Salvador Allende - SpeedyLook encyclopedia

Family

The ancestors of Allende are Basque S. His ancestors arrived at the Chile during the 17th century, and are distinguished from the other aristocratic families as of first half of the 19th century. The most important member of the family is his large father Ramón Allende Padín, called “are El Rojo”, a radical and large main of the Franc-maçon nery.

His/her son Salvador Allende Castro is also a radical and maconnic. He works as civil servant and Notaire with the port of Valparaíso. He is known for his genius, are '' equip poéticas '' (like his/her father), and his passion for the chilenisation of Tacna and Arica. It Maria with Laura Gossens, woman of a great beauty and intelligence, girl of a Belgian immigrant having lived with Concepción.

The brothers and sisters Allende Gossens are six: Alfredo, Innate, El Salvador and Laura, (these two last deaths in low age) like El Salvador and Laura.

The Allende family is middle-class. Because of the various functions which it had to assume in the public office, his/her father is brought to move regularly with all his family through all the country. Thus, the first eight years of Allende occur to Tacna, which is at the time Chilean. The El Salvador young person arrives in this city whereas it is old only few weeks.

Salvador Allende Castro must take up the lawyer duties of the are Corte de Apelaciones and of secretary of the Regional Intendance. It settles with its family in a rented property located street San Martín at number 238.

Allende begins her studies with the preparatory section of the college of Tacna, directed by professor Julio Angulo. He is regarded as an intelligent and energetic child, according to Zoila Rosa Ovalle, the “mamá Rosa”, the person who keeps Allende during her childhood and her adolescence, and which saw it becoming president. It calls it “are Chichito”, because small Allende cannot pronounce her diminutive corresponding, be-CL Salvadorcito . From there its nickname, “Chicho Allende comes”.

After eight last years with Tacna, the family remains some time with Iquique, in 1918. Valdivia will be its next town of reception. His/her father becomes lawyer of the Council of defense of the State, in 1919. Allende continues her studies with the college of Valdivia, where his/her comrades call it “are pije” and “are sports shirt fino”, because of her social high ranking and her vestimentary interest, in comparison with her classmates.

It turns over to Valparaíso in 1921, when his/her father becomes lawyer with the are Corte de Apelaciones of the aforesaid the city. Allende continues her studies with the college Eduardo of Barra, where it meets Juan Demarchi, old anarchistic shoe-maker who, according to the confidences of Allende, will have on him a fundamental importance. During long conversations, he discovers the importance of the social struggles. However, some estimate that this relation was clearing and that the influence of the shoe-maker on Allende was not also important.

Allende finishes her secondary studies in 1924, then carries out her one one year duration military service to the regiment of Lanceros de Tacna.

It integrates the university of Chile where it studies the Médecine, after having a long time hesitated to direct itself towards the Droit. He lives initially with his paternal aunt, Anita, then in various rooms coeds, while doing small work in order to be able to provide for his needs. After this relative precariousness, the “pije” finishes its studies with a general average of five over Sept. Its thesis doctoral of 1933, are '' mental Higiene there delincuencia '', was published in 2005 per Editorial CESOC of Santiago of Chile. In 1940, it Marie with Bussi Hydrangea of which he will have three girls.

Political life

It is in 1929 that it enters the political life by supporting the Avance group. He becomes vice president of the FECh in 1930. However, the opposition which it expresses with certain ideas of the group during the months which precede the fall by the dictator Carlos Ibáñez del Campo make it exclude from the group. After that he becomes a student leader, which often carries out it in detention. Whereas it is locked up, it learns that his/her father is dying because of the advanced state of sound Diabète. Because of the health condition of his father, it will be authorized to leave the prison what will enable him to see it during its last moments.

After this dramatic event, Allende finishes her named thesis mental Higiene there delincuencia (mental hygiene and delinquency) and finds a work stable, although it forces it to spend much time to go from hospital in hospital, until it becomes assistant in anatomical pathology of Hospital Van Buren.

In 1933, it takes part in the foundation of the Socialist party of Chile from which it organizes the section of its birthplace. It will remain during all its life member of this political party. Two years later, it adheres to freemasonry. The political life of Allende will not stop before the September 11th 1973. Parallel to its political life, he is director of the medical association of Chile of the Boletín Médico de Chile in Valparaíso. He is also member of the national directory of this organization, which becomes in 1935 Boletín Médico de Chile and organizer of the Revista de Medicina Social of Valparaíso.

