the civil life whereas the possibility of a decolonization was done day. Its articles of newspaper drew the attention of Pierre Davister, editor Belgian of the newspaper the Future. At that time, being sponsored by an European was a beautiful opportunity for an ambitious Congolese. Under the supervision of Davister, Mobutu became a leader-writer recognized for a new African weekly magazine, African Actualités. Davister rendered also later service in Mobutu by giving a positive feedback to the mode of Mobutu via its own Belgian magazine, Spécial .

Mobutu acquired a visibility among the emergent African elite with Léopoldville. Only a barrier remained to him closed for obtaining a statute in the colonial company: the complete recognition as a advanced depended on the approval of the catholic authorities . This one refusing this recognition to him, it will reject it thereafter.

During years 1959-60, the young politically ambitious Congoleses affairaient themselves to assemble networks and alliances. The residence of Mobutu in Belgium saved number of the difficulties to him with which others were confronted, which were satisfied with local and ethnic relations. But this approach would have been to him of no help, Ngbandi being an ethnos group of most minority and among Ngala (speakers Lingala immigrants in Léopoldville), others such Bolikango were potential opponents of weight. Mobutu took another road, the Belgian diplomacy, the information and the financial interests local and international seeking relays among the Congolese students of Brussels.

Mobutu crossed in addition the road of Patrice Lumumba, when it arrived at Brussels. It was combined in Lumumba, which shared in particular its anticlericalism, at the time of the scission of the Congolese National movement (MNC) and of the divergences of with Albert Kalonji. At the beginning 1960, Mobutu was named with the head of the office of the MNC-Lumumba in Brussels. It attended the Roundtable held in Brussels in January 1960, and went back to Congo only 3 weeks before dated June 30th planned for the proclamation of independence. When the army mutina against the Belgian officers, the nomination of Mobutu was a logical choice to fill the vacuum. Lumlumba named commander-in-chief a member of his own ethnos group, Victor Lundula, but Mobutu was the choice privileges of Lumumba, and it was not long in taking an important place in the army.

During the crucial period from July-August 1960, Mobutu built " son" national army by binding external alliances with the units which were acquired to him, by exiling the other units in moved back areas, and absorbing or dissolving the rival units. It made sure of the honesty of the individuals by controlling their promotions and their remunerations. Lundula, old and less alarm, were opposed only little to the plans of Mobutu.

After the resignation of Lumumba by President Kasa-Vubu the September 5th, then the attempt at Lumumba to block this resignation by the Parliament, Mobutu took the reins for the first time the September 14th. Under its only authority (but with the assistance of the the United States), it installed a temporary government, called Collège of the commission agents, composed primarily of graduate and student academics, and who replaced the Parliament for 6 months in 1960 and 1961.

During four years following followed one another of the weak civil governments, the real capacity being exerted slides about it by the " group of Binza" , a group of partisans fortunate mobutists, called according to the district of Ngaliema where the majority of them resided

When in 1965, as in 1960, the tensions were done days between the president and the Prime Minister and led to the instability of the country, Mobutu seized the capacity (again with the assistance of the United States). Contrary to the first time however, Mobutu seized the power with the front of the scene

Political rebuilding

Of 1965 with 1967, the State de Mobutu attempts to reinforce its legitimacy by gradually dismantling the institutions of the first republic and even time to increase the centralization of the control of the capacity around the president. Although the Parliament continued to meet occasionally, its prerogatives were appreciably reduced, the executive decisions being generally henceforth taken by presidential ordinance-laws. All the political parties were dissolved and the political activities prohibited, Mobutu having promised that " during 5 years, there would be no activity of the parties politiques". In 1966, the 21 small provinces were gathered into 12, then 8 and the capital, and were famous areas in 1972 (see fig. 1). They were transformed into simple directly responsible administrative entities before the central government, and their assemblies were more advisory than legislative. After the suppression of the function of Prime Minister in October 1966, the president held the quasi-monopoly of the executive power, and controlled the legislative powers and legal. the

Number of the sympathizers of the opposition Tshombiste of the Années 1960 were quickly incorporated in the official system through various operations of patronage. With same celerity, a summary justice could have most savage the opponents with the mode. The May 30th 1966, four character-key of the first republic, of which the ex-First Minister indicated Évariste Kimba, were shown of plot towards the State, to judge in a parody of lawsuits and were publicly hung in Kinshasa. The threats against the mode persisted however. Pockets of insurrection still existed, in particular in Kivu (of which the maquis of Laurent-Desired Kabila with Fizi) and the High-Zaire (province Orientale). Months were passed before this hearths of dissidence can be controlled

