Three Glorious - SpeedyLook encyclopedia

The revolution of July , revolution French with the favor of which a new mode, the Monarchy of July, succeeds the Second Restoration, is held over three days, the 27, 28 and July 29th 1830, known as the Glorious “Three” .

After one long period of ministerial agitation then parliamentary, the king Charles X tries a constitutional takeover by force by his Ordonnances of Saint-Cloud of the July 25th 1830. Into reaction, a sway in the crowd is transformed quickly into republican revolution. The people Paris IEN raise, draw up barricades in the streets and face the armed forces ordered by the marshal Marmont during combat which make some 200 killed among soldiers and nearly 800 among insurrectionists.

Charles X and the royal family flees Paris. The liberal deputies, mainly monarchists, take in hand the popular revolution and, at the end of the “Hésitation of 1830”, preserve a constitutional monarchy at the price of a change of dynasty.

The house of Orleans, connects junior by the house of Bourbon, succeeds the elder branch and the French give each other a new king in the person of Louis-Philippe I {{er}}, proclaimed “king of the French” and either “king de France”.

Causes of the Revolution of 1830

At the time of the elections of 1827, the liberals become majority at the assembly, and Charles X agree to halfway name a Prime Minister between his opinions ultra and the orientation of the new room. He invites the Viscount of Martignac to form a ministry semi-liberal, semi-authoritative. But, continuing on its impetus, the liberal opposition grows and continues.

The stiffening of Charles X: the constitution of the Polignac ministry

Noting the failure of this attempt at compromise, Charles X prepares, in writing pad, a reversal of policy: during the summer 1829, whereas the Rooms are on vacation, it suddenly returns the Viscount of Martignac and replaces it by the prince de Polignac. Published in the Monitor the August 8th, the new one makes the effect of a bomb. The new Foreign Minister, who quickly seems the chief of the ministry, evokes the worst memories of the court of Versailles - he is the son of the intimate friend of Marie-Antoinette, the very unpopular duchess of Polignac - and of the emigration, during which he was the companion of Charles X in England. At its sides, the count of Bourdonnaye, Minister of Interior Department, is a ultra among maddest, which was announced in 1815 by claiming “torments, irons, torturers, death, death” for the accomplices of Napoleon, while the Minister for the War, the general of Bourmont, is old a Chouan rejoined with before betraying it a few days before the Bataille of Waterloo.

The opposition pushes made indignant clamors: “Coblentz, Waterloo, 1815: here are three principles, here are three characters of the ministry. Turn it on some side which you will want, on all the sides it frightens, on all the sides it irritates. Press, twist this ministry, it drips only humiliations, misfortunes and sorrows. ” elder Bertin, director of the Newspaper of the debates , publishes a famous article which ends in the formula: “Unhappy France! Unhappy king! ”, where it stigmatizes “the court with its old resentments, the emigration with its prejudices, priesthood with its hatred of freedom”.

There is, in this vehemence, a share of setting in scene. Polignac, presented like a fanatic religious bigot obsessed by the divine right of the kings, is actually favorable to a Constitutional monarchy, but considers that this one is not compatible with a Freedom of the press unbounded nor measurement. Several important ministers - Courvoisier with Justice, Montbel with the State education, Chabrol de Crouzol with Finances, the baron d' Haussez with the Navy - are rather liberal. When Bourdonnaye resigns the November 18th when Polignac reaches the presidency of the Council, it is replaced by the baron de Montbel, itself replaced with the State education by a liberal magistrate, the count de Guernon-Ranville.

Nothing makes it possible to affirm that, like claimed it the opposition, Charles X and Polignac wanted to restore the absolute monarchy of before 1789. Actually, they are two designs of the constitutional monarchy, i.e. two interpretations of the Charte of 1814, which clash in 1829 - 1830. On a side the king wants to stick to a strict reading of the Charter: for him, the monarch can name the ministers of his choice and has to return them only in the two cases envisaged by the Charter (treason or misappropriation). Other side, the liberals would like to make evolve the mode with English, to a Parlementarisme that the Charter explicitly did not envisage: they estimate that the ministry must have the confidence of the majority of the House of Commons. This debate will not be sliced besides by the Monarchie of July.

The starting point of the climbing: the Address of the 221

At the beginning of 1830, the climate in France is electric. The opposition is heated to white by awkwardnesses of the ministry. The winter 1829 -1830 was particularly rigorous, and the economy is morose. Bands of pauper wander in the campaigns. Fires of unknown origin, for which liberal and extremists are rejected the responsibility mutually, plunge the Normandy in the fear.

Adolphe Thiers, Armand Carrel, François-Auguste Mignet and Auguste Sautelet found a new daily newspaper of opposition, the National , whose first number appears the January 3rd 1830. The newspaper militates for a parliamentary monarchy, and openly evokes the “Glorieuse English Revolution” of 1688, at the conclusion which the king Jacques II, incompetent to include/understand the aspirations of his people, was deposited and replaced by his daughter, Marie and the husband of this one, William of Orange. Other newspapers like the Earth and Time relay these attacks, increasingly open, against the king and the government, while Constitutional the and the Journal of the debates also defend them, but with more measurement, liberal ideas.

The March 2nd 1830, at the time of the opening of the parliamentary session, Charles X makes a speech from the throne in which he announces the military forwarding of Algiers and implicitly threatens the opposition to control by ordinances in the event of blocking of the institutions. Starting to deliberate, the Room draws up the list of the five names which she proposes to the king for the presidency: Royer-Collard, which is named, followed Casimir Perier, Delalot, Agier and Sébastiani. The deputies approach then the discussion of the project of address worked out by the commission named for this purpose, and which is examined the 15 and March 16th.