He engages much near the Popular front, and integrates the Socialists into the pact thanks to a general Congress carried out in 1936. Allende quickly becomes president of Frente Popular in Valparaíso. In its party he becomes regional chief (1933), section secretary (1934) and secretary of the regional committee of Valparaíso (1937 - 39).

Its party names it candidate with the sixth departmental regrouping of Quillota and Valparaíso, thus electing two other Socialists. Its parliamentary life starts with the petition addressed to the president of the Room by which the seventeen socialist deputies promise and do not swear, petition which was accepted. Like deputy, it takes part mainly in the realization of various relative bills to the social problems.

During the presidential campaign of Pedro Aguirre Cerda, Allende is designated to direct the countryside in Valparaíso. It gives up its functions of member of Parliament to join to thirty and one years the government of Aguirre Cerda as Ministre for Health, of October 1939. The same year it publishes a text named the realidad médico social, which shows the importance of the Social medicine. It shows there clearly that the level of health of a given population depends on its socio-economic level. Whereas it begins its ministerial career it Marie in 1940 with Hortensia Bussi Soto.

Among successes which can be to him charged as a Minister for Health, according to his report/ratio of 1940 to the Congress, one can quote the installation of the production and the distribution of drugs against the venereal diseases, the reduction of the number of deaths related to the Typhus, the allowance of two million pesos in the centers of public health, extension of the dental service in the schools and installation of university canteens for the students. A few months after the socialist party left the Popular front, Allende withdraws ministry, and assumes the post of vice-president of the are Caja de Seguro Obrero Obligatorio .

In 1943 it obtains the position of secretary general of the socialist party. It occupies this station as from June 1944. In 1945 it is elected senator of Valdivia, Llanquihue, Chiloé, located in the area Aisén and the area of Magallanes. In 1953, he becomes senator de Tarapacá and Antofagasta. In 1961, of Aconcagua and Valparaíso. In 1969, its 1969, finally, it becomes again senator de Chiloé, Aisén and Magallanes.

Allende becomes known and popular in Chile. In 1961, its enemies in the party, tried to eliminate it from the political life by sending it in the districts from Valparaíso and Aconcagua, where it is impossible that it can gain in theory. Indeed the votes of the left are controlled by Jaime Barros, Communist and doctor of the poor, which keeps his place carefully. Allende gains the station with a companion of countryside. They have sufficient the votes so that both are elected. Her adversaries being jealous, Allende must in 1969 face “are to it matadero electoral”: Chiloé, Aisén and Magallanes, where nobody thinks that he will be elected. But it gains the elections easily.

Allende represents the symbol of moderated socialism, while arriving in 1966 at being appointed president of the Senate. Even the newspaper El Mercurio , of preserving tendence pays homage to him.

During the years when it is parliamentary, it will be presented by three times like candidate to the presidential election. It is presented for the first time to the presidential election in 1952, by obtaining 5,45% of the votes because of a division of the Socialists. That made it possible Carlos Ibáñez del Campo to be elected president of the republic. He prohibits Communism.

In 1958, Allende is presented once again in the form of a candidate to the presidential election of alliance Socialist-Communist FRAP (Frente de Acción Popular), obtaining 28,5% of the votes. This time one allots the rout of Allende to the participation of a populist candidate, Antonio Zamorano, which cost him part of the votes of the popular sectors.

In 1964, it is for the third time candidate with the presidential election where it represents the FRAP. It very quickly becomes clear that the election will be summarized with a race between Allende and the Démocrate-chrétien Eduardo Frei Montalva. By fear of the triumph of Allende, the electorate of right-hand side which supported in theory the member of the radical party Julio Durán will defer his vote on Frei which is regarded as the least sulfurous of the two favorites. Confronted with two of the three principal parties of the Chilean political spectrum, Allende loses the elections with 38,6% of the votes compared with 55,6% for Frei.

The presidential election of 1970

Economic context and policy of Chile in 1970

The economic situation of Chile is then problematic, with a Inflation which reaches 35%.

The line is divided.

the outgoing government of Eduardo Frei, in favor of the “revolution in freedom”, concluded a program clearly reformist which include the legalization of the country trade unions and an increase in the budget of education. Eduardo Frei, which could have been a rival of weight, cannot be constitutionally presented for a second mandate.
the Christian-Democrats see in Radomiro Tomic, former ambassador with Washington, their ideal candidate. This one is in favor of a policy more directed on the left still than that of Frei - Allende goes even until saying that certain items in the program of Frei further go than it his - and the line does not show any desire to support it.
In ten months of the elections, the national Party chooses like candidate Jorge Alessandri, a former president who had already overcome Allende before.