During this time, rumors gave a report on a nearest return of Tshombe, the former strong man of the Katanga, exiled in Spain. These rumors were accentuated in July 1966 when some of the former gendarmes katangais, helped mercenaries, mutinèrent and taken Kisangani (in the past Stanleyville). Two months later, those were pushed back after an intervention of the French mercenary Bob Denard. In July 1967, another important mutiny burst in Kisangani, started by the news that the plane of Tshombe flying over the Mediterranean had been diverted towards Algiers, where Tshombe was held prisoner. Whereas the rebels were pared of Kisangani by the forces of ANC, it took Bukavu, near the border with the Rwanda, that they kept for 3 months. They tried unfruitful attacks against the ANC, but in November, they passed the Rwandan border where they went to the local authorities. The brilliant and unexpected countryside of the ANC gave to the mode one will have and a new legitimacy. Time had come for again changes.

Already in January 1966, a major stage of the consolidation of the mode was carried out ave the creation of the Corps of the Volunteers of the Republic (CVR), an organization whose members were primarily recruited among the students of the General union of the Congolese Students (UGEC). Number of the ideas produced by the CVR came from a group of radical students promoting the topics of nationalism, economic independence, and socialization. More than one party, the CVR was primarily a movement intended to mobilize the population behind Mobutu, our second national hero (after Lumumba). Variable successes of the CVR like agent of popular mobilization and policy, reflecting excesses of the implied students partly, encouraged Mobutu to launch a broader movement and more federator, by whom, according to the words of Mobutu, " would be animated by the Head of the State itself, and whose CVR would not be the embryo .

Search legitimacy

In 1967, Mobutu had consolidated its capacity and worked to give to the country a news constitution which would validate its system of sole party. The new constitution was subjected to a popular referendum in June 1967, and was approved by 98% of the voters. It gave a capacity increased to the Central government and to the president, who became Head of the State, the police force and the army, and in load of the foreign affairs. The president approved or resigned the ministers and their members of cabinet, and fixed their attributions to them. The ministers were in load of the strict execution of the orders and programs of the president. The president approved or resigned also the governors of province, like all the judges, including those of the Supreme court.

The bicameral Parliament was replaced by a single assembly, named National Assembly. The president had the capacity to legislate as for the provisions not envisaged by the laws, without damage with the Constitution. Under certain conditions, the president could control by presidential decrees, which prevailed on the laws.

But the most important change was that of the creation of the Popular movement of the Revolution ( MPR ) the April 17th 1967, marking the emergence of a " nation politically organisée". Rather than to be that a party considered as an emanation of the state, it is the State which from now on was regarded as the emanation of the party. Consequently, in October 1967, the responsibilities for the party and the administration were shared in a single structure, ensuring the influence of the party at all the levels of being able, including in the provinces and until the trade unions of workers, the youth movements and the organizations coeds. In little time, the party had become the exclusive and legitimate instrument of the political life of the country. As one of its leaders declared it, " the MPR must be regarded as a church and its founder Messie".

The doctrinal foundation followed little the foundation of the party, and took the form of the Manifeste of Nsele (of the name of the country residence of Mobutu with Kinshasa with Nsele, with six kilometers of Kinshasa) published in May 1967. Nationalism, the revolution, and the authenticity were identified there as major topics of what would be described soon as " Mobutisme ". The Nationalisme implied the installation of an economic policy of independence. The Revolution, described like a national, primarily pragmatic revolution i.e. repudiating and the Capitalism and the Communism . Neither of right-hand side nor of left , quickly became slogans legitimating the mode, at the same time as authenticity . The concept of authenticity was derived from the doctrines professed by the MPR of an authentic Zairean nationalism and a judgment of regionalism and tribalism . Mobutu defined it as being conscious of its own personality and its own value. To show the way, the name of the country was changed into République of Zaire in October 1971, and the armed forces the Zairean Armed forces (FAZ). This decision was curious, considering the name Congo , which referred at the same time to the river Congo Congo and old the Kongo, was itself basically authentic and with the roots pre colonial, whereas Zaire is in fact an adapted Portuguese name of a African word, Nzere meaning " fleuve" (of Nzadi O Nzere , " the river which absorbs all the others rivières" , another name of the Congo river). In 1972, the Mobutu General became Mobutu Sese Seko and obliged all the citizens to adopt African names instead of European or Christian names. The Western standards of clothing were also abandoned with the profit of the Abacost, by preoccupations with an authenticity. And finally, between 1966 and 1971, of many places were also renamed, of which here some of these changes of denomination among most important:

