Socialism

Etymology

Latin word socius , common noun meaning companion, comrade, associate, ally, confederated and adjective meaning joint, linked, associated, combined, shared, divided. . The word socius drift of the verb sequi : “to follow”.

Its first use goes back to the Abbé Sieyès which in the years 1780 evokes a “treaty of socialism” having to speak “ about the goal that the man in company and of the means proposes which it has to reach that point ”. In this transitory use, the word means “science of the company then”.

In its modern direction, the word socialism would go back to Pierre Leroux, which would have employed it in 1831 according to Branca-Rosoff and Guilhaumou and Pierre Leroux itself; or in 1832 in its work Speech with the Policies on the current location of the Human Spirit according to his/her son. In March 1834, Pierre Leroux employs the neologism in a text entitled Of individualism and socialism , published in the encyclopedic Revue . Pierre Leroux asserts his “invention”, which it also defines as “the doctrines which will not sacrifice any the terms of the formula Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité”.

According to some, it would be Saint-Simon which would have used for the first time the word “socialism” in 1827. Others make go up the origin of the word to English socialism (1822) or to Italian socialismo (1803).

Different directions

According to the geographical points of view

The word socialism took different directions according to the countries. It is a semantic slip: it is less the definition of the word “socialism” which differs from country to country (it remains a system opposed to the capitalism, based on the abolition of the private property of the means of production) that the use of the “socialist” adjective. Thus, currently,

In Europe Mediterranean and southernmost , the term “socialism” indicates what would correspond in countries of the German or Scandinavian culture to social democracy. The socialist parties French, Italian, Spanish, etc thus defend a line mainly social democrat.
In the Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon countries , the " term; socialisme" indicate more revolutionary currents and in clearer rupture with the capitalist economy. The countries of the old Soviet block were asserted also socialist. Thus, in English, the term socialist kept a very radical direction. It is used by the extreme-left and has practically the direction of " communiste" without to refer to the history of the Stalinist USSR. Thus, for example, in Scotland, the party Solidarity (Scotland' S Socialist Movement), Solidarity (socialist Movement of Scotland), is a party of extreme-left resulting from the Trotskisme.

According to the political points of view

The word socialism took definitions different according to the political point of view from that which employs it, giving place to several debates which relate in fact to its definition.

Within the socialist movement , a more or less broad definition perhaps given to the word socialism:

a definition Revolution naire or Reformist: socialism can be only the complete abolition of the Capitalisme and its replacement by a socialist company, that is the fact of a revolution or a series of reforms.
a social democrat definition: socialism can be carried out by reforms while remaining within the framework of capitalism, and by compromise (provisional or durable) with the economy " libérale". This vision of socialism, qualified the social democrat one in the current political language, or of " modérée" , is not recognized like truly " socialiste" by the others holding of socialism.

the question of the Soviet mode . The socialism term was used by the leaders of the States Stalinien S (so called " Marxists-léninistes" by propaganda of these modes) to indicate their own mode (see the name of the Union of the Soviet socialist republics). “Socialism” was defined by Leninist theorists like the stage preliminary and necessary towards Communism, the ideal company without classes nor property. This mode was called also at the beginning dictatorship of the proletariat, term given up about 1936 for “triumphing socialism” and then, about the years 1970, “developed socialism”. On the political plan, the use of the word " socialiste" by these modes is denounced by the nonLeninist Socialists and the nonStalinist Leninists. On the historical level, during the Cold war, it was made a rather general use of the term of " camps socialiste" (behind the the USSR and the Warsaw Pact) in opposition to the " camps capitaliste" or " occidental" (behind the the United States and NATO).

the question of the relationship of socialism with the Démocratie also rests it on a difference in definition of the word " socialisme" :

For the academics treating socialism specifically, like for the Socialists, the two concepts are inseparable, socialism being seen as the natural prolongation in the economic order of what is the Démocratie in the political order. According to the definition of Bertrand Russell, “the gasoline of socialism is by definition the claim of the common property of the ground and the capital. The common property can mean the property by democratic State, but does not include the property by unspecified State which would not be democratic. ”.
For certain authors, the concept of “democracy” does not appear in the definition that they give socialism, regarded mainly as an economic system marked by the abolition of capitalism.