The left is initially divided into several parties going of the socialist party of Salvador Allende with five other parties among which is the Communist party of Chile. For this last, the program of Allende - Land reform, Nationalization of the Industrie of the Cuivre and improvement of health - does not go further that presented by Radomiro Tomic. Salvador Allende, conscious that the possibilities of victory are stronger at this time than ever, is of all her weight to forge a coalition of the lefts which can demolish the divided lines. Thus, with popular Unité (UP) with Salvador Allende like chief candidate is born the .

Allende tested difficulties of being made recognize like the candidate of the Unidad Popular (new alliance Socialist-Communist, as well as other left parties of less importance). Its three preceding failures do not plead in its favor and were often proposed by its adversaries within the party. Nobody believes in his “vía chilena Al socialismo” (Chilean way towards socialism). It manages nevertheless to gain the internal elections, mainly because of a great number of undecided and blank votes and thanks to the support of the Communist party (which supported Allende more than her own party).

It is however constrained to sign a pact of government which specifies that if it would gain the presidential elections, the administration of Chile would be divided between Allende and the parties of Unidad Popular, represented by a committee including/understanding a representative of each party signatory. This implied that Allende renoncait de facto with her prerogatives of president of the Republic since it could not act without the agreement of a committee whose decisions were caught only unanimously.

The electoral campaign and the election

The presidential campaign of 1970 at difficult summer but without major violence. The first surveys give victorious with the absolute majority Jorge Alessandri Rodríguez, candidate right-wing. But its countryside worsened little by little, mainly because of its great age and its diseases. It is shown senility and to suffer from the Parkinson's disease. Its own campaign director decides not to set up meetings of importance, except at the end of the campaign, in order not to show the age of the candidate.

Some of the victory of Alessandri, her partisans violently reacted when in an interview of El Mercurio one asked to the General Commander, Rene Schneider which would be the attitude of the army if no candidate obtained the absolute majority. Schneider affirmed that it would be subjected to the congress, according to what is established in the Constitution and that the army would follow to the letter the legal text. (It will be the base of " the Schneider doctrines). " alessandristes" accommodated this declaration with anger because the tradition was to choose as chair that which had the relative majority.

The candidate of the Christian democratic party, Radomiro Tomic, was located rather on the left of his party, which had made him lose the votes of the voters of center-right who had given the victory to Frei in 1964.

The the United States, did not find useful to support an anti-Allende candidate, primarily because according to their information, Alessandri was going to gain the elections of September. Although financial means is allocated indirectly to support Alessandri by the means of the company ITT (International Telephone & Telegraph) (approximately: 350000 USD), it do not have there a possible comparison with the sums which were given during the program of Frei, when there was an electoral assistance.

The September 4th 1970, at its fourth attempt, the candidate of the popular Unit, Salvador Allende, arrives at the head of the presidential election with 36,29% of the votes and precedes the conservative Jorge Alessandri (35,76%) and the Christian democrat Radomiro Tomic (27,95%). The alessandrists are afraid of the Socialist government, whereas the allendists and the Christian-Democrats express their joys in the street.

This electoral score does not mean however yet that Allende becomes new President Chilien. Indeed, if no candidate obtains absolute majority, it is of use that which arrives at the head of the poll is confirmed by the Congress then dominated by the Christian-Democrats and the conservatives.

American plans

With Washington, Richard Nixon orders to prevent that Allende becomes president. the CIA sets up two plans to prevent that Allende takes her functions thanks to the vote of the Congress, planned for the October 24th), which will be known like the Track One and the Track Two :

the Track One (also known under the name of “gambito Frei”) aims to make elect Alessandri by the Congress. Once elected, this last would give up its load and of new elections where the line would support then Eduardo Frei would be organized. However, this plan did not function. Cd. and the UP arrived at an agreement after the victory of Allende and one reveals the existence of a secret pact between the two left-wing candidates (Tomic and Allende). In this pact each one gives up the victory of the other if the differences in votes are higher than: 5000, and that of Alessandri only if it is higher than: 100000 votes. Finally, to grant its support at the time of the vote of the Congress, the Christian Democrat requires the promise that Allende will respect the constitution and fundamental freedoms, notwithstanding the fact that the Socialists had declared themselves in favor of a revolutionary state at the time of the congress of Chilan in 1967. The Track One which has not been able to function, it remained to be folded back on the Track Two :

the Track Two consisted in creating an political instability such as the Chilean armed forces intervenes and cancels the elections. The general Roberto Viaux undertook to set up this plan. Sedition within the Chilean army was favoured of coordination with the movement of Patrie extreme-right-hand side and Freedom. October 22nd, 1970, the chief of staff Schneider, likely to be opposed to a coup d'etat was seriously wounded by these seditious elements carried out by the general Roberto Viaux, at the time of an attempt at removal. Although its driver brought it in a military hospital, it was going to die the October 25th.