Léopoldville became Kinshasa
Stanleyville became Kisangani
Elisabethville became Lubumbashi
Jadotville became Likasi
Albertville became Kalemie
Luluabourg became Kananga

Authoritative expansion

To translate the concept of " a nation politically organisée" in reality, implied an expansion of the control of the State on the Civil society. That started with the incorporation of youth and the workers in organizations controlled by the MPR. In July 1967, the Political office announced the creation of the Jeunesse of the Popular movement of the Revolution (JMPR), one month after the launching of the National union of the Zairean Workers (UNTZA), which put together under only one organization three trade unions of existing pre workers. The goal was, according to the terms of Proclamation of Nsele, was to transform the role of the trade unions of workers of " force confrontation" in " a body of support to the government policy, " becoming thus " a bond of communication between the popular classes and État." In the same way, the JMPR was to operate a major bond between the students and the State. Actually, the government tried to put under its cut the sectors most likely to see emerging an opposition to the mode. By subjecting the leaders of workers and youth to the Political office of the MPR, the mode hoped to enlist the trade-union forces and the students in the machinery of the State. however, he was noticed by many observers which there were not proof that the Cooptation succeeded in mobilizing an enthusiasm for the mode beyond a surface level

The continuation of the control of the sectors social-keys continued. Associations of women were put under control of the party, just as the press, and in December 1971 Mobutu started to cut down the power by the churches. 3 Churches were recognized at the time: the Church of Christ in Zaire, the Church kimbanguist, and the Roman Catholic church. The nationalization of the universities of Kinshasa and of Kisangani, allied with the insistence of Mobutu to remove the Christian names and to install sections of the Youth of the MPR in all the Seminar S, quickly brought tensions with the Roman Catholic church. This one continued until in 1975, date on which, following pressures of the the Vatican, the mode ceased its attacks against the Roman Catholic church which recovered some of its prerogatives as regards teaching. However, in accordance with the law of December 1973, which authorized the State to dissolve " any church or Sect disconcerting or likely to disturb the law and order , of the organizations not - authorized were dismantled and their leaders thrown in prison.

Mobutu was attentive to remove any institution which could support ethnic affinities. Resolutely opposite a political mobilization on the basis of ethnic origin of the people, it prohibits many associations such as l'" Association of Lulua Frères, which existed with the Kasaï since 1953 in reaction to the influence in the area of the rival ethnos group of the Luba S, and Liboke lya Bangala (literally " package of Bangalas"), an association formed in the Years 1950 to represent the interests of the speakers Lingala in the big cities. This in particular made it possible to eclipse the ethnic origin of Mobutu itself. The ethnic tensions reappeared however as the dissatisfaction of Congolese grew.

In parallel with the efforts aiming at neutralizing any source uncontrolled capacity, of important administrative reforms were installation in 1967 and 1973 to increase the influence of the central capacity on the provinces. The main aim of the reform of 1967 was the abolition of the provincial governments, by replacing them by civils servant controlled by Kinshasa. The principle of centralization was then extended to the districts and the territories, with a civil servant dependant on Kinshasa at their head. The only administrative entities which did not fall under the cut from the central government were the communities , the chefferies and the sectors (including/understanding several chefferies ). The unit and centralized State resembled more and more that set up under Belgian Congo, except the fact that in 1972 the provinces took the name of areas

With the reform of June 1973, an additional stage was reached in the direction of an increased centralization. The goal was to carry out a complete fusion between the administrative structures and policies by making to each political official the corresponding section head of the party. Another consequence was that the reform seriously blocked the power of the traditional authorities at the local level. The hereditary traditional authorities from now on not recognized, the authority fell to the only authorities installation by Kinshasa and controlled by official channels. Consequently, the process of centralization had formally éradiqué any form of preexistent local autonomy.

