Slavery in ancient Greece - SpeedyLook encyclopedia

The Esclavage was an essential component of the development of the ancient Greek world during all its history. He is regarded by the Old ones not only essential, but still as naturalness: even the stoical or the first Christians will not call it into question.

In accordance with the modern historiographic tradition, this article treats only slave-goods (qualified form of chattel-slavery by the Anglo-Saxon authors) - not of the dependant groups like the Pénestes Thessalie NS, the Hilotes Spartans or the Clarotes crétois with the complex statutes, closer to the medieval Servage . The slave-goods, are to him a private individual of freedom and submitted to an owner who can buy it, to sell it or rent it, like a good.

The study of slavery in ancient Greece poses considerable methodological problems. Documentation disparate and very fragmentary, is concentrated on the city of Athens. No treaty relates specifically to the subject. The legal pleas of fourth century BC are interested in the slave only as a source of revenue. The comedy and the tragedy put in scene stereotypes. It is difficult to distinguish with certainty a slave from a craftsman in the iconographic production or among steles. Even the terminology is often vague.

Terminology

The old Greek has a great number of words to designate the slave, of which much requires a context to avoid any ambiguity. At Homère, Hésiode or Théognis de Mégare, the slave is called δμώς / dmốs . The direction of the word is general, but it indicates more particularly of the prisoners of war taken as spoils. At the traditional age, one names it ἀνδράποδον/ andrápodon (literally “which has feet of man”, in opposition to τετράποδον / tetrapodon , the quadruped, i.e. cattle). In a military context, the term appoints the prisoner as a share of the spoils, i.e. as a good. The word more the current is undoubtedly δοῦλος / doûlos (derivative of the doero mycénien), employed in opposition to the free man ( ἐλεύθερος / eleútheros ) and more particularly with the citizen ( πολίτης / polítês ). The δουλεῖα/ douleia indicates the report/ratio of tender of the slave to his Master, but also that of the children compared to their father or that of the citizens to the magistrates. Lastly, one employs also the οἰκέτης term/ oikétês : literally, “that which lives the house”, by extension, the “servant”.

The other terms used are much less precise and require a context:

θεράπων / therápôn : at Homère, the word designates the rider (Patrocle is thus the therapôn of Achille and Mérion that of Idoménée); at the traditional age, it designates the servant;
ἀκόλουθος / akólouthos , literally, the “following”, “that which escorts”;
παῖς / feed , literally “child”, employment which one can bring closer to that of “ servant boy ”;
σῶμα / summoned , literally “body”, employed in the context of stamping.

Origins of slavery

The presence of slaves ( C-E-ro ) is attested in the Civilization mycénienne. According to the shelves of Pylos, one can identify with certainty 140 C-E-ro . One can distinguish two legal categories: “simple” slaves and “slaves of the god” ( you-O-OJ C-E-ro ), the god being probably Poséidon. The latter are always mentioned by their name and have ground; the law rather treats them like freed. The nature of their subjection at the god and his origin (personal dedication? crowned stamping?) are badly known. As regards the others, some of them, as their name proves it (ethnic of Cythère, Chios, Lemnos or Halicarnasse), were probably reduced in slavery by Pirate S. the shelves show that the unions between slaves and not-slaves are not rare; that the slaves can be independent craftsmen; that they can hold a batch of ground. In fact, it seems that major division in civilization mycénienne does not pass between free and not-free but between dependant on the palates and not-dependant.

At Homère, where the social stuctures reflect those of the centuries known as “obscure”, one observes no continuity with the time mycénienne. Even the terminology changes: the slave is dmôs and either C-E-ro . In Iliade as in the Odyssey , the slaves are above all the women, taken as spoils of war whereas the men are held to ransom or killed on the battle field. They are maidservants and sometimes concubines. There exist some male slaves, especially in the Odyssey : thus of the pig-keeper Eumée. The slave with the characteristic to be full member of the oikos (family unit, household). The term dmôs is not pejorative and Eumée, “divine” the pig-keeper, profits from same the epithet Homeric as the Greek heroes. Despite everything, slavery remains a forfeiture. Eumée itself declares that “Zeus Deafening it takes half of its value/with the man, as of the day when one delivers it to slavery. ”