The day before, the October 24th, with 10:39, the Congress starts to vote. The president of the senate is Tomás Pablo. There are 195 members of Parliament. At the end of the vote the spokesperson of the senate, Pelagio Figueroa, announces: Salvador Allende Gossens, 153 votes; Jorge Alessandri Rodríguez, 35 votes; in white, 7 votes.

Tomás Pablo closes the session by declaring this: “According to articles 64 and 65 of the Political Constitution, the Congress proclaims president of the Republic of Chile for the period ranging between on November 3rd, 1970 and on November 3rd, 1976 the citizen Salvador Allende Gossens. The session finishes”.

Presidency

The first year

The November 3rd Allende takes her president's functions of the Republic following the vote of the National congress. Then it will celebrate to cathedral Al Te Deum oecumenical by all the churches of the country.

This day (on November 3rd), Allende names her Prime Ministers, who occupy the following functions:

Interior: Jose Tohá, PS (Left socialist)
Foreign affair: Clodomiro Almeyda, PS
Economy: Pedro Vuskovic, independent
Property: Américo Zorrilla Rojas, PC (Communist party)
Education: Mario Astorga, PR (Radical party)
Justice: Lisandro Sandpapers, API (Popular Action Independent)
Défense: Alejandro Ríos, PR
public Work: Pascual Barraza, PC
Agriculture: Jacques Chonchol, MAPU (Movement of popular Action Unit)
Grounds and colonization: Humberto Martones, PSD (Left social democrat)
Work: Jose Oyarce, PC
Health: Oscar Jiménez, PSD
Mineraie: Orlando Cantuarias, PR
Habitat and town planning: Carlos the Cortes, PS
General secretary: Jaime Suárez, PS

Become the first president elected democratically on a socialist program, Allende does not have the parliamentary majority. It then decides to control by decree, which avoids to him passing by the Parliament whereas working militia are constituted in the cities and the campaigns to maintain a revolutionary legitimacy. Thus the great land reform is set up and that multiple companies and companies are requisitioned or nationalized (including nine banks out of ten and the mines of copper which represent the three quarters of exports).

Supported by the Christian United States, conservative opposition and democrats are unable to stop the reforms of Allende in spite of their common domination within the Parliament. Strike of Truck neurs, which paralyzes the country whereas its economy already is very weakened by the reforms of Allende, is financially constant by the CIA. In 1972 the steps of the empty pans start by which the housewives express that they do not have anything any more to cook.

The price of the Copper - principal Chilean export falls from approximately 1/3 of 1970 with 1972 whereas the copper mines were nationalized without compensations. This variation of the courses is allotted to the United States by the partisans of Allende. The value of Chilean exports decreases, while those of the imports increases (+ 26%). The majority of the ministerial positions relating to the economy are held by Communists, the economic policy of the government leads to a strong inflation. The Chilean company is in crisis, the largely weakened mode of Allende and the Parliament in frank and irreversible opposition to the president.
Pourtant, the popularity of the government increases a little since the legislative elections of 1973 bring to him 43% of the voices compared with 57% to the plain opposition (in lower part from the 60% which would have enabled them to relieve president Allende legally as they had the intention of it).

The CIA has the role of destabilizing the Chilean mode so “feeding a favorable climate with the coup d'etat”. William Colby, director of the CIA of 1973 to 1976, affirms in its memories, that seven million dollars was spent by the American power station of information to this end. The movement of the strike of the truck-drivers which paralyzes the country in October 1972 is financially constant by the power station. Reacting to the nationalizations carried out by the government of Allende, several American firms whose ITT assists their in this strategy.

Even if serious doubts are expressed, there does not exist any element making it possible to affirm that the United States directly took part in the coup d'etat itself of September 11th, 1973. If the Nixon administration were magic blow of 1973, the report/ratio of the Commission Church, in 1976, concluded that the United States had not had a direct role in the event. Kissinger affirms in addition that operations American, one should not lose sight of the fact that he was the principal coordinator, were finished since 1970.

In March 1973, the Christian democrats and the conservatives obtain together 57% of the voices to the legislative elections whereas the popular Unit of Allende obtains her best score, putting it safe from a dismissal if the opposition had obtained 60% of the voices and the seats.