An increasingly explosive situation

The decision of Charles X causes a true boiling. Insane rumors circulate. One shows the king and his ministers to prepare a constitutional takeover by force. Others affirm that Polignac, former ambassador in London and friend of British the Prime Minister, the duke of Wellington, considers, in the event of disorders in France, to solicit, with the support of the England, that of the foreign powers if the king would be led to suspend or to modify certain provisions of the Charter.

In April 1830, the count de Montlosier publishes an opuscule entitled the Ministry and the House of Commons , in whom it supports that, if the rights of the king are undeniable being the choice of the ministers: “up to now only, these rights had been exerted with regard to the rooms in a measurement of conciliation and of kindness” and with “processes of regard and care, devoted in any species of constitutional government”, so that “if the king has the right to choose his ministers, it is not to dispute legality only to dispute suitability”. It suggests that the “party priest” could push the king to be legislated by ordinances on the base of article 14 of the Charter to impose “jesuitic elections” in the name of the state security, and calls upon, in similar assumption, a duty of disobedience which is not without pointing out the right to the insurrection devoted by the preamble of the mountain Constitution of 1793: “So by some artifice one came to mislead in this point the religion and the will king, one would not obey. Disobedience in this case would save the State and the royalty. ”

With the Palais Royal, Vatout, librarian and familiar of the duke of Orleans, advises with its Master to exploit the situation with its profit. Number of familiar of the Palais Royal - the general Gerard, Thiers, Talleyrand… - are already persuaded that the Bourbons of the elder branch are lost. But Louis-Philippe tergiversates. In May, it receives in Paris his brother-in-law and his sister-in-law the king François of Deux-Siciles and the queen Marie-Isabelle. It is in the honor of the Neapolitan sovereigns that, the May 31st, a sumptuous festival is given to the Palais Royal where, made exceptional, Charles X fact an appearance. Whereas the king already set out again, the people invade the gardens, that one left opened. The duke of Orleans appears on several occasions with the balcony and is made acclaim by a crowd from where are not long in assembling hostile cries to the king and Polignac. The demonstration degenerates, one puts fire at the chairs of the garden, a beginning of riot whose court makes Louis-Philippe responsible. The young person count de Salvandy, assistant with this festival where “the cries of revolt marry with the music of the fines and the waltz”, according to the formula of the count Apponyi, addresses to the host the famous word, repeated at once in any Paris: “Here is, Monseigneur, a very Neapolitan festival: we dance on a volcano! ”

The detonator: ordinances of July 25th, 1830

At the time of the Council of Ministers of the July 6th, Polignac notes that the government by ordinances, on the basis of article 14 of the Charter, considered long time, is from now on the only recourse. In spite of the reserves of Guernon-Ranville, Charles X slices in this direction as of the following day. Independent measurements are adopted right now: new dissolution of the House of Commons, modification of the electoral law, organization of new elections, suspension of the Freedom of the press. For Charles X, the left, by badgering the ministry, wants to reverse monarchy: thus it would not know to be question for him of returning the cabinet and the government by ordinances is the only means of maintaining the Charter.

Days of July

July 26th: the fermentation of the revolt

Monday July 26th, splendid day of summer, it makes an overpowering heat. The publication of the ordinances plunges the country in a true state of stupor. One expected a takeover by force, but it was not imagined that the king would act before the meeting of the Rooms planned for the August 3rd. The effect of surprise is thus total, whereas the majority of the opponents did not return yet to Paris.

At the beginning of the afternoon, the owners of the Constitutionnel organize a meeting in their lawyer, André Dupin, in addition appointed liberal and lawyer of the duke of Orleans. Y assist some journalists, of which Charles de Rémusat and Pierre Leroux of the Globe , and of lawyers like Odilon Barrot and Joseph Mérilhou. Dupin explains why the ordinances are contrary with the Charter, therefore illegal, but, on the suggestion of Rémusat to write a protest, he objects that the meeting is held in its law firm and could not thus take a political turn. Rémusat and Leroux go then in the offices of the National where journalists are brought together around Thiers, Mignet and Carrel. The newspaper publishes an special edition calling with resistance by the strike of the tax. Thiers and Rémusat propose to raise a solemn protest which is written at once, signed by 44 journalists and is published the following day in the newspapers the National , the Earth and Time :

“the legal mode is stopped, that of the force is started. In the situation where we are placed, obedience ceases being a duty. Today thus, of the criminal ministers violated legality. We are exempted to obey. We will try to publish our sheets without asking for the authorization which is imposed to us. ”

At the same time, the liberal deputies present in Paris seek to organize themselves, but in a still timid way because they fear the reaction of the government. Alexandre de Laborde and Louis Bérard is most active. A first meeting takes place at Casimir Perier in the afternoon of the 26, where find Bérard, Bertin de Vaux, Laborde, Saint-Aignan, Sébastiani and Taillepied de Bondy. Bérard proposes a collective protest, but his/her colleagues refuse to engage. Disappointed, it goes, accompanied by Laborde, in the offices of the National where it joint with the protest of Thiers.

In the evening, about fifteen deputies meet at Laborde, among which Bavoux, Bérard, Lefebvre, Mauguin, Perier, Persil, Schonen. Bérard proposes a collective protest again, but the deputies present conceal themselves with the reason which they are not sufficiently numerous. One restricts oneself to decide to be re-examined the following day at fifteen hours at Casimir Perier who, though obviously embarrassed, does not dare to refuse its living room.