At the antiquated age, it is difficult to determine when is born the slavery-goods. In Work and the Days (eighth century BC), it appears that Hésiode has several dmôes whose statute is not clear. The presence of douloi is attested among lyric poets like Archiloque or Théognis de Mégare, Solon (v. 594 - 593 av. J. - C.) would have prohibited the slaves from practicing the gymnastics and the Pédérastie. As from this time, the mentions multiply. It is at the time when Solon establishes the bases of the Athenian Démocratie that thus slavery is essential. Moses Finley also notices that with Chios, which according to Théopompe was the first quoted to practice the trade of the slaves, sixth century BC sees also an early democratization. Thus, he, “one of the aspects of the Greek history, it conclude is in short the advance, hand in the hand, of freedom and of slavery. ”

Economic role

Demography

Population

It is difficult to estimate the number of slaves in ancient Greece, fault of precise censuses and because of important variations according to the time.

It is certain that Athens has the most important global population, until perhaps 80 000 slaves with the {{Ve}} and sixth century BC, is on average three or four slaves by household. At the fifth century BC, Thucydide evokes without apensantir the desertion from 20 there; 000 slaves during the war of Décélie, as a majority of the craftsmen. The low lowest estimate of 20 000 slaves at the time of Démosthène corresponds to a slave by household. Lastly, between 317 and 307, the tyrant Démétrios de Phalère orders, a general census of the Attic which ends in the following figures: 21 000 citizens, 10 000 wogs and 400 000 slaves. The speaker Hypéride, in his Against Aristogiton , evokes the project to enlist 150 000 slaves (thus male and in age to carry the weapons) following the Greek defeat of Chéronée (338), which agrees with the figure of Ctésilès.

According to the literature, it seems that the large majority of the Athenians have at least a slave: Aristophane, in Plutus , depicts poor peasants owners of several slaves; Aristote ( Political , 252a26-b15) defines a house as container of the free men and the slaves. Conversely, not of it to have whole is a clear sign of poverty. Thus, in the famous speech of Lysias On the invalid , a disabled person, making call of the withdrawal of its pension, explains: “what I draw from my trade is little of thing; already I have sorrow to exert it myself, and I do not have the means yet of buying a slave who replaces me. ” However, the immense populations of slaves of the Romans are unknown among Greeks. When Athénée (VI, 264d) quotes the case of Mnason, friend of Aristote and owner of thousand slaves, that remains exceptional. Plato (itself owner of 5 slaves at the time of its death), when it evokes very rich people ( République , IX, 578d-e), is satisfied to allot 50 slaves to them.

In terms of density, Thucydide (VIII, 40,2) estimates that the island of Chios is the Greek territory which proportionally has the most slaves.

Dies of provisioning

There exist three principal dies of supply slaves: the war, piracy (maritime) or armed robbery (terrestrial), and international business.

The war

In the right of the ancient war, the winner has all the rights on overcome, that this one fought or not. Control, without being systematic, is current practice. Thus, Thucydide (VI, 62 and VII, 13) evokes them: 7000 inhabitants of Hyccara, in Sicily, made captive by Nicias and sold then (for 120 talents) in the city close to Catane. In the same way, in 348, the population of Olynthe is reduced in slavery; that of Thèbes will be it in 335 by Alexandre Large the and that of Mantinée in 223 by the Achaean Ligue.

The existence of Greek slaves is a source of constant embarrassment for the free Greeks. Also the control of the cities is a very disputed practice. Certain generals refuse there, thus Spartan S Agésilas II or Callicratidas. Certain cities make from the agreements prohibiting the practice: thus, in the middle of, Milet is appropriate not to reduce any free Cnossien in slavery, and reciprocally. The stamping from a reduced whole city in slavery (with the help of ransom) brings a very great prestige conversely: thus Cassandre of Macedonia, in 316, restores the city of Thèbes. Before him, Philippe II of Macedonia had successively reduced in slavery then raised the city of Stagire.