During the summer 1973, multiple strikes and insurrections threaten the stability of the country whereas Allende declares: “If the revolution cannot pass in flexibility, it will pass in force. ” The August 23rd 1973, president Salvador Allende, names Pinochet general-in-chief of the armies following the resignation of Prats.

The governmental play

This plan is the work of Pedro Vuskovic, who sets up the policy going towards socialism. This project is envisaged by Unidad Popular to arrive at the “socialism at Chilean” which consists of these following points:

First of all the State Nation sorb-apple key points of the economy of the country (i.e. copper, agribusiness industry, the campagnie air main road and industry sivicultrice). Then, it wishes to accelerate the Land reforms, to freeze the prices of great consumption.

One also wishes to increase by 40 to 60% the wages of all the workers, by paying them with special tickets.

Lastly, one wants to establish a new constitution and to set up only one room representing the people.

After its election, Salvador Allende, called “ the comrade chair ” (“ El compañero president ”), launches out on the Chilean way towards socialism (“ It via chilena Al socialismo ”) with:

the wage increase from 40 to 60%
the nationalization with large scales of certain industries (in particular the Copper, principal export of Chile),
the reform of the health system,
the freeze prices,
the reform of the system of education, continuing the reforms undertaken by its predecessor Eduardo Frei Montalva,
of various measurements such as a free milk program for children (at a rate of a half liter of milk per day and baby),
an attempt at land reform,
a new “income tax” is created,
a moratorium on refundings of the foreign debt and the suspension of the payment of the debts near the international creditors and the foreign governments.

There with the financial plan, one finds a traditional mechanics met by many Socialist governments: the wage increase without increase in the production absorbs the currency resources of the country then weakens the currency and generates inflation, symptom which one seeks to neutralize by the price control without being able to solve the evil which is an insufficient production taking into consideration wages fixed by decree. The financing of the nationalizations when those are compensated increases the phenomenon. This financial collapse and the incompatibility of the purchasing powers with the production available generate an economic collapse good more quickly and surely that the slow one and putative revival by the consumption which these reforms are supposed to impel.

Some of decisions taken by Salvador Allende aim to support popular classes against middle-classes and higher, which demobilizes those, which moreover are plunged in fear of completely lose their standard of living by the prospects for collectivism, and are plunged in fright to see to be established a Communist regime with its crimes of classes.

One attends paradoxical situations: the Bidonville S, whose provisioning is taken of load directly by the government, are for the first time in a more or less acceptable situation, whereas the remainder of Chile is plunged in the crisis.

During all her mandate, Salvador Allende clashes politically with the Chilean congress, the Christian Democratic party and the national Party. The Christian democrats made countryside on a platform of left to the elections of 1970, but they evolve more and more to the line during the presidency of Salvador Allende, forming thereafter a coalition with the national Party (of right-hand side). They fear that Salvador Allende carries out Chile towards a dictatorship of the innate type Cuba and to several its more radical reforms are opposed.

Indeed, as of the advent of Salvador Allende to the capacity, the secret services cuban (the General Dirección of Inteligencia or DGI) intervene in force to consolidate the position of Allende (as they did it later for the Grenade or the Sandinistes). The agents of the DGI were in load of the safety of Allende. The cuban chief of station of the DGI Shine of Ona even Marie with the proper girl of Salvador Allende, Beatrice. The DGI organizes an international brigade and coordinates the action of thousands of gauchists who immigrated in Chile right after the election of Allende (energy of the cuban agents of the DGI to the suppliers of weapons and the Soviet military advisers , Czech and North-Korean and while passing by orthodoxe executives of the Spanish and Portuguese Communist parties).

Salvador Allende chooses for bodyguards the cuban special services. The Marxists of the MIR, members of his coalition, multiply the attacks and the political assassinations. Salvador Allende launches out in increasingly radical socialist policies.

In 1971, following a one month visit of the Cuban president Fidel Castro, with which it maintains a narrow friendship, Salvador Allende announces the re-establishment of the diplomatic relations with Cuba, in spite of a convention previously established by the Organization of the American States specifying that no nation in the Western hemisphere would do it (only exception being the Mexico, which refused to adopt this convention).

Salvador Allende and its adversaries with the Congress are mutually on several occasions shown to undermine the Chilean Constitution and to act in an antidemocratic way.

The methods used by Salavador Allende are often considered to be illegal and anticonstitutional. Thus Salvador Allende diverts an article of the constitution allowing to nationalize a company if that Ci necessary to the country and is threatened of disappearance: the trade unions which are favorable for him start recurrent strikes, and he issues their nationalization. Chilean justice, in particular the Supreme court, give him wrong to many recoveries, but it does not implement these legal decisions, estimating that its socialist revolution justifies that he is only judge of their (not) - application.