At the same time, some assemblies start to be formed with the Palais Royal, Place of the Carousel, Place Vendôme, under the impulse of the Association of January. One shouts: Live the Charter! With bottom ministers! In low Polignac . Demonstrators recognize the car of Polignac who, in company of the baron d' Haussez, returns to the hotel of the Foreign affairs, then located street New-of-Nasturtiums. Stones are launched in direction of the crew, a pane is broken whose glares scratch Raise, but the coachman manages to enter to the full gallop the court of the hotel whose gendarmes close again the door at once. Calm misleading falls down on Paris which falls asleep in the concern of the following day.

July 27th: riot with the insurrection

July 27th, facing the ordinances, the National , Time , the Earth and the Newspaper the commercial appear without authorization and publish the protest of the journalists. At once, the prefect of police, Claude Mangin, order the seizure of the presses of the four newspapers in question and the parquet floor launches warrants for arrest against the signatories of the protest. Sharp scuffles take place between the police force and the workmen typographers, who fear to lose their employment and will form the hard core of the insurrection.

The sociology of the riot remains a subject of controversies between the historians. For socialist and communist historiography, in the line of Ernest Labrousse, the insurrectionists are victims of the economic crisis and excluded. For others, like David H. Pinkney, they are primarily craftsmen, tradesmen and employees, of which much belonged to the national guard until its suppression in 1827 and preserved their weapon. For Jean Tulard, basing itself on the files of the police headquarter, they are “seasonal workers, without last nor revolutionary traditions masses easily trained by the political students and leaders”.

Leaders, it there of a: for at least a year, republican activists or Bonapartists have prepared the ground. The republicans are only one handle, but active and determined: Godefroy Cavaignac, Joseph Guinard, Armand Marrast, Louis-Adolphe Morhéry, François-Vincent Raspail, Ulysses Trélat, Ferdinand Flake, Auguste Blanqui, etc the Bonapartists, often former soldiers of the Empire are more, but also more discrete, finding themselves within secret societies under the aegis of the Charbonnerie.

At fifteen hours, about thirty liberal deputies meet at Casimir Perier with in the chair their oldest member, the deputy of extreme left Labbey de Pompières which had gone celebrates while requiring, in 1829, the committal for trial of the ministry Villèle. The majority of the deputies present are anxious, and wonder whether they have the right to meet. Bérard, which finds Casimir Perier “remarkable by an extremely marked air of embarrassment and constraint”, proposes once again to write a protest. Villemain suggests a simple letter with Charles X and Dupin, individual protests. After new tergiversations, only Guizot is offered to prepare a project which it will subject the following day. Around seventeen hours, the deputies once more separate without to have solved anything light. Actually, the majority of the deputies do not want any to create the irrevocable one with Charles X and the ministers, and would put up to a withdrawal of the ordinances and a change of ministry.

During this time, the first groups of rioters started to run up against the police force and the gendarmerie in the neighborhoods of the Palais Royal. The first barricades are drawn up by students and workmen of the Association of the patriots of Morhéry. Crowd is exasperated by the advertisement of the nomination of the marshal Marmont, duke of Raguse, with the command of the 1st military division, i.e. of Paris. Like Bourmont, Marmont represents, with the eyes of the people, the prototype of the traitor, that whose defection, in 1814, has constrained Napoleon to abdicate. Pushed by some leaders, the demonstrators badger the troops with blows with paving stones, bricks or pots of flowers. Finally, at the beginning of the evening, the soldiers start to draw. One collects, on the paving stone, the first corpses which the republicans hold up like trophies, to excite large rioters with the insurrection. The Revolution of 1830 starts truly at this time.

July 28th: the popular revolution

In the morning of the July 28th, the center and is capital are roughcast barricades. : 10000 insurgent plunders arms manufacture by singing the Marseillaise . At eleven o'clock in the morning, the ministers, Polignac at the head, come to take refuge at Marmont with the Palais of Tileries. Marmont considers the situation very serious; it sends to Charles X, which is with the Château of Saint-Cloud, celebrates it message:

“It is not any more one riot, it is a revolution. It is urgent that Your Majesty decides means of pacification. The honor of the crown can be still saved. Tomorrow perhaps it would not be any more time. ”

Charles X does not answer but, in the evening, Polignac informs Marmont that the king has just signed an ordinance putting Paris in state of siege: Marmont thus receives the full powerss to crush the revolution. But it has only some 10 000 men, the capital having been dismantled to constitute the task force of Algiers, to send troops in Normandy to try to reassure the population worried by the wave of cases of arson, and to cover the border of North, because one fears disorders in Belgium.

During the day of the 28, the soldiers, badly supplied with vivres and ammunition, are taken with the trap of the narrow lanes of the Paris old man, are sheared barricades, under rains of various projectiles. At the end of the morning, the insurrectionists make themselves main of the Town hall, at the top of which they hoist the Tricolor, causing an intense emotion in the Parisian population. Several times lost and taken again during the day, the building, highly symbolic system, end up remaining with the hands of the insurrectionists.

Talleyrand is in its Hôtel of Saint-Florentin cheese, with the angle of the Place of the Harmony. At five o'clock in the afternoon, its secretary, Colmache, announce to him that the alarm bell that one hears with far means that the people took the Town hall.