Synthetic history of socialism

the origins of socialism are the subject of a debate related to the manner of tackling the subject. While some will attempt to go back the origin to the socialist idea from a philosophical point of view (tonic with certain ancient philosophers such Plato, with the social Utopie S, certain religious or laic movements former to 1789), others will date it with the appearance of concrete demonstrations of a movement identified like socialist .

From the ideological point of view , the analysis materialist locates socialism from the historical point of view for will of the suppression of dominated report/ratio the “/exploitor”, and is placed in the line of the majority of the fights of emancipation since Antiquity: heritage asserted in particular by the Spartakiste S of Rosa Luxemburg. The rationalist French intellectuals of the inter-war period as Paul Valéry referred on the other hand more to Rene Descartes, as a “chief of entreated” the , i.e. according to the formula of D' Alembert and the vision of the Lights, as a first laic thinker .

From the historical point of view , a general consensus of the historians distinguishes two phases in the genesis from modern socialism. The first phase is the fact of thinkers of first half of the XIXe century, with men like Saint-Simon, Robert Owen or Charles Fourier then Proudhon. The second phase takes account of the birth of the term “socialism”, as well as appearance in the middle of the XIXe century of a movement, certainly divided, but which shares great points of analysis. This new movement made thus its appearance at the time of the Industrial revolutions of the XIXe century and found a ground of fight closely related on the modern society of classes (in opposition to the company of the orders), and in particular to the working class. The principal thinker of this second phase is Karl Marx. The constitution of powerful the State-nations starting from the end of the XVIIIe century were also an element of analysis and reflection.

The question of the State and the bursting of the socialist movement

The socialist movement is divided as of its appearance, in particular as for the means of arriving at the socialization of the means of production. The ones estimate that the State is an enemy by his nature even, of which nothing good can leave; others estimate that it is a dangerous but useful tool, provided that one can take control of it, with there still divergences on the method. In a general way, one can distinguish three currents from thought:

partisans of a disappearance of the State long-term, but in favor to make use of it during a phase of transition. In order to organize this disappearance, those which one indicated at the beginning of the XXe century by Communiste S Marxiste S thus preach the accaparation of the levers of being able of the State by the organized proletarians, in a violent way if it is needed, in order to institute dictatorship of the proletariat. The representatives of this current were a long time the Communist parties affiliated to IIIe Internationale. The application asserted of socialism in the countries of the Soviet block after the Second world war was violently criticized by other communist groups, of trotskists type or pertaining to the communist left. Currently, the partisans of this ideology find themselves more in the movements of extreme-left that in the old Stalinist parties, very often associated with the “middle-class” capacity.
partisans of a social transformation being based on the State, by principle by non-violent means (elections, socialist member of Parliament group). Violence is rejected because useless, as long as the phased introduction of socialism produces only good effects which contribute to the movement. This current, a socialist time reformist (where the word “reform” is to be opposed to “revolution”, but still in an analysis Marxiste) gave rise to the socialist parties of government, qualified according to the countries and the traditions of socialist”, “Labor” or “social democrat” parties “. They are heirs to IIe international, taken back after the war in IIe International-(a) then refondée as an International Socialist. The parties claiming itself of this current currently constitute in Europe one of the two political main forces, and direct several countries. They are the left-wing policy main force in the European Parliament.
partisans of the immediate abolition of the State (in the form of working autonomy for example), Libertarian S and Marxist minority of the S, refusing the use of an apparatus of oppression (the State). The Libertaire S defend the Fédéralisme within the working class. The Trade unionism or the Communalisme was one of the means practiced towards the union of the workers, before it becomes subsidized by the “middle-class” State during the XXe century. The Conseillisme constitutes as for him another mode of action towards this autonomy. This third way never succeeds with really weighing on the national political lives, some rare and very transitory exceptions near, always in particular contexts.

In addition, of the militants concrete experiments of Utopian socialism tried, in particular within the framework of colonizations. The practical results of these experiments were hardly convincing, but contributed to nourish the reflection.