Piracy

The war thus provides to important and regular quotas Greek slaves. The same applies to the Pirate laughs (maritime) and from the armed robbery (terrestrial), whose importance varies according to the times and the areas. Pirates and brigands ask for a ransom when their prey is of quality. When this one is not paid, or if the prisoner is not rançonnable, it is sold to a trafficker. Thus, no free man is not safe from fall in constraint. In certain areas, piracy or armed robbery is true national specialities, that Thucydide qualifies life “with the old manner” (I, 5,3): it is the case of the Acarnanie, the Crete or of the Étolie. Out of Greece, it is also the case of the Illyrie NS, the Phéniciens and the Tyrrhéniens. To the hellenistic time is added to it the Cilicie NS and the mountain people of the coast of minor Asia. Strabon explains the vogue of the activity at Ciliciens by its profitability: Délos, located not far, makes it possible “to run out daily of the myriads of slaves” (XIV, 5,2). The increasing influence of the Roman Empire, large applicant as slaves, develops the market and worsens piracy. With, the Romans will try contrary to crushing piracy, wishing to exploit in a way different the new provinces from the Empire.

Trade

There in addition exists a trade of slaves with the close cruel people: Thraces, Scythian, Cappadocciens, Paphlagonie NS, etc the mechanisms is relatively identical to those of the Traite Blacks: local professionals sell their congeneric to the merchants of Greek slaves. The principal centers of trade of slave seem to have been Éphèse, Byzance or Tanaïs, on the mouth of the Don. So certain cruel slaves are themselves war victims or of local piracy, others are sold by their parents.

There exists little of testimonys on the traffic of slaves, but several elements attest some. Initially, certain nationalities are represented in an important and constant way among the servile population, thus of the Scythian body of archers used by Athens like police force (300 individuals in the beginning, nearly a thousand then). Then, the first names allotted to the slaves in the comedies often have a connotation of place: thus, “Thratta”, used by Aristophane in the Wasps , Acharniens or Peace means “thrace woman simply”.

With the remainder, the nationality of the slave is an essential criterion for the important purchasers: the Old ones advise not to concentrate in the same place too many slaves of the same origin, in order to limit the risks of revolt. It is probable also that, among Romans, certain nationalities are regarded as producing better slaves that others.

The price of the slaves varies according to their competence. Thus, Xénophon estimates at 180 Drachme S the price of a minor of Laurion - in comparison, a workman of great work is paid one drachma per day - but the cutlers of the father of Démosthène are worth well 500 or 600 drachmas each one. The price is also function of the quantity of slaves available to the sale: with, those are abundant and thus good market. On the markets of slaves, a tax is taken by the city on the product of the sale: with the sanctuary of Apollo with Action, for example, the confederation of the Acarnanie NS, which deals with the logistics of the festivities, perceives half of the tax, while the city of Anactorion, on the territory of which the sanctuary is, perceives other half. It is known in addition that the purchaser profits from a guarantee against the “latent defects” of the slave: if this one proves to be sick and if the purchaser were not warned by it, it can make cancel the sale.

The natural increase

Curiously, it seems that the Greeks did not practice the “breeding” of the slaves - at least at the time traditional: the proportion of the slaves born at the house appears rather important in ptolémaïque Egypt or the hellenistic acts of stamping from Delphes. Sometimes, the cause in is natural: the mines make work only of the male personnel. However, the women slaves are numerous in domesticity. The example of the Blacks in the States Southerners shows in addition that a servile population can completely reproduce. This point thus remains relatively unexplained.

Xénophon advises to place slaves men and women separately, for fear they “do not fssent children against wish owners because, if the good servants redouble attachment for us when they are of the family, the bad ones acquire in family of great ways to harm their Masters. Pseudo-Plato, in Economic the , also considers the reproduction of the slaves like a disciplinary means of pressure. More simply, the explanation is undoubtedly economic: it costs less to buy a slave than to raise it. Moreover, the childbirth endangers the life of the mother slave, and the baby is not ensured to survive until the adulthood.

In addition, the slaves born at the house, minority, often constitute a privileged class. One entrusts for example the responsibility to them to take along the children to the school: they are the “pedagogs”, with the direction first of the term (cf education in ancient Greece). It also happens that these slaves are the children of the Master: in the majority of the cities, in particular Athens, the child inherits the statute the mother.

Servile statutes

Old Greece does not have one but several servile statutes. More precisely, there exists a multitude of statutes going from the free citizen to the slave-goods, while passing by the slave-serfs (Pénestes or Hilotes), the citizens downgraded, freed, the bastard ones or the Métèque S.