“A few minutes still, known as prince de Bénévent, and Charles X will not be any more king of France. ”

During this time, the liberal deputies continue to seek a compromise solution. The general Gerard, appointed Oise familiar of the duke of Orleans, sends discreetly Doctor Thiébaut near the baron de Vitrolles to determine it to make a step near the king in order to obtain the withdrawal of the ordinances. Vitrolles goes to Saint-Cloud in the afternoon and meets during two hours Charles X, which continues to refuse any concession. At midday, the deputies find themselves at Pierre-François Audry de Puyraveau, where one finds in particular for the first time Laffitte and Fayette, which have just returned in the capital. They indicate a commission of five members - Laffitte, Delessert, Perier, the generals Gerard and Mouton - charged with going to negotiate with Marmont to obtain a cease-fire, and adopt the protest presented by Guizot, which charges prudently to the only ministers, shown “to have misled the king”, the responsibility for the ordinances and leaves thus open the possibility of a way out of crisis by the reference of the ministry and the withdrawal of the ordinances.

Around fourteen hours thirty, the delegation of the deputies is received by Marmont with Tileries. The marshal, calling upon the received orders, requires the end of the insurrection like precondition to an order to cease fire, while the deputies claim the withdrawal of the ordinances and the reference of the ministers like precondition to the stop of the riot. The discussion turns short, the more so as Polignac, cut off in a close part, refuses to receive the deputies. Those leave Tileries around fifteen hours. Marmont sends at once a message to Charles X to return account to him and concludes: “I think that it is urgent that Your Majesty benefits without delay from the openings which were made to him. ”, while Polignac sends, on its side, an emissary, undoubtedly carrying the council not to yield an inch of ground. In end of the afternoon, Marmont receives the answer of the king: it invites it “to hold firm” and to concentrate its troops between the Louvre and the Fields-Élysées.

At the same time, the deputies are again brought together, this time at Louis Bérard. They refuse to sign the protest written by Guizot, preferring to let publish the printed text, which they will be able to always repudiate according to the evolution of the situation. It is true that the situation remains dubious. The government launched warrants for arrest against Fayette, Gerard, Mauguin, Audry de Puyraveau, Salverte and André Marchais, secretary of the company “Aide you, the sky will help you”. Thiers left to hide close to Pontoise while Rémusat found refuge at the duke of Broglie.

Jacques Laffitte, which has just returned of its property of Breteuil, is the first to be engaged of the steps near the duke of Orleans. In the Palais Royal, it contacts the secretary of the commands of the duke, Oudard, which transmits to Louis-Philippe, Neuilly, a message promising to the prince that Laffitte will work for him without compromising it, but recommending to him “not to compromise itself while being made take in the nets of Saint-Cloud”. Informed, in the night of the 27 to the 28, by the woman of Taillepied de Bondy that a battalion of the royal guard, quartered with the suburb Saint-Honore, received the order to encircle the castle of Neuilly “to the least movement which could make suppose the intention to mingle duke with an insurrection”, Louis-Philippe spends the night of the 28 to the 29 in old a Orangerie arranged in Magnanerie, which flanks the small castle of Villiers, in extreme cases of the property.

July 29th: triumph of the insurrection

During the night from July 28th to 29th, new barricades were high. The Thursday the 29th, at dawn, Marmont had to concentrate on a tape which goes from the Louvre to the Star while passing by the Tuileries and the Fields-Élysées. In the morning, the 5 {{E}} and the 53 {{E}} regiments of line, which hold the Place Vendôme, pass to the insurrectionists. This double defection involves the collapse of the military device: to clog the breach, Marmont must dismantle Louvre and the Tuileries which, attacked, fall to the hands from the insurrectionists while the royal troops are folded up in disorder through the Fields-Élysées to Star. In the evening, the insurrection is main of Paris and the remains of the royal army gave an opinion in the Bois de Boulogne to protect the castle from Saint-Cloud.

In the small hour, two pars, the marquis de Sémonville and the count d' Argout, go to Tileries to require of Polignac to resign and obtain the withdrawal of the ordinances. At the conclusion of a stormy interview, the two pars on a side, the president of the Council of the other, precipitate towards Saint-Cloud where they arrive at the same time, and are opposed in front of Charles X, while one brings to this last the news of the rout of the troops of Marmont.

Early the morning, the baron de Vitrolles also received via Doctor Thiébaut a new communication of the Gerard general who indicates to him that, from now on, in addition to the withdrawal of the ordinances, the king must return Polignac and entrust to the duke of Mortemart the responsibility to form a new ministry which Gerard and Perier would enter. Charles X accepts these conditions and charges Sémonville, of Argout and Vitrolles to go back to Paris to make known his acceptance.

In the morning, a meeting at Laffitte gathers appointed and journalists. Laffitte sent Oudard to Neuilly to say to the duke of Orleans which it is urgent that it gives an opinion. Fayette announces that it agreed to take the command of the National guard, dissolved in 1827 and who has just reconstituted himself. Against the opinion of the republicans who, with Audry de Puyraveau, would like the creation of a provisional government, Guizot, supported by Bertin de Vaux and Méchin, proposes to form a provisional municipal commission which would be given the responsability to manage the capital in front of the deficiency of the capacities civilian and soldier. This proposal is accepted. Laffitte, which do not want to be confined with a municipal role, and Gerard, which will take the command of the Parisian troops, conceal themselves so that the commission is made up of Casimir Perier, Mouton of Lobau, Audry de Puyraveau, Mauguin and Auguste de Schonen. The commission and Fayette settle in the middle of the afternoon with the Town hall.

After having wasted a considerable time to cross the barricades, Sémonville, of Argout and Vitrolles, started from Saint-Cloud in end of the afternoon, arrive at the Town hall only at eight o'clock in the evening. They are received by the municipal commission and Fayette, which ask for official evidence of the reference of Polignac, that the emissary are unable to provide them. Discouraged, Sémonville will lie down with the Palais of Luxembourg, while of Argout goes, not without difficulties, at Laffitte, where the brought together deputies appear rather favorable to the maintenance of Charles X on his throne with the duke of Mortemart like Prime Minister. At ten o'clock in the evening, of Argout sets out again for Saint-Cloud to go to seek the duke of Mortemart. The deputies indicated to him that they would await it up to one hour of the morning. At one hour and half, it did not return, the meeting disperses, the members of Parliament will lie down. The rioters are then the Masters of the capital. The hour of the compromise solution passed. With it, it is the throne of Charles X who from now on is condemned.

