Slavery in Tunisia

This article treats slavery in Tunisia which is abolished the January 26th 1846.

The Tunisia is in a situation similar to that of the Algérie as for its geographical position which maintains it with the variation large Trans-Saharan currents. It however receives caravans of the Fezzan and Ghadamès whose contribution at the 18th century only consists, according to observers of the time, out of powder of Or and slaves. The latter, at the beginning of the next century, arrive at an oscillating annual rhythm between 500 and 1200 of which a part is reforwarded towards the ports of the Raising.

Source

Difficult counting

Although the quantitative information misses for the XVIIIe century, some Recensement S partial carried out starting from the middle of the 19th century allow approximate evaluations of the manpower of the slaves for the worldwide. Lucette Valensi leads to an estimate of approximately 7000 slaves or descendants of slaves for the year 1861 while resorting to the registers on which are mentioned the lists of freed. However, no systematic census of the black population was carried out for several reasons: the abolition of slavery intervened 10 years before the date of the first registers of census of the populations subjected to the mejba (tax instituted in 1856), and, so a good part of these groups dispersed in the various levels of the company escaped the control system. The frequency of collective stampings black slaves at the time of the death of a prince or a princess reveals relatively important manpower. In 1823, 177 slaves are freed at the time of death from a princess. While being based on the advanced figures by the travellers, Ralph Austin establishes average outcome with an overall estimate of 100.000 slaves. For its part, Louis Tool bag, in a letter with Thomas Reade, British consul in Tunis, estimates them at 167.000 in 1848 (free or slaves). With regard to the European slaves, the share of the women is difficult to determine. Certain historians whose Robert C. Davis estimate their number around 10% but these calculations are carried out on the repurchases of slaves. However, the women were seldom proposed with the repurchase. This figure of 10% is all the more to relativize owing to the fact that the slaves were more numerous to come from terrestrial raids and that, at the time of these raids, the women constituted on average 5 people captured out of 8.

It should however be noted that the distribution of the slaves is unequal according to the areas. In the south-east of the country, the proportions are rather high (in particular in the Oasis). Certain villages count a clear majority of slaves like those in the south of Gabès. In Tunis, in spite of the continuous contributions, this group is probably maintained in the proportions of the minority which does not exceed the few thousands. The zones of concentration of the slaves are thus distributed between Tunis, the the Sahel and the south-east of the country. The principal traditional trade associations like the weaving, the Chechia or the Cuir remained reserved for local labor. Work in the trades thus remained a free labor and one cannot attach slavery to needs for the economy. However, in the oases of the Tunisian south, the groups of slaves are employed in the agricultural economics and especially in work of Irrigation. It is besides in the south of the country that are noted survivals of slavery after the abolition of 1846 and until the beginning of the 20th century. Viviane Easter belongs to the similar phenomena: “In the oases, the slave was especially used either as servant, or to dig the well and the irrigation canals. He also worked of sleeping with the rising of the sun and receives in exchange a dish of Couscous. When it becomes chouchane , its statute is that of khammès and it touches a percentage on the Récolte. But its work remains the same one…”

Domesticity

On the other hand, the sources are unanimous on the domestic character of slavery in Tunisia. Indeed, the property of slaves constitutes a mark of notability in the Tunisian city and the almost systematic recourse to one or more slaves for the domestic tasks attests of a tendency pronounced with the contempt of the physical effort, traditionally known characteristic of the aristocratic attitudes. Some practical generalized at the court of Tunis contribute to enraciner this tradition: the princes, since the time hafside and until the beys Husseinites, systematize the use of slaves in the guard of the palates and the recruitment of servants and servants in their harems. The political power, by integrating the slaves in the wheels of the life of the court and by instituting this practice, raises the recourse to the slaves with the row of model to be followed for the whole of the aristocratic mediums living around the capacity and for the town notability.

Policy

Moreover, as notes it the Médecin Naturaliste French Jean-Andre Peyssonnel, the Christian slaves of European origin converted with Islam can even reach high positions with the high position of the State like the Bey S Mouradites, whose founder is originating in Corsica, or of the Ministers for the Dynastie husseinite, like Kheireddine Pasha, which are captured by Corsaire S and are sold on the markets to the slaves of Istanbul. Certain princes, like Hammouda Bey and Ahmed I Bey, are even born mothers slaves.

Other European slaves become them-even corsairs, after their conversion with Islam, and capture other European slaves (by sometimes attacking their own village of origin).

Abolition

Before carrying out the final abolition of slavery, Ahmed I Bey has, the April 29th 1841, a discussion with Thomas Reade who advises to him to prohibit this Commerce. Convinced of the need for such an action, being itself wire of a slave and considered as a prince open to prompt progress to repress any form of Fanaticism, it decides the very same day to prohibit to the Exportation slaves of its meeting with Reade. Proceeding by stages, it closes the market with the slaves of Tunis in August and announces, in December 1842, that any person born in the country is from now on free. To counter any form of dissatisfaction, it obtains as a preliminary Fatwa S of the oulémas. Is this decision made for humane considerations or of economic opportunity, the bey being in the obligation to proceed to budgetary restrictions while being released from its troops of black soldiers at the time when it had begun in sumptuous expenditure caused by construction of a palate close to Tunis?

Total abolition is decided for all the country in January 1846. It does not remain about it less than even if this abolition is accepted by the town population, it is rejected (according to Ibn Abi Dhiaf) with Jerba, at the Bedouin and the Paysan S which need a servile and cheap labor. These resistances will justify the second abolition decided by the French in 1896. This decree indeed promulgates pecuniary penalties (in the form of Amende S) and even of the penal sanctions (in the form of imprisonments) for those which continue to feed the trade of the slaves or to maintain in slavery their servants or their servants. Besides colonial historiography will try to erase the memory of the first abolition and will highlight the second abolition.

After abolition

During second half of the XIXe century, the majority of the former slaves, men or women, constitute an urban underprivileged class vegetating in the small trades or without trade and live in precarious dwellings (fondouks popular faubougs). Often, they are salesmen of bread, travelling merchants, masseurs in the baths Moors, servants or simply vagrants, easy prey for the municipal police due to intoxication or small flights. Up to 10% of the prostitutes of Tunis are former slaves. It is thus following abolition that a process of impoverishment and social marginalisation becomes perceptible with large scales because stamping ensures the legal but nonsocial emancipation of the slave.

References

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