Moses Finley (1997) proposes a grid of reading of the various statutes:

right to a form of property;
to be able on the work of another man;
to be able to punish another man; legal
right and duties (possibility of being stopped and/or punished arbitrarily, capacity with be party to legal proceedings); family
right and privileges (marriage, heritage, etc);
possibility of social mobility (stamping); religious
right and duties; military
right and duties (to be used for the army like simple being useful, heavy or light soldier or as sailor).

Athenian slaves

In Athens, the slaves do not have any right juridically. An punishable offense of fine for the free man gives place to whiplashes for the slave, with height, seems it, of a blow per drachma. With some exceptions, the testimony of the slave is not admissible, except under the Torture. The slave is protected only as a good: if somebody maltreats it, its Master can bring an action for damages ( δίκη βλάϐης / dikê blabês ). Conversely, if its Master maltreats it with excess, any citizen can continue this last ( γραφὴ ὕϐρεως / graph hybreôs ): it is not a question there of humanity towards the slave, but of the reprobation of any form of excess ( ὕϐρις / Hybris ). The same applies to the murder of a slave: it is the stain of the murderer who is in question. Thus, the suspect is judged by the court of the Palladion, and not by the Aréopage, and pains it envisaged is the exile, as for the manslaughter.

Slaves of Gortyne

With Gortyne, of which the code engraved on the stone dates from the 6th century, the slave ( doulos or oikeus ) is in a state of very broad dependence. Thus, his/her children belong to his Master; this one is responsible for all the offenses of its slave and conversely, it perceives the fines poured by others for offenses made against its slaves. In the code of Gortyne, where all the sorrows are monnayées, a slave sees all the doubled amounts when it commits a crime or an offense. Conversely, an offense made against a slave is much less expensive than an offense made against a free man. Thus, the Viol of a free woman by not-free is struck of a fine of 200 Statère S, whereas the rape of a slave not-virgin by not-free does not lead that to a fine of a mite.

The slave however has the right to have a residence and cattle, which can be transmitted to its descendants, just as his clothing and the objects necessary to his household.

A particular case: constraint for debts

Before the prohibition of Solon, Athens practices the control for debts: a citizen unable to pay his debt with his debtor is controlled to him. They are mainly peasants known as “hectémores”, renting grounds leased with great landowners land, and unable to pour their tenant farming. In theory, controlled for debts is released when it can refund its initial debt. The system, developed with alternatives in all the the Middle East and quoted by the Bible (Deutéronome, 15,12-17), seems to be formalized in Athens by the legislator Dracon.

Solon puts an end to it by σεισάχθεια / seisakhtheia , release of the debts, the prohibition of any credit guaranteed on the person of the debtor and prohibition to sell a free Athenian, including oneself. Aristote thus makes speak Solon in its Constitution about Athens (XI, 4):

Although the vocabulary employed is that of “traditional” slavery, constraint for remote debts because the controlled Athenian remains Athénien, and dependant on another Athenian, in his native city. It is this aspect which explains the large wave of popular discontent with the sixth century BC, which does not intend to release all the slaves but only controlled for debts. Lastly, the reform of Solon lets remain an exception to prohibition to sell an Athenian: the tutor of a nonmarried woman having lost his virginity has the right to sell it like slave.

Stamping

The practice of stamping is attested with Chios as of the 6th century. It is probable that it goes up at the time antiquated, the procedure being done then by oral examination. Stamping abstract are also attested at the traditional period: it is enough to make sure of the witnesses, which leads citizens to free their slave into full stage performance or full deliberation of the court. The thing with the remainder will be prohibited in Athens in the middle of the 6th century, to avoid disorders with the law and order.

The practice becomes more current as from the 4th century and gives place to acts engraved on stones, which were found in sanctuaries like those of Delphes or Dodone. They date mainly from 2nd and the 1st century, as of 1st century a. J. - C. If there exist cases of collective stamping, it acts in the great majority of the cases of a voluntary act on behalf of the Master - a man but also, especially starting from the hellenistic time, a woman. The slave hardly appears to have some say and the women hardly seem to profit from it more than the men. The slave is often held to repurchase itself, for an amount at least equivalent to his commercial value. To be done, it can take on its possible savings, contract a friendly loan ( ἔρανος / eranos ) or to borrow from its Master. Stamping often has a religious nature: either the slave famous is sold with the divinity (very often Apollon delphien), or it is devoted after his stamping. The temple then perceives part of the sum paid in repurchase, and guarantees the validity of the contract. Stamping can also be entirely civil, of the magistrates playing the part of the divinity then and also levying a tax.