July 30th and 31st: middle-class recovery

July 30th, deputies and journalists enter in scene to recover the popular revolution with the profit of the middle-class, while exploiting the fear. After a few days of hesitation between republic and solution orleanist, the Monarchie of July is finally instituted. The Parisian middle-class rams the pawn with the disorganized republicans.

July 30th: the elimination of Charles X and the republican option

The offensive is launched at dawn Friday, July 30 by Laffitte and Thiers, with the benevolent complicity of Talleyrand which, for some time put on the duke of Orleans to save the Constitutional monarchy. Laffitte receives at his place the three writers of the National : Thiers, Mignet, Carrel. It does not fear the threat Bonapartist, because the duke of Reichstadt is in Austria and the near total of the dignitaries of the Empire is rejoined with monarchy, but it fears that with the ceaseless arrival of the duke of Mortemart, the deputies do not let themselves allure by a Régence together with proclamation of the grandson of Charles X, the duke of Bordeaux, under the name of Henri V. the four men are appropriate that it is necessary to take this solution speed while proclaiming without awaiting the duke of Orleans. Thiers and Mignet write at once a text which is printed in the form of poster in the workshops of the National and is placarded everywhere in Paris so that the Parisian ones discover it with their alarm clock:

“Charles X cannot return any more in Paris: it made run the blood of the people.

the republic would expose us to dreadful divisions; it would scramble us with Europe.

the duke of Orleans is a prince devoted to the cause of the Revolution.

the duke of Orleans never fought against us.

the duke of Orleans carried to fire the tricolor colors.

the duke of Orleans can only still carry them; we do not want of them others.

the duke of Orleans decided; it accepts the Charter as we always wanted heard and. It is of French people that it will hold his crown. ”

It any more but does not remain to neutralize Mortemart, and especially Fayette, carry-flag of the republicans, and to convince the duke of Orleans, which did not reveal its intentions, to accept the crown.

Being Fayette, Charles de Rémusat, which married its grand-daughter, went to probe it with the Town hall in the morning. The choice, says him it, is between the duke of Orleans and the republic. In would the case of the republic, Fayette agree to take the direction of it? The old general, who does not want any to carry the burden of the capacity, conceals himself: “The duke of Orleans will be king”, answers he.

Being the duke of Mortemart, it did not arrive at Paris, accompanied by the count d' Argout, that in the morning. It envisaged to go to Laffitte, then with the Town hall, but it meets on the way Bérard and his/her father-in-law, the general Mathieu Dumas, who announce to him that the deputies who had met in the banker have just separated but that they will be found at midday with the Palate-Bourbon to entrust to the duke of Orleans the general lieutenancy of the kingdom. The duke of Mortemart, which shows him the ordinances which it is carrying, Bérard coldly answers: “Charles X ceased reigning. He is too late, the moment when a treaty was possible passed, he will never return. ” Broken down, Mortemart gives up going to the Town hall and precipitates with the Palais of Luxembourg where Sémonville joined together some even. One of them, the count de Sussy, is offered to go to notify the ordinances with the Town hall after having made some make certified copies: pleasantly accommodated by Fayette, it must flee under the hootings of crowd when this one reads out ordinance.

At the Palais Bourbon, the deputies, brought together at midday, refuse to receive the ordinances by considering that Charles X ceased reigning and indicate a commission of five members to go to discuss with the pars: Augustin Perier, Horace Sébastiani, François Guizot, Benjamin Delessert and Jean-Guillaume Hyde de Neuville. To the Palate of Luxembourg, the deputies explain to the duke of Mortemart that Charles X ceased reigning and that the duke of Orleans east from now on the only rampart against the republic. Mortemart, while protesting that it cannot, as minister of Charles X, to enter such a reasoning, ends up recognizing that the general lieutenancy of the duke of Orleans would seem to him, in the circumstances of the hour, least bad of the solutions. The majority of the pars present opinent in the same direction and Sébastiani is sent to the Palais Bourbon to communicate this deliberation with the deputies.

It any more but does not remain to convince the duke of Orleans than the moment had been just discovered. However Louis-Philippe fears to enter Paris prematurely. In the morning of July 30th, nothing shows that Charles X is completely except play: it is still in Saint-Cloud, has just named a new government, can abdicate in favor of the duke of Bordeaux… The duke of Orleans considers it careful to wait and, in the morning, its Aide-de-camp, the general of Rumigny, prevented it, on behalf of some deputies, until the members of Parliament would like to call it on the throne, but that Charles X could try to make it stop. Also it discreetly leaves its field of Neuilly by Levallois to go in its Château of Raincy, much more distant from Saint-Cloud.

About midday, the deputies meet in the Palate-Bourbon. Seul Hyde de Neuville speaks in favor of Charles X, and they are only one handle to evoke the republic; all the others are favorable to the duke of Orleans, but divide on the conditions of its come to power: some want to proclaim it general lieutenant of the kingdom, while others would like to immediately raise it on the throne.