Initial cleavages of the socialist thought evolved literally to its bursting in multitudes of ideologies and designs of the company often quite distinct and which recover as well from now on the Extreme-left as the left governmental.

Socialisms today

The political currents asserting socialism today are: Marxist socialism , the Social democracy (either the word " socialisme" such as employee usually in France), and socialisms self-management or libertarian (libertarian Socialism). The Utopian socialism in its manner of considering the company and the report/ratio with the economy did not know homogeneous political filiation, although he was asserted by certain currents Hippie S and that he influenced certain systems of thought of the left not Marxists and in rupture with social democracy (interdependent economy, Alternatifs, Autogestion, Communautarisme of places of life). The thought ecologist in particular, in a certain aspect can be in this filiation.

Various socialist theories

The Utopian socialism

Origins and affiliations

Socialism was also born in the years 1820 - 1830 with thinkers - the precursors - as Saint-Simon (not to confuse it with the Duc of Saint-Simon, memorialist), which fell under the line of the school of the ideologists. Other thinkers like Charles Fourier, Proudhon, and White Louis in France or Robert Owen with the the United Kingdom, considered as the first into practice to put its ideas with the creation of a community of work.

These first Socialists, as Saint-Simon were qualified thereafter utopian by Friedrich Engels. This last reproached them for neglecting too much social reality, the existence of the proletariat and the importance of the class struggle.

The heritage of Saint-Simon will be multiple. Its writings were taken again after its death in 1825 by Barthélemy Prosper Enfantin (polytechnician), to generate the current of the Saint-simonisme. This current underwent rather quickly a “schism” between the partisans of Childish, rather liberals (Prosper Barthélemy Enfantin, and Michel Chevalier), and the partisans of Armand Bazard (polytechnician also), who initiated a scientific socialism. Armand Bazard can be regarded as one of the precursors of the Marxism.

The utopian socialisms never knew succeeded and coherent unification their theories: they gathered several thinkers and experts with the divergent analyzes. However, of the characteristics could be identified to qualify what was the embryo of the socialist thought or in any case the first real and localized reflection on the proto-industrial company and the rise of capitalism. They is generally characterized by the idea of formation of small more or less self-managed communities and organizing, beside the professional life, the social life (residences, social services and cultural, even manners). Multiplication of these community, fraternally federated, having to modify the whole of the organization of the company.

The utopian socialism declined after 1870 when the Marxism was essential like the major ideology of socialism. It however continued through the co-operative Mouvement and of many Community experiments to which one must attach the " libres" mediums; libertarians, more or less durable, more or less organized around work, of personal blooming (Meetings of Contadour of Jean Giono), of values morals (the the Communities of Arch, etc many but often transitory communities Hippie S (1967 in the United States) and inherited the movement of May 1968 constitute the recent form of the old utopian socialism.

Today, the utopian socialism does not exist any more as an asserted theory, except perhaps implicitly by the group “Utopia”, new current internal with the Socialist party French. Also, the analytical step and certain proposals can point out sometimes certain features of the thought ecologist.

Analyzes and philosophy

The utopian socialism preaches the social transformation and the construction of a company ideal, founded on abundance and the equality.

The utopian socialism does not intend to found distinction between the various social classes; she addresses herself to all, which they are rich or poor, exploiteurs or exploited and does not project to be based on a human group, more than on another in its strategy of transformation of the company. Philanthropists, the utopian Socialists turn the whole of their critics of capitalism around its fatal consequences on the development of the man.

The man is before all the product of his family and social conditions, but also of his environment: the company makes the man. In spite of the theoretical construction of ideal companies founded on economic systems and social succeeded (the Phalanstery of Furrier, the colonial Communism of Robert Owen), they regard in a pragmatic way as priority the fight against the hardest consequences of the capitalist economy. They preach inter alia the reduction of the working time. In a general way, the improvement of the living conditions of the workers is the best means of fighting against social evils such as the drunkenness or the need for private charity. In an ideal company, the police force, the prison, the lawsuits, the public assistance do not take place thus any more to be. This rise in the proletariat on the level of human dignity passes in particular for smallest by the existence of crib and an effective education system.