The freedom gained by the slave can be total or partial, with the choice of the Master. In the first case, freed is juridically protected from any attempt to again reduce it in slavery, for example on behalf of the heirs to his former Master. In the second, freed can be subjected to a certain number of obligations with respect to its former Master. The most constraining contract is the paramonê , kind of constraint at limited time (often until the death of the former Master) during which the Master keeps almost all his rights on freed.

In comparison with the city, freed is far from being the equal one of a citizen of birth. He is subjected to all kinds of obligations which one can have an idea within sight of those that Plato in proposes the Laws (XI, 915 ac): presentation three times per month in the residence of the former Master, prohibition to become richer than this last, etc In fact, the statute of freed approaches that from the Métèque.

Slaves with Sparte?

The citizens of Sparte have Hilotes, dependant had collectively by the State. One is unaware of with certainty if they also have slave-goods. The texts mention character freed by Spartans (stamping being theoretically interdict for Hilotes) or sold abroad: it is the case of the poet Alcman, of called Philoxénos, citizen of Cythère, which would have been tiny room in slavery at the time of the conquest of its city, then resold with an Athenian, of a cook Spartan which would have been sold with Denys Old the or a king of the Pont or of the famous nurses Spartans, very appraisals of the Athenian aristocrats.

Moreover, certain mentions evoke, about Sparte, of the slaves and of Hilotes, which tends to suggest that the two populations are not recut. In the First Alcibiade , pseudo-Plato, about the richnesses of the Spartans, quotes “the slaves and in particular Hilotes”; Plutarque explains why the domestic activities are the field “of the slaves and Hilotes”.

Lastly, the agreement of 404 av. J. - C. putting fine at the revolt Messénie stipulates that the rebels taken refuge in the Ithômé will have to leave the Peloponnese definitively and precise that whoever being made there take will become the slave of that which will have been seized some. Clearly, the private possession of a slave is thus not illegal.

The majority of the historians thus agree to think that slave-goods are employed in Sparte, at least after the victory of 404, but very few and only in the higher classes. As in the other Greek cities, they can be acquired like spoils or on the market. Lastly, if it is admitted that the Périèques cannot have of Hilotes to their service, they must have slaves well.

Condition of the slaves

It is difficult to appreciate the condition of the Greek slaves. According to the Pseudo-Aristote, the daily newspaper of the slave is summarized with three words work, the discipline and food . Xénophon advises to treat the slaves like pets, i.e. to punish them in the event of disobedience and to reward them in the event of good behavior. Aristote for its part prefers to use about it as with the children, and to resort to the orders but also to the recommendations, because the slave after all is able to include/understand the reasons that one gives him.

The Greek literature abounds in scenes of scourgings of slaves: scourging is a means of pushing the slave with work, just as the granting of food, clothing or rest. This violence can be the fact of the Master, but also of the intendant, however also slave. Thus, to the beginning of the Cavaliers Aristophane introduces two slaves complaining about blue without stop and of the beatings that the new intendant inflicts to them. However, Aristophane itself denounces in addition what is a genuine saw in the Greek comedy:

In fact, the condition of the slaves varies much according to their statute: the minor slave of Laurion knows particularly painful work conditions, while the slave downtown enjoys a relative independence. He can live and work only, realizing payment of a royalty ( ἀποφορά / will apophora ) with its Master. He can thus put money on side, sometimes sufficiently to repurchase itself. Stamping is indeed a powerful lever of motivation, of which it is difficult to consider the width real. The pseudoone goes until deploring the license in which live the Athenian slaves: “as for the slaves and with the wogs, they enjoy in Athens the greatest license; there is not the right there to strike them and the slave will not line up on your passage.

This good alleged treatment does not prevent: 20000 Athenian slaves to flee at the end of the Peloponnesian War, on the incentive of the garrison Spartan stationed in Attic, with Décélie. However those are primarily made up of slaves craftsmen qualified, probably among best treated. Conversely, the absence of great revolt of the Greek slaves, comparable for example with that of Spartacus with Rome, is undoubtedly explained by their relative variability, preventing any joint action of great scale. Force is also to note that, even in Rome or in the States Southerners of the United States, the revolts of slaves were rare.