July 31st: the appearance on stage of Louis-Philippe

Raising to the buttonhole a tricolor ribbon, vêtu of a gray frock coat and a round hat, Louis-Philippe, accompanied by the baron de Berthois, Oudard and colonel Heymes, Neuilly with foot by the grid of the park leaves, around ten hours of the evening and moves towards the Palais Royal. On the way, it stops with the Hôtel of Saint-Florentin cheese at Talleyrand and makes sure of the support of this last. It arrives at the Palais Royal little before midnight and, by an hidden door, will lie down in a room of the apartment of Oudard, not without to have sent to mander the duke of Mortemart.

During this time, Heymes goes to Jacques Laffitte which it draws from his bed at one hour and half of the morning to announce to him that the duke of Orleans will receive the deputies at nine hours in the Palais Royal. It goes then to the Palate of Luxembourg where it arrives around two hours of the morning. It awakes the duke of Mortemart and manages to convince it to follow it at Louis-Philippe. Left around three hours morning, the two men arrive, afterwards many turnings, to join the Palais Royal. Led by Berthois through a maze of corridors and staircases concealed, Mortemart is introduced at four o'clock in the morning at Louis-Philippe, who sleeps on a mattress thrown to very the ground of a small part. It makes a suffocating heat. The duke of Orleans rises, dépoitraillé, without wig, in sweat and outputs with animation a long discourse intended to convince Mortemart of his fidelity with Charles X: “If you see the king before me, concludes it, say to him whom it brought me of force in Paris that I will be made put in parts rather than to let itself pose the crown on the head. ” Then, announcing in Mortemart that the deputies present in Paris appointed it general lieutenant of the kingdom to make stopping with the republic, he asks to him whether its capacities enable him to recognize this nomination in the name of Charles X. Mortemart having answered by the negative one, Louis-Philippe gives a letter intended for the king to him in whom, after having protested of his honesty, he declares that if it constrained to exert the power, he it will only be accepted “temporarily and in the interest of house”.

But, a little later the morning, to Louis-Philippe learns that Charles X, yielding to panic and the discouragement, has just left Saint-Cloud for Trianon. At once, it makes point out the duke of Mortemart and him redemande its letter, under pretext of make a correction there. For Louis-Philippe, at this moment, them as of are thrown: the throne is not vacant, it but does not remain to him any more there to be sat down.

As of nine hours of the morning, after being itself maintained with Méchin, Dupin and Sébastiani, it receives the delegation of the deputies near whom it finasse. He affirms that he cannot come to a conclusion immediately about general lieutenancy because of his bonds of family with Charles X impose “personal duties to him and of a narrow nature” and opinions that he says to want to ask “people in whom he has confidence and which is not yet here”. The operation succeeds perfectly: the deputies beg it to accept, agitating the spectrum of the republic which can be proclaimed at any moment with the Town hall; thus, Louis-Philippe will be able to always affirm that the hand was forced to him, and that he devoted himself only to save monarchy.

Louis-Philippe withdraws himself then with Sébastiani and Dupin with which it writes a project of proclamation which, after some minor amendments, is accepted by the deputies present:

“Inhabitants of Paris! The deputies of France, in this moment at this meeting in Paris, expressed the desire that I went in this capital to exert there the functions of general lieutenant of the kingdom. I did not balance to come to share your dangers, to place me in the middle of your heroic population, and to make all my efforts to preserve you civil war and anarchy. While returning in the town of Paris, I carried with pride these glorious colors which you took again, and which I myself had carried a long time. The rooms will meet; they will warn with the means of ensuring the mode of the laws and the maintenance of the rights of the nation. The Charter will be from now on a truth. ”

Receiving this proclamation, the deputies answer it at the beginning of afternoon:

French

“! France is free. The absolute capacity raised its flag, the heroic population of Paris cut down it. Attacked Paris made triumph by the weapons the crowned cause which had just triumphed in vain in the elections. A usurping capacity of our rights, disturber of our rest, threatened at the same time freedom and the order; we return in possession of the order and freedom. More fears for the acquired rights, more barriers between us and the rights which we still miss.

a government which, without delay, guarantees these goods to us is today the first need for the fatherland. French! Those of your deputies who are already in Paris are joined together, and, while waiting for the regular intervention of the rooms, they invited a French who fought forever only for France, Mr. the duke of Orleans, to exert the functions of general lieutenant of the kingdom. It is in their eyes the means of promptly achieving, by peace, the success of the self-defense.

the duke of Orleans is devoted to the national cause and constitutional. It always defended the interests of them and professed the principles. It will respect our rights, because it will hold of us his. we will secure ourselves by laws all the necessary guarantees to make freedom strong and durable:

the re-establishment of the National guard with the intervention of the national guards in the choice of the officers.

the intervention of the citizens in the formation of the departmental and municipal administrations.

the jury for the violations of the press laws.

the responsibility legally organized for the Ministers and the secondary agents of the administration.

the state of the soldiers legally assured.

the re-election of the deputies promoted with public office.

We will give at our institutions, in.liaison.with the Head of the State, the developments which they need. French

, the duke of Orleans itself already spoke, and its language is that which is appropriate for a free country: the rooms will meet, says you it; they will warn by means of ensuring the reign of the laws and the maintenance of the rights of the nation.

the Charter will be from now on a truth. ”

Signed by some 90 deputies, the act is carried at the beginning of the afternoon with the Palais Royal. But the operation in favor of the duke of Orleans, as soon as known with the Town hall, causes the fury of the republicans. The duke of Chartres, run of Joigny, is stopped with Montrouge and is threatened to be last by the weapons: one needs the personal intervention of Fayette to obtain its release. The municipal commission, in reaction, seeks to transform itself into provisional government, lance a proclamation which affects to be unaware of that of the deputies and names provisional police chiefs at the various government departments.