Also some, increasingly many, claim an intervention of the army Chilean, apolitical, in order to “protect the Constitution”.

The United States fears a communisation of Chile. The administration Nixon starts to exert economic pressures on Chile via multilateral organizations and continuous to support the adversaries of Allende to the Chilean congress. Since 1971, the United States ceases their assistance in Chile and discourages the international investments. The United States supports the democratic opposition and goes until financing strikes of Chilean truck-drivers, in order to paralyze internal transport of the country.

The program of the popular Unit

For the leaders of the Radical party, the program is the following: “Only apart from the capitalist system the possibility of a solution for the hard-working class is”. This also should be added, “the Radical party is socialist and its fight is directed for the construction of a socialist company”. Lastly, “We accept the historical materialism and the idea of the Class struggle like means to interpret the history”.

(Declaration approved at the time the 25e national Convention of the Radical party in 1971).

For the Socialist party:

“Revolutionary violence is inevitable and legitimate. It is the result necessary of the violent and repressive character of the State-class. It constitutes the single way which leads to the seizure of power political and economic and with its defense” Moreover “It is possible for the government to destroy the bases of the capitalist system of production. While creating and by widening the surface of social property at the expense of the capitalist companies and the monopolistic middle-class, we will be able to make them leave the economic capacity”; and “the middle-class State in Chile cannot be used as a basis for socialism, it is necessary to destroy it. To build socialism, the Chilean workers must dominate the middle-class to seize the total capacity and exproprier gradually all the private capital. It is what is called dictatorship of the proletariat. ” (Convention of Chillán of 1967).

Salvador Allende confirms itself this political vision in a discussion with Régis Debray where he declares that the signature of the pact of respect of the Constitution is only one concession tactical.

Division of the Chilean company

Radomiro Tomic and its party the Christian Democrat, approaches first of all with the program Unidad Popular. However, it moves away from there because of the assassination of the ex minister of Frei, Edmundo Pérez Zujovic, by the VOP (Vanguardia Organizada del Pueblo) of extreme left, in June 1971.

To this the bad electoral results are added, the attacks of the press of State and the increase in violence.

The Christian Democrat thus approaches the PN (Partido Nacional, of right-hand side). Their first common acts relate to the election of deputies with Valparaíso, where the Christian democratic candidate gains with the support of the PN.

Quickly is set up a constitutional charge against the Minister of Interior Department Jose Tohá because of her responsibility in the many acts of violence touching the country. These charges are installation by the PN against the ministers; cd. delays but ends up joining the charges of the PN.

Allende names Tohá with the ministry for the Interior, at the station of the ministry for Defense. This act is regarded as provocation for the Congress, but legal and inobjectable. Alliance DC-PN is set up against Unidad Popular. There are many demonstrations against the policy of the government, which gives place to true battles at the time of the elections between the demonstrators and groups of left.

From the point of view of the Right, cd. and the line approve a constitutional reform (Hamilton-Fuentealba project), which defines the three key points of the economy and sets up " trabas Al estatizador plan of Unidad Popular, dejando sin efecto tired estatizaciones there requisiciones efectuadas idiot anterioridad Al filo ley". The president is against this project, and the insistence of the room to approve it creates a legal conflict of great width which proceeds during the government of Allende.

Political violence extends. The Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR) intensifies its violent activities, and the PS (Socialist party of Chile) makes the decision of a radical socialism, directed by the senator Carlos Altamirano. These political parties (the MIR and the PS) give to be able it Allende and follow the ideology of Che Guevara on the class struggle.

The extremists already acted by assassinating Pérez Zujovic. The workers start to arm themselves in order to defend their ideas, giving rise to the “ cordones industriales ”.

On this occasion, the government denies the use of the police force to control these actions (in the event of catches of factories and the radios of the opposition), being in general, fairly merry towards these acts. The reason of ello be that Élos that realizan estas acciones its gente del' Unidad Popular , which defends socialism. Allende the regaló with the chief of one of the Argentinian revolutionists fugados in Chile (and from there, with the visit of the government in Cuba) a gun, “ Pa' that you defendái ” and a message: He even does not go on its way, but ildoit to be conscious of its acts.

The same government is seen taken in a business of illegal importation of weapons since Cuba. While arriving at the airport of Santiago, a cuban plane not envisaged moved immediately towards the presidential residence of Tomás Moro, with weapons coming from GAP ( Grupo de Amigos LED President ).