The analogy with the colonial state became even more obvious if one is interested in the introduction of the " civil service obligatoire" in 1973 (known also under the name of the lingala term of Salongo ), and which took the one afternoon form per week for general work of interest, generally in agriculture or development projects. Officially presented like a revolutionary attempt to recover the values of the Communalisme and solidarity inherent in the traditional companies, Salongo aimed to mobilize the population for work collective of general interest, with enthusiasm and unconstrained . But Salongo was in fact a forced labor. The lack of enthusiasm of the population with regard to Salongo led to sharp resistances and a lack of motivation in its execution, which led many local administrators to seek other means of filling their objectives. The fact of not achieving the obligatory services could cause from one to six months of prison towards the end of the Années 1970, and well little Zairean was opposed to Salongo. By recreating one of the most hated aspects colonial mode, the obligatory civil service by no means contributed to dam up the erosion of the legitimacy of the capacity in place.

A relative peace and a stability prevailed until 1978, when rebels katangais, based in Angola, launched a series of attacks to invade Shaba (Katanga). They were évincés with the assistance of para Belgian commandos and French was released on Kolwezi.

During Years 1980, Zaire remained a state controlled by a sole party. Although Mobutu kept the control of the situation during this period, of the opposition parties were active, of which most known was Union for the Democracy and the Social progress. The attempts at Mobutu to counter these parties attracted in Mobutu of many criticisms.

Multi-party system

With the end of the Cold war, the pressures interiors and external against Mobutu increased. Between the end of 1989 and the beginning 1990, Mobutu was weakened by various internal disputes, of criticisms growing of the international community against its mode and its violations of the human rights, its economy in rout and the corruption of its government, and the constraint of the national budget for personal purposes of Mobutu

In May 1990, Mobutu gave its assent with the multi-party system and the division of a capacity resulting from elections free and with the promulgation of a constitution. Whereas the process started with enliser, of the soldiers started plunderings in Kinshasa in September 1991 to protest against nonthe payment of their balances. 2.000 Belgian and French soldiers were sent, of which some brought by American planes, to evacuate the 20.000 threatened foreigners with Kinshasa.

In 1992, after several unfruitful attempts, the national sovereign Conférence awaited so much was finally installation, including/understanding some 2.000 representatives set out again in meadows of 200 party policies generally at ethnic base of ethnic origin. The Conference gave itself a legislative mandate and elected the archbishop Laurent Monsengwo as President of the assembly, and Etienne Tshisekedi wa Mulumba, directing UDPS, Prime Minister. The deputies of this conference then does not hesitate to criticize openly Mobutu, its catastrophic economic management, its personal worship… With the end of the year, Mobutu had created a rival government with its own ministers and Prime Minister. Dice 1991 Mobutu started to support the extreme line katangaise of Nguz and Kyungu to persecute the balubas, marked to have voted for Tshisekedi. Between 1991 and 1995 of the thousands of balubas of Katanga will be dispossessed, driven out in Kasai or will flee in Southern Africa (Zambia, Zimbabwe, South Africa). In this emigration, Zaire will perdera of many intellectuals (doctors, engineers). A government of compromise was finally set up in 1994, integral of the people of the two tendencies under the name of High council of the Republic-Parliament of Transition (HCR-PT). Mobutu was the Head of the State and Kengo Wa Dondo Prime Minister. Although presidential and legislative elections were planned for two years later, they never took place.

In 1996, the tensions with the neighboring state of the Rwanda were accentuated, with the displacement of the confrontations on the territory of Zaire (see Histoire of Rwanda). The Rwandan militia Hutu (Interahamwe), which had flees in Zaire on arrival of the government Tutsi, used the refugee camps established in Eastern Zaire like base camp for incursions in Rwanda. These Hutu militia were united quickly with the Zairean Armed forces (FAZ) for launching attacks against Zairean Tutsi. Those were not long in being organized to counter these attacks. When the Zairean government started to be implied in massacres in November 1996, the Tutsies militia entered in open rebellion against Mobutu.

The Tutsi militia was quickly joined by various groups of opposition, and was supported by several countries, of which manifestly the Rwanda and the Uganda. This coalition, directed by Laurent-Desired Kabila, took the name of Alliance of the Democratic forces for the Release of Congo-Zaire (AFDL). The AFDL, of which the posted ambition from now on was the seizure of power of the country, took the direction of the west quickly, meeting little resistance the first acquired successes at the beginning of 1997. Negotiations intervirent in May 1997 between Kabila and Mobutu, under the aegis of Nelson Mandela, which did not make it possible Mobutu to be maintained with the capacity. The AFDL entered in Kinshasa the May 17th. Kabila autoproclama president, transformed the AFDL of military force into body of management of the capacity and returned to the country its name of Democratic republic of Congo.

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