It is time for Louis-Philippe to go to the Town hall to entreat definitively, with the complicity of Fayette, the republican spectrum. The operation is not without risks, but it is essential. Around two hours of the afternoon, a picaresque procession leaves the Palais Royal: “The duke of Orleans, tells Chateaubriand, having taken the party to go to make confirm his title by the powerful orators of the Town hall, went down in the court from the Palais Royal, surrounded by ninety deputies in caps, round hats, clothes, frock coats the royal candidate is assembled on a white horse; he is followed of Benjamin Constant in a sedan-chair ballottée by two Savoyard. Misters Méchin and Viennet, covered with sweat and dust, go between the white horse of the future monarch and the goutteux deputy, quarreling with the two crocheteurs to keep the desired distances. A drum with drunk half beat the case with the head of the procession. Four ushers served lictors. The most dedicated deputies meuglaient: Live the duke of Orleans! ”

But as the procession, along the quays of the Seine, progresses with difficulty through the barricades in direction of the Town hall, in fact other cries rise of an increasingly hostile crowd: “With bottom Bourbons! More Bourbons! With dead the Bourbons! With bottom the duke of Orleans! ” Arrived at the Town hall, Louis-Philippe, who covered a uniform of the national guard, launches, without managing to slacken the atmosphere:

- Sirs, it is old keeps national which makes visit with its former general!

The feature is accommodated by hostile murmurs: “Fayette Lives! With bottom Bourbons! ” Kissing the old general who advances towards him while limping, Louis-Philippe, seducer, exclaim:

- Ah! It is in consequence of the wound that you received in America, with the battle of Brandywine!

- Ah! Monseigneur, what a memory! extasy Fayette, flattered.

Viennet, appointed of Herault, reads out proclamation of the deputies, which is accommodated by applause when she promises the guarantee of public freedoms. Louis-Philippe answers seriously: “I deplore as a French the evil made with the country and versed blood; as prince, I am happy to contribute to the happiness of the nation. ” At this point in time a rowdy character named emerges Dubourg, placed there by the Dumoulin journalist, pillar of the party Bonapartist. He apostrophizes Louis-Philippe: “It is said that you are an honest man, and like such incompetent to miss with your oaths. I like it to believe, but it is good that you are warned that if you do not hold them, one could make you hold them. ” The duke of Orleans answers with superb: “You do not know me, Mister! You will learn how to know me. I did not give you any right to address similar words to me. I never missed with my oaths, and it is not when the Fatherland claims me that I would think of betraying it. ”

To erase the painful impression left by this scene, Fayette involves Louis-Philippe with the balcony of the Town hall where the two men give each other a theatrical accodance, wrapped in the folds of an immense Tricolor. The brilliant one put in scene turns over the hostile crowd massed on the Place of Strike: the “republican kiss” of Fayette, according to the ironic formula of Chateaubriant, comes definitively to sit Louis-Philippe on the throne.

Louis-Philippe regains the Palais Royal by the Rue Saint-Honore where it receives a more cordial reception, distributing on his way of many handshakes to the idlers: it is undoubtedly one of the first walkabouts of the history. Crowd follows it to the Palais Royal which it invests bruyamment. At the beginning of the evening, when the duchess of Orleans and Misses Adélaïde arrive at the Palais Royal, they find a spectacle which seems to them extremely unpleasant: “We found my husband, tells the duchess, with Mr. Dupin and the Sébastiani general. The two living rooms of its apartment were filled with all kinds of people; the Tricolor floated everywhere; the windows and the walls were bored balls; songs and dances on the place; everywhere an air of disorder and confusion which hurt. ”

Consequences of the revolution of July

Leading, in France, to the foundation of a new mode, the monarchy of July, which consolidates association with the public affairs of the industrial and financial middle-class, the Three Glorious ones are also at the origin of the first revolutionary effervescence in Europe, heralding the “spring of the people” of 1848 but which, except the creation of the Belgium, supported with force by France, does not lead to lasting changes.

Consequences in France

In ten days, Louis-Philippe of Orleans consolidates his capacity, and draws aside any republican threat while Charles X and his family take the road of the exile. Initially designated “lieutenant-general of the kingdom”, Louis-Philippe is recognized “king of the French” the August 9th 1830.

See also: general Lieutenancy of Louis-Philippe of Orleans (1830)

Rupture symbolic system with the past, the monarchy of July takes as emblem the Tricolor blue-white-red. Breaking with the “party priest”, the new mode continues much more laic than its predecessor. The liberals enter in force to the government. But the Charte of 1814 is only superficially toilettée, and the right to vote is only little extended by the electoral law of the April 19th 1831.

Consequences in Europe

The the Holy Alliance, formed in 1815 by the victorious sovereigns was to prevent any revolution in Europe. It had carried out besides several military operations in this direction in the years 1820. But in 1830, England hastens to recognize the Monarchie of July and, after some hesitations, the other sovereigns signatories of alliance - Austria, Prussia, Russia - decide not to intervene and recognize in their turn the new mode.

The French example and the absence of international reaction then cause a series of nationalist movements and liberals through all Europe.

In Germany

In Germany, then without central government, of the liberal movements burst in Saxony, with the Brunswick (7 - September 8th), in Hesse, Rhenish Prussia.

In Brunswick, the reigning duke, Charles II, famous for its eccentricities, and which, the shortly after the Three Glorious ones, had promised to crush in blood any attempt at insurrection, must flee its States at the beginning of September. His/her younger brother, Guillaume VIII, is then proclaimed general lieutenant, then reigning duke.

With the Hanover, the students of Göttingen create a militia which imposes to the sovereign a constitution.