The utopian socialism rests on a very optimistic vision of the man: the man is good by nature, which implies that one can make confidence in his reason to make evolve/move the company and lead to a civilization of the Reason and wellbeing. The construction on paper of these ideal companies has leads to complex and complete intellectual constructions. Experiments of “primitive Communism”, i.e. of community combining a harmonious social organization and the pooling of the richnesses and means of production were carried out and tested in some colonies of the north of America. This type of social organization did not know a real continuation, except perhaps in a form a little different by the means of the Jewish Kibboutz from the Middle East. This vision of small communities in joint ownership and coadministration also recalls another reaction vis-a-vis industrialization: a certain return to the ground and a will of harmony with nature.

The utopian socialism differs from other socialism by its method. He generally does not preach a violent revolution, and does not make confidence in the action of the State. Beyond the many theories, he preaches practical implementation an immediate of socialist companies with small scales (communities) starting from “private” initiatives or “citizens”. The perenniality of the communities, their capacity to survive in a capitalist universe, with perdurer in spite of the personal evolution of the founder constituted the main challenge. The ideal of social modification to large scales by diffusion of the communities and federation of those on a world level then remained on the level of simple dream.

Some theorists

Utopian Socialists:

Gracchus Babeuf
Wilhelm Weitling
Charles Fourier
Robert Owen
Etienne Cabet
Auguste Blanqui
Claude Henri de Rouvroy, count of Saint-Simon
Jean-Baptiste Andre Godin
Flora Tristan

Marxist socialism

Origins and affiliations

The Marxian socialism is a political theory based on the design materialist of the History, and characterized by the objective of the pooling of the means of production and exchanges like by the distribution of the goods equitably to all. This current was mainly marked by the Pensée of Karl Marx, from where the term “Marxisme”. He fights for a world without social classes and oppression.

Analyzes and philosophy

See also the articles: Thought of Karl Marx, Theory of value (Marxism), Appreciation (Marxism) and the : Category: Marxism

The Marxists defend the construction of a levelling company where the men would live happy, without the presence of an economic system exploitor, nor of a authoritative State and “ middle-class ”. The Marxists rest largely on the Social sciences, in particular the Histoire to found their theories. They think that in the Histoire, the economic forces and policies determine the ideas, more than the reverse.

For Karl Marx, the work makes it possible the man to deeply transform nature. Work is thus source of Progrès, but becomes, in the form of the Esclavage, the Servage and the Salariat, a major source of injustices. Work is then painful and abrutissant. This “Aliénation”, with the Marxist direction, indicates the fact that the Prolétaire produces the economic richnesses but does not have them, and that they would be turned over against him in the form of the contempt and violence posted of the having middle-class. For the Marxism, the primary source of this alienation at the time contemporary lies in the Capitalisme, characterized by the private property of the means of production (machines, companies, factories and the capital), the Salariat, the domination of a Social class on the others. The proletarian thus appoints the worker who is obliged to pay itself to live.

The Marxist theory of the value derives from that of traditional liberalism: the value of a good is defined by the quantity of work which it incorporates (theory ricardienne of the value). Indeed, in order to be able to confront the values of the goods, it is necessary to refer to a common and stable unit: however the second property of the goods, their utility, do not have a common value, and cannot thus be compared. It is thus work, the expenditure of man power, which is their common denominator and makes it possible to estimate their relative value.

The labor force, is it even goods, which the proletarian must sell to the capitalist in order to be able to create, using the average materials had by the capitalist (the capital) of the value. The labor force is sold with the price of its exchange value, but what the capitalist gains is its practical value (work itself): like the two values different, it carries out a surplus, that Marx calls appreciation.

The difference between the two values comes owing to the fact that the value of the labor force is defined by a basket of good which allows its reconstitution: at the 19th century, it is acted in fact of the cost of survival (food mainly). This value is that which the workman as wages (W) receives. However it is possible that in one day, the workman provides a work whose value (NR) is higher than that necessary to its own maintenance: it is this surplus of work which the capitalist extorts to him who forms appreciation (PI= N-W).