In which relates to it right, the fascistic group Patria Libertad , whose leader is Pablo Rodríguez, intensifies there its acts of Terrorisme S. Of the demonstrations for or against the government often take place, often leading to confrontation violent one between the two parties. The terrorist brigades started to set up a climate of intolerance. The groups Cleaned Parra (communist) and Elmo Catalán (socialist), clashes Rolando Matus (National Party). These groups clash between militants, preferably, between young extremists.

With regard to the economy, the growth ceased increasing. An unorganized emission of tickets made its first victims and inflation settles. The country enters in economic recession, the real wages drop, the deficit arrives at 25% of the PGB (Produced general gross) and the foreign debt increases to 253 million American dollars.

The raising of prices creates a “black-market”, where the product sales are set up whose price is sometimes multiplied by ten compared to the official prices. This black-market and the bad economic situation causes the disappearance of basic food consumables. This creates long lines of waitings to obtain products with ration coupons. The currency exists, the wages are raised, but there is no way to spend legally this money.

To face these tests, the Socialist government sets up the desabastecimiento , by creating the JAP ( Juntas de Abastecimiento there Precios ), which would be a point of discordance between “los momios” (adjectival applied to the right-wingers) and “los upelientos” (adjectival applied to those which support the government). One showed the JAP to support the governmental businesses and thus to be opposed to the right-hand side.

The harder line resistance to summer, with the support of the press of opposition. The newspapers El Mercurio , Segunda , Will plow for the third time It of Hora , Las Últimas Noticias , Prensa , Delays It and Tribuna unceasingly attacked the government. This last newspaper (pertaining to militants of Partido Nacional), by titles scorning the Socialist government: “MIRicones atacaron has mujeres” ; “¡ Allendista! Asesinó has otro camionero” ; “Nunca handles a president contó idiot tanto fervor popular unido in a solo grito: ¡ That vaya! ”, etc

For its part the press of left is not let make, and benefits from all the occasions to discredit the adversaries (for example, by writing EP-Ene penis in Spanish instead of PN ). Newspapers like Nación (governmental newspapers), Tired Noticias de Última Hora (of the socialist party), El Siglo (of the Communist party), El Clarín and Puro Chile (supported by the Communist party). Titles like: “Frei, espía of los EE.UU.” ; “¡ Chúpense esta, momios!” ; “Senado will ampara has ladrones alimento”, etc

With regard to the other means of communication, the situation is not better. Students of left of the university of Chile take Channel 9 of Télévision, property of the University. They used it as platform to express their remarks. The students who refuse this irrefutable fact, set up rudimentary of way the Channel 6, which was destroyed later by brigades coeds of left.

Channel 9 receives attacks, destacándose the ocasión in, intentando cortar tired comunicaciones LED channel, maniataron amordazaron has a trabajador there that encontraba in el lugar, muriendo por asfixia. El crimen lo realizó el criminal estadounidense Michael Townley, that haría aún más famoso por los asesinatos of Prats there Letelier lasting el Régimen Militar.

One showed the priest Raúl Hasbún, director of Channel 13 of the Catholique university, to direct and protect Townley (which appeared false thereafter). One showed it of “assassin” and “Satan Hasbún”, this last correspondent with an important person of the adverse chain.

The opponents and the contractors rose against Papelera, company saddle jib crane of paper. With this nationalization, the opposition is afraid which the government can control the press of right-hand side and prevent from saying its claims. Aquí trataba of a intento of ahogo financiero para estatizarla, because the workers of Papelera denied to want enter in the economic mode suggested by the government.

The serious economic situation and the fear of the nationalization of the companies, bring the Agrupación de Dueños de Camiones directed by León Vilarín, idiot el apoyo of otros gremios, to carry out a national strike movement in October. That will worsen the distrution through the country. This strike is to finance by the CIA, which conspired to leave the government Allende, with the assistance of newspapers of opposition like the El Mercurio . Opposition plegó to the mobilization, taking engineers, lawyers, odontólogos, doctors, profesoreurs, students and much of others, thus keeping the virtually paralized country.

The truck-drivers sent their demands for a movement which will be known like “Pliego de Chile”, where they ask the end of radical closings of the trade, of the single bank, the return to the service of printing works and other similar requests.

Unemployment is maintained with the installation of the members of Fuerzas Armadas to the ministries: the commander-in-chief of the Army, Carlos Prats, of the Interior; against admiral Ismael Huerta with public Works, and the brigadier general Claudio Sepúlveda direct the Mines. This cabinet lasts until the parliamentary elections of March 1973.

Crisis and Coup d'etat

After 3 years of Socialist government, political cleavages are radicalized. A violent destabilization campaign of the government carried out by the opposition calls small, but the however influential one, middle-class “to overcome the destroying Communism of Christian Chilean ground civilization”.