In Germany of the South, the brought together liberals with Hambach (Palatinat), plead in favor of a German Federal republic and hoist the black, red flag and gold of the Burschenschaft, symbol of the Germany news.

In Italy

In Italy, Ciro Menotti founds with Bologna, Parma, Mantoue and in Romagna a series of revolutionary cores with for watchword “independence, union and freedom”.

In 1831, a vague revolutionist shakes central Italy. The Carbonari resident in Paris, related to the liberals who have just made a success of the revolution of July, think that the new French government chaired by Jacques Laffitte will discourage an Austrian intervention in Italy. In Rome, in December 1830, the two wire of Louis Bonaparte, Napoleon-Louis and Louis-Napoleon plot; they are expelled. In February 1831, the Duke of Modena, François IV, must flee; he is the same for the duchess Marie-Louise with Parma.

The February 26th, an assembly of delegated revolted areas proclaims the “Plain Provinces of Italy”. But the new French government chaired by Casimir Perier (March 1831) withdraws his support for the Italians, leaving the free track to an Austrian intervention. The dukes are restored on their thrones. Revolutionists, whose Menotti, are carried out.

With Rome, the pope Gregoire XVI and the cardinal Bernetti restore the absolutism and, in 1832, crush a rising in the Marches and the Légations. Until 1838, Austrian troops will station there to prevent all new movement, the occupying French, n the other hand, the town of Ancône.

With Marseilles, the Italian revolutionist Giuseppe Mazzini founds then the movement Jeune Italy ( Giovine Italia ), association made up of young patriots who proposes to release and to unify the Italy and to found a republican mode there. On the whole, the revolution of 1830-1831 was a failure, but she announces the new Italian insurrectionary movements of 1848.

In Belgium

In Belgium, the awkward policy of the Dutchmen causes the insurrection of Brussels August 25th 1830. The September 4th, the movement develops and receives the support of the Inhabitants of Li2ege. The September 20th, the middle-class guard of Brussels, made of moderated elements, is disarmed by the rioters.

23 - September 26th, the failure of an military intervention Dutchwoman to Brussels pushes radical and moderate to league (“Four Days”). The September 27th, the Belgian insurrectionists stop the troops Dutchwomen in front of Brussels and push back them to the old border of the Austrian Netherlands. The October 4th, it is the proclamation in Brussels of the independence of the Belgium by a provisional government which convenes a National congress for at the end of November.

In Eastern Europe

In Eastern Europe, one attends the scission of the Czech nationalists between conservatives (pro-Russian) and radicals (democratic gathered within the “Matice česká”).

In Poland, the tsar Nicolas I {{er}} of Russia, which wants to intervene against the Belgians in the name of the Holy Alliance, gives the order of mobilization of the Polish troops the November 18th. Opposed to this intervention, the nationalists start the November 29th the Insurrection of November .

See also: Contenu=Voir the article ''' [[Insurrection of November]] ''' in Poland (1830-1831)

The Industry and Minister of Finances Drucki-Lubecki takes the things in hands in order to negotiate with the tsar and to maintain the movement revolutionary in moderate ways: he creates an Administrative counsel. The patriots set up a club, the patriotic Company, of which one of the chiefs is the historian Joachim Lelewel. The December 18th, the Sejm (the Polish Diet) affirms the national character of the insurrection.

The tsar announces his intention to reconquer the country militarily. Rising is violently repressed after the defeat of the nationalists, weakened by the Choléra, with Ostrołęka the May 26th, and the catch of Warsaw the September 8th 1831.

The Russia then subjects Poland to a policy of repression and of Russianization. Poland ceases existing like nation. The Russians undertake a systematic destruction of Polish nationality. The Polish Constitution, Diet and the army are abolished, the private Poles their individual freedoms. The universities are closed, the students sent in Russia, the persecuted catholics. Ten thousand patriots exile themselves towards the Suisse, the Belgium and the France. Bloody demonstrations, riots and reprisals follow one another.

Consequences: synthesis

The French revolution of 1830 and its consequences upset the institutional landscape, neither in France nor in Europe, except for the Belgian case. But for the first time since the years 1790, a wave of popular revolutions crossed Europe. The ideas revolutionary, liberal, nationalist and republican leave there reinforced. The year 1848 sees reproducing the phenomenon, on a vaster scale, under the name of “Printemps of the people”.

Posterity

the Three Glorious ones are commemorated by the Colonne of July which rises Place of the Bastille, in Paris. On a plate, with the bottom of the column, he is written:

“With the glory of the French citizens who armed themselves and fought for the defense of public freedoms in the memorable days of the 27, July 28th, 29th and th 1830”. The barrel of the column bears the name of the victims of the revolutionary days of July 1830.

the October 11th 1830, the new mode decided that rewards would be granted to all the casualties of the Three Glorious ones and created a medal commemorative for the combatants of the revolution of July. In April 1831, Casimir Perier made strike commemorative medals being marked “given by the king” and of which the handing-over was accompanied by an oath by fidelity in Louis-Philippe.

In October 1830, the government presented moreover a bill intended to compensate to the amount of 7 million the victims for the days for July.

the expression Three Glorious was pastichée by Jean Fourastié to indicate thirty years the economic period of expansion going of the Second world war until the Oil crisis related to the Guerre of Kippour: the Glorious Thirty .

References

See too

Belgian Revolution of 1830
Revolt of the Silk workers

External bonds

Place of the Bastille
Revolution of July, article of Inserted.
Texts on the Restoration and the Revolution of 1830 in Cliotexte France.

Sources

Guy Antonetti, Louis-Philippe , Bookstore Arthème Beech, Paris, 2002
Jose Cabanis, Charles X, king ultra , Gallimard, Paris, 1973

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