Designs of Greek slavery

Ancient designs

No ancient author calls into question the existence of slavery - to more are restricted they to admit that certain slaves are it wrongfully. At Homère and the preclassical authors, slavery is an inevitable consequence of the war. Héraclite recognizes as follows: “The combat is father of all, king of all (…) : it returned to the ones slaves, the other free ones”.

At the time traditional the idea of slavery “by nature emerges”: thus, like says it Eschyle, the Greeks “are neither slaves, nor subjects of anybody” while the Perses, as Euripide summarizes it “are all slaves, except one” - the Large King. This latent idea is theorized at the end of by Hippocrates: according to him, the moderate climate of minor Asia produces placid and subjected men. This explanation is taken again by Aristote in its Politique , where it refines the theory of slavery by nature: “The being which, thanks to its intelligence, is able to envisage is controlling by nature; the being which, thanks to its body strength, is able to carry out is controlled and by nature slave”. Contrary to the animals, the slave can perceive the reason but it “is completely deprived of faculty to deliberate”. Plato, itself reduces in slavery then repurchased by one of his friends, gives on the contrary an explicit judgment of slavery in the Ménon while making take part a slave in the philosophical discussion. By there, the statute of this one as human with whole share is recognized, and the essential foundation of slavery is contradicted.

In parallel at the sophists the idea develops that all the men belong to the same race, that they are Greek or Cruel - and thus that certain men are slaves whereas they have the heart of a free man, and reciprocally. Aristote itself recognizes this possibility and argues that slavery can be imposed only if the Master is better than the slave, thus joining its theory of slavery by nature. On their side, the sophists end up concluding that the true constraint is not related to the statute but is that of the spirit: thus, known as Ménandre, “would be free of spirit, although you would be slave: consequently, you will not be any more slave. This idea, recovery at the same time by the stoical and the epicureans, is of nothing an opposition to the system the slavery, which it contributes on the contrary to standardize.

Even in the Utopia, the Greeks hardly manage to think the absence of slaves. The “ideal cities” of the Laws or of the Republic postulate their existence well, just as the Coucouville-the-Clouds of the Oiseaux of Aristophane. The “reversed cities” show the women with the capacity or the end of the private property ( Lysistrata , the Parliament of the women ) but not the slaves controlling the Masters. The only companies without slaves are those of the golden age or Pays of Feast, where the satisfaction of the needs is not a problem. In this kind of company, explains Plato, one collects with profusion without sowing. In the Amphictyons of Télékleidès, the barley bread fights with the wheat bread to be eaten by the men. Better still, the objects are driven themselves: the flour kneads itself and the carafe pours all alone. The company without slave is thus relegated to beyond chronological or geographical. In a normal company, one needs slaves.

Modern designs

At the Modern ones, slavery in ancient Greece is a long time the object of an apologetic speech Christian which allots the responsibility for the end of the system. As from the 16th century, the speech on ancient slavery becomes moralizer: it must be interpreted in the light of colonial slavery , either that the authors rent the civilizing merits of them, or that they denounce the misdeeds of them. Thus Henri Wallon publishes in 1847 a Histoire of slavery in Antiquity within the framework of its combat for the Abolition of slavery in the French colonies.

At the 19th century emerges a different speech, of économico-policy type. It is a question from now on of distinguishing from the phases in the organization of the human society, and of interpreting the place correctly that there plays Greek slavery. The influence of Marx is determining here: for him, the ancient company is characterized by a rise of the private property and the character dominating - and not secondary, as in the other pre-capital intensive companies - slavery like mode of production.

Be opposed soon to Marxist interpretation the current positivist represented by the historian Eduard Meyer ( Slavery in Antiquity , 1898): according to him, slavery is the back of the Greek democracy. It is thus a legal and social, and noneconomic phenomenon. This current historiographic evolves/moves at the 20th century: carried out by an author like Joseph Vogt, he sees in slavery the condition of the development of the elite, in the species the citizens. Conversely, he insists on the possibilities offered to the slaves to incorporate itself with the elite. Lastly, it estimates that the modern society, founded on humanistic values, allowed to exceed this mode of development.

Today, Greek slavery is the subject always of debates historiographic, in particular on two questions. Can one say that the Greek company was slave? Did the Greek slaves form a Social class?

Sources

Pseudo-Aristote, Economic .
.
Xénophon :

Economic ,
On the Incomes .

, Republic of the Athenians .

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