The rate of appreciation is then defined by PI/W. To increase it the capitalist can:

Cause a drop in W, i.e. wages. This fall for example is obtained thanks to an army of unemployed who makes pressure with the fall on the wages. It produces relative appreciation then.
To increase pi, by increasing the intensity of work or its duration. It produces relative appreciation then.

Finally for Marx, the capitalist system is blocked irremediably and generated more and more goods which it cannot run out any more. Solutions of the Middle-class being the publicity (of which the cost is supported by the purchasers), the creation of false needs, inflation or the war. Also, deterioration on the long run of the Capitalism (inter alia the trend fall of the rate of profit) as well as the exploitation of the man by the man lead the Marxists to imagine a company with a collective ownership of the means of production.

According to the Marxist analysis, the dominant class organizes the company by protecting its privileges as well as possible. For that, it founds the State, the political instrument of its domination: a police force and an army charged to maintain safety and the law and order, the “middle-class” order. Marx also speaks about “the dominant ideology”. In any company, there are certain ideas, certain beliefs and certain values which dominate the social life and cultural. These dominant ideas are produced essentially by the dominant class. Consequently, these ideas mainly express the domination of this class, i.e. justify it and endeavor to perennialize it. These dominant ideas impregnate the spirits, and thus exploited often have a vision of the world going against their real interests. During Antiquity, the majority was persuaded of the natural inequality of the men, from where the Esclavage. Of the Middle Ages, the majority thought that the aristocratic order was wanted by God and indépassable. While extrapolating at the time modern, the majority thinks that the inequalities and the private property of the means of production are “natural”.

If the State is a repressive machine which goes against freedoms, one needs the removal of the State, which would be a condition impossible to circumvent for the advent of a company levelling and right. The deterioration of the State having to pass by several stages:

Seizure of power by the Proletariat: this one either seizes the principal control sticks the State (armed, police force, administration, capital, banks), or removes the State (divergence within the Marxisms on this point).
Then, it is necessary to pass by a phase where the workers hold the whole of the capacity (sometimes called “dictatorship of the proletariat”). This Dictatorship of the proletariat is doubly legitimate according to the Marxisme, because it is the capacity of the old exploited masses, and that it makes it possible to put an end to the division of the company into different Social classes (thus allowing a true equality).
On the Leninist assumption of “the proletarian State”, it is necessary that this last disappears little by little. Only, a very difficult problem there is encountered: how to manage the social life without dominating, how to organize without exploiting? At the bottom, how to carry out a true democracy? For that, Lénine said to take as a starting point the measurements taken by the Commune of Paris into 1871 which were the following ones: all the political representatives of the community were elected by the universal direct suffrage (less political representativeness), revocable at any moment (political mandates being the shortest possible) and were regarded as personally responsible for their actions. Their political loads did not bring any particular advantage to them: the minister having the same wages as a workman.
the final goal is to arrive to an free society, egalitarian and fraternal, removed from the reports/ratios of hierarchy, paid work, States and borders, and of any form of alienation.

Some theorists

Marxist Socialists or marxiens:

The libertarian Socialism (Anarchism)

Origins and affiliations

Anarchism was for a long time an integral part of the international socialist movement, in particular in the first international, of which it incarnated the libertarian tendency. The principal thinkers of this tendency will be Pierre Joseph Proudhon and Michel Bakounine, other thinkers of this tendency will follow thereafter. With the genesis of political anarchism, one finds work pioneers of William Godwin: in 1793, it publishes Enquête into political justice and its influence on morals and happiness , work largely inspired by the French revolution. It proposes there a radical criticism of the company and all shapes of governments which prevent the blooming of the individuals, and who lead them to their corruption. Work of Bakounine is today an important reference of libertarian socialism.

Analyzes and philosophy

Some theorists

Socialistes libertarians

Socialism reformist and the Social democracy

Origins and affiliations

The Social-démocratie is historically resulting from the Marxisme, even if the philosophical and ideological affiliations with this current were broken. The Social-démocratie is recognized in parliamentarism and proposes candidates with the elections. Social democracy initially, at the time of the First World War, gave up the revolutionary socialism to convert with “socialism reformist”. It then gradually, of the years 1950 to 1980, also gave up this socialism says reformist, who kept the objective of the going beyond of the Capitalisme, of the advent of a socialist company and collective appropriation of the means of production. This socialism reformist was to be opposed to the revolutionists, in favor of a seizure of power by the organized proletariat. The reformists defended the support on the organized parliamentary groups and the representative democracy (cf in France Jean Jaurès). The progressive existence of liberal and democratic institutions wanted by the forces of the center-left (democratic, liberal and radical socialists) largely influenced its orientations. The advent of social democracy as an identified ideology was really done with the First World War and the scission with the adversaries of the war, from now on called “Communiste S”, which gathered for the majority within the Third International of Lénine as from 1919.

Social democracy asserts principles of “democratic socialism” as fixed by the Internationale Socialist restored in 1951 at the Congrès of Frankfurt. The modes different of organization of the party and the specific political traditions to each country or geographical area make that these parties take the name of Travaillistes in the areas with dominant Anglo-Saxon, where in fact the working groupings founded the party which would represent them at the Parliament, of social democrats in the countries of Scandinavian or Germanic tradition, where the party set up in center of gravity of a true working against-company and Socialists in the areas with Latin culture or rural majority where the role of the municipal Socialisme is important. It is very important to note that the semantic evolution makes that one uses more and more the term “social democracy” to name majority socialism. This modification of name emerges per hour of European construction and a will for the European socialist parties to forge a common identity, step very largely influenced by the German and Swedish models. The social democracy term is often accompanied by a certain “modernistic” connotation which aims definitively breaking any bond with the Marxisme and at following a policy known as realistic or of accompaniment, marked by a Culture of government for the France where the social democrat term always usually indicated the left not-Marxist and for some countries of Central Europe where the “socialist” word tends to point out the old republics known as Communiste S. the use of the “social democrat” term must be however handled with precaution, more especially as it always indicates with the Portugal political clouts of center-right.

In Belgium, the trade unionist André Renard gave his name to a singular and radical practice of socialism and union action related to the Walloon regionalism but that it subordinates to the trade-union combat, called Renardisme.

Analyzes and philosophy

Social democracy states to set for objective the formation of a company based on the democratic ideals and the equality of all the citizens.

Each individual must be able to be free in his blooming, his choices, his decisions just like it must imperatively be able to weigh on all the levels of the company in which it lives. The Liberté combines two aspects: that not to undergo any oppression and external pressure like the hunger, the ignorance and the fear of the future and that to be able to engage and take part in decision makings which engage the community. The freedom of the citizens supposes their equality. The equality implying that each person can precisely imply herself in the choices of the company and decide her own life in spite of the social conditions and family from which it is resulting. The equality supposes the right to make choices and to follow different trajectories, without these differences not leading to a subordination in the daily life and the company.

Freedom and the equality are at the same time related on the rights of the individuals and the collective solutions of realization of objectives in conformity with the general interest. The man is a social being which develops and opens out in contact with others, and of the whole pieces of what determines the individual wellbeing cannot be created that within the framework of an united action. This shared interest supposing solidarity, Community feeling rising from the awakening of our interdependence.

The company that the social democrats aim at is a company based on the united action, in the respect and the concern of the others. Any citizen must have the same rights and the same possibilities of contributing to the solutions, any citizen has the same duty to assume the responsibility for it. Solidarity does not exclude individual blooming but is deeply incompatible with the selfishness which makes it possible to exploit the others in the name of an personal interest.

For them, any capacity must be based on the community of the people which forms the company, the economic interests not having to pose limits with the democracy: the democracy always has the right to trace the economic framework and to fix the limits of the market. The social democrats must set up an social organization where citizens and individuals must be able to weigh on the group decisions. Each citizen, as paid or consuming must have the right to exert an influence on the fitting and the distribution of the production, the organization and the working conditions. These democratic values must thus govern all the levels of the company so that this one is organized without report/ratio of domination or tender, without differences of classes, prejudices or discriminations.

Some theorists

; Socialists reformists

; Social democrats

Other socialisms

Christian socialism

Ideas of Christian socialism
Christian socialism draws its source from the message of Jesus Christ in the Gospels, in particular the Sermon on the mountain. It is based on the idea of equality between men (equality of the hearts), fraternity between men (all brothers because “sons of God”) and human dignity (the men are made “with the image of God”). He preaches in particular a certain personal detachment of the richnesses and material pleasures (defendants to divert the man of the Good) and helps it with poorest and persecuted.

Christian socialism is expressed mainly through two currents:

a current reformist which counts on the reforms of the company under the aegis of the State. Once raised (mainly within the common fight against the fascime) a certain reciprocal distrust between Christians and socialism, this current was melted in social democracy.
a current associationist, inherited the utopian socialisms, which counts more on the action of the civil society (Association S, Syndicat S) even the installation of an alternative economic system by the initiative of the citizens (Coopérative Community S, experiments and Autogestion, Systèmes of local exchanges).

movements of Christian socialism
“Socialist” attempts (the socialist word is difficult to define before the formation of a capitalist economy) can be raised in dissenting Christian movements fought by the Church with the Middle Ages and the Rebirth, but also in some Ordres beggars integrated in the Catholic church, as private individuals the Franciscains. The colonization of the Latin America by catholic Spain allows the order Jésuites to try a socialist experiment often considered as precursor of the utopian socialism: the Mission Jesuit of Paraguay at the 17th-18th centuries.

At the fine 18th-beginning 19th century, two major events will involve the formation of Christian social currents. The French revolution will align the position of the Catholic church on a preserving line counter-revolutionary (except exceptions such that of the “red priest” Jacques Roux). On the other hand, the emergence of the capitalist economy involves the Catholic church to dispute the Capitalisme on a theological basis (the rejection of the Matérialisme) and practical (the denunciation of the consequences of capitalism on the working condition).

Is born then, in the years 1820-1830, the social Christian current (social Catholicisme and social Protestantisme) which, often to the political Libéralisme as with the Economic liberalism is as well opposed. In France, the most advanced position social movement catholics is represented by the romantic Socialist Félicité on Lammenais (which accepts the heritage of 1789 and will be elected appointed in 1848) and the review the Future (founded in 1830 with Henri Lacordaire and the Count de Montalembert) condemned by the Pope in 1832. Then by the review the new Era , of the Abbot Maret, Frederic Ozanam (founder of the Company of Saint-Vincent-of-Paul in 1833) and Lacordaire (and also Buchez), which claims a taking into account of social misery. Without forgetting social investigation of Alban of Villeneuve-Bargemont celebrates it. They establish social catholic doctrines for which charity will not solve only the social problem, whose solution also passes by basic reforms which integrating Christian humanism into the court of the work world (Right of association, Right to strike, Minimum wage, etc).

Also a true Christian socialist current develops (which fully accepts the democracy) also develops (Philippe Buchez, founder into 1840 of the Workshop (1840-1850) , first working newspaper, Pierre Leroux, the catholic Fouriériste Louis Rousseau), classically classified within the Utopian socialisms, and which will be expressed during the Révolution of 1848, short period of reconciliation of the Catholic church and the working proletariat. This current will influence in particular writers such as Georges Sand or Dostoievski.

Politically wedged between the judgment of the new political theories by the Pope (the Syllabus in 1864) and a European socialist movement increasingly revolutionary and structured by the Marxism (after 1870), the new generation of social Christians represented by Armand of Melun, Leon Harmel or Albert de Mun and its catholic circles working, preaches less one socialism that social reforms (a position close to that of current social democracy). The social Christians however will remain a long time suspect with the eyes of the revolutionary Socialists would be this only because of the often royalist origin Légitimiste of this current, nostalgias of time pre-capitalist and certain paternalist accents: the French Action, of which was member Rene of the Tower of the Pine, the author of Towards a Christian social order , will take a turning monarchist with the influence of Charles Maurras in 1900. There were however bonds between the monarchists and unquestionable socialist revolutionary, in particular with the social War , the newspaper of Gustave Herve.

In 1891, the Pope Leon XIII publishes the encyclical Rerum novarum which in particular recognizes (forward) the concept of right wages and the need for reforms, which will give rise to the current Démocrate-chrétien, being able to hang social forms like liberal forms. From where an expansion of initiatives and associations the such League of the ground Corner and hearth created in 1896 by the Abbot Lemire. In its social form then gradually socialist, the movement is incarnated in France by the Furrow of Marc Sangnier (1894), condemned by the Pope in 1910 and transformed into movement Jeune Republic (1912), which will support the Popular front in 1936. On the other hand, the declared Christians are very few in the socialist movement taking into account the laic tradition of the republican movement. It are however not completely absent, with the image of Charles Péguy.

The Christian socialist current is strong in Great Britain and Germany, with in particular Monseigneur Ketteler which, in 1864, condemns the bronze law of the wages and defends of the workers' associations close to trade unions (in the labor question and socialism ).

To the XXe century, the effort of reconquest of the working world by the Catholic church through the trade unionism (in France, the CFTC created in 1919), the Christian working Youth (JOC), then the movement of the working Prêtres bring to develop a true Christian socialist current. The common fight within movements of resistance antifascists (in France, Italy, Germany in particular) between Christians, Socialists and Communiste S open the way with more daring syntheses.

In France, it is, in the years 1950, the Christians “Fellow travellers” of the French Communist party; Emmanuel Mounier, the review Spirit (founded in 1932) and the movement personalist inspired by an idealistic socialism Péguy; the review Christian Testimony; the Theology of the release born in Latin America of a synthesis between Marxism and Christianity. Then, in France, the participation of the Christians in the “New left” represented by PSU (with for example the figure of Andre Philip), through in particular the CFDT (created in 1964 majority of CFTC), the specialized movements (JAC, CNJA, JOC), of the experiments Autogestion naires (such that of Bearded Marcel, candidate with the presidential election of 1965) open the way with the participation of many Christians in the movement of May 1968 and the new forms of fights for the transformation of the company (Féminisme, ecology, Pacifism with the example of Lanza del Vasto, etc).

Currently, in France, Christian socialism is expressed above all through socialist Christians (of the individuals engaged within the socialist movement), such Michel Rocard and Jacques Delors, for which the religion played a great part in its engagement.

The president Venezuelan Hugo Chavez would also claim Christian socialism: “I am Christian and I think that socialism must nourish the most authentic currents of Christianity. ”

Socialism of the pulpit

The socialism of the pulpit ( kathedersozialismus in German) is current socialism appeared in Germany in second half of the XIXe century. He claimed social reforms impelled by the State and a limited intervention of the State in the economy. This current was born in the university world (from where its name) within the German historical school. It was formalized in 1872 with the formation " union of policy sociale". The economist Leon Walras explains that it is placed, in an intermediate position between the socialism which utilizes too much the State and the manchesterianism which does not utilize it enough. (). Its motivations were due in particular to the criticism of the Individualisme and the wish to make take precedence the interest of the national community over those of the individual. The revolutionary Socialists estimate that it had before very as an objective saving the mode Capitaliste by preventing a true socialist revolution. In fact, the socialism of the pulpit will influence the social reforms of the German chancellor Bismarck. Its principal representative are Gustav Schmoller (1838-1917), Adolf Wagner (1835-1917), Lujo Brentano (1844-1931, which insists more on the role of the trade unions), Werner Sombart (1863-1941).

Socialisms of developing country

In several developing countries, the socialist movement, appearing before the phase of industralisation, found convergence points with elements specific to the traditional cultures.

In Mélanésie . Walter Lini, a Pasteur Anglican nor-Vanuatu, was the principal thinker of the Socialisme mélanésien, approach which tried to combine socialism, Christianisme, traditions Mélanésie and solidarity of the countries of the Tiers-Monde (in particular of Mélanésie). Thus socialism mélanésien must also conceive like a form of Christian Socialisme (see below).

In Africa , of many thinkers - such Julius Nyerere in Tanzania - worked out and reflects in practice socialist theories which were based on traditions of the African people.

In Russia at the end of the XIXe century, the socialism of Populist (Narodniki), rested on small autonomous economic units consisted of the communes of traditional Russian villages, the obshchinaet .

In the Arab world , developed the Arab Socialisme, in particular in the form of the Baathisme.

Criticisms

These points are detailed in the article Critiques socialism.

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