The strong political opposition does not make it possible Salvador Allende to apply her economic program. The most elementary food products have suddenly missed. The production fell of 10% each year after the Nationalization S. the Inflation is very important (500% in September 1973). Economic retortions of the United States worsen the economic collapse of Chile. The trade are unstocked and vis-a-vis the shortage and with the regulatory constraints, the Black-market flowers.

Part of the population, in particular of the young people and workmen, goes down in the street and reaffirms its support for the popular Unit. The elections of March 1973 are a victory for the opposition which collects 55% of the voices but it is insufficient to make it possible to vote the dismissal of Salvador Allende whose party obtains 43,4% of the voices, her best historical score.

The June 29th, the regiment armor-plated N°2 under the orders of the colonel Roberto Souper is raised and tried without success to take the presidential palace. One raises 20 victims, including 18 civilians.

The August 23rd 1973, in an approved resolution with 81 votes against 47, the Parliament requires of the authorities and the armed forces to put an end immediately to the chaotic situation in which the country is.

In answer, Salvador Allende names the general Augusto Pinochet at the post of commander-in-chief of the armed forces and decides to call the people with a Plébiscite to decide on her fate. It would thus obtain with the snatch the agreement of its party the September 10th.

The September 11th, 1973, at 9 o'clock in the morning, the presidential palace is besieged by the army under the command of the general Augusto Pinochet. The presidential palace is bombarded by aviation. During the coup d'etat, Allende addresses last once to Chilean to the radio where he thanks his partisans and announces his intention to fight until death.

It is in the palate that Salvador Allende dies finally of a shooting of AK47 in the chin. An anecdote specifies that the weapon which has was used for its suicide had been offered by Fidel Castro, and carried a gilded plate on which one could read: “With my El Salvador good friend, on behalf of Fidel, which tries by different means to achieve the same goals”.

the official thesis which will be recognized by the family after having had access to the files of the State is that of the suicide. This version was confirmed by the ocular testimony of one of its doctors.
Much of Marxists, in the fire of the immediate declarations of Fidel Castro showed besieging them to have killed Salvador Allende. More recently, certain authors, basing themselves on documents déclassifiés by the CIA, questioned this version and now privilege the assumption of an assassination, in particular since the publication of a report/ratio of the American Senate for which, according to an internal communication sent since the head office of the CIA in its agents in Santiago, the instruction to consider the possibility of an assassination followed by a history of suicide to mask it would have been considered.
According to an anecdotic version, it would have been assassinated by its bodyguards cuban whereas it was apprétait to go. This assassination would have been ordered by Fidel Castro.

A military dictatorship settles then, directed by Augusto Pinochet. Repression begins for the partisans of Allende or suspectés such: the national stage is used as prison with open sky for: 40,000 people: 27,500 people will be tortured and at least: 2,279 assassinated or carried disappeared or carried out summarily (According to the Rettig report/ratio from 1991, the number of victims of the military junta is of: 2,279 victims including 641 died “under not elucidated conditions” and 957 missings. The Chilean Commission on the political prison and torture in the Valech report/ratio of 2004 enters: 33,221 arbitrary arrests and case of tortures between 1973 and 1990, of which: 27,255 for political reasons. Lastly, approximately: 200,000 people exiled themselves).

Heritage and debates

More than thirty years after her death, Salvador Allende remains a discussed figure. Its premature death before the end of its mandate leaves the place to the speculation as for what would be occurred of Chile if it had been able to remain in function.

Salvador Allende east frequently referred to concerning the question of knowing if a Socialist government elected forever in an democratic election. The communist sympathizers affirm that it is the case and regard the plurality of Salvador Allende as a mandate for Communism. The anticommunists support the opposite, asserting that Salvador Allende had had a policy much on the left than the voters could not have envisaged it, resorting to anticonstitutional methods, and violating its written commitments undertaken in precondition of its nomination by the Parliament to the head of the government in the tread of the elections where the left had obtained only a little more than one third of the votes. During this period, the party of Salvador Allende forever reached the majority of the votes, seeing her score increasing with the elections which followed its accession to the capacity until reaching 43,4% of the votes cast with the legislative elections of March 1973, a few months before the economic collapse of the country and the crisis which was concluded by the Coup d'etat.

Salvador Allende is often regarded as a hero by the left. Some even see it as a Martyr died for the cause of the Socialisme. Its face even was stylized and reproduces like symbol of the Marxism, similar to the famous images of Che Guevara.

In 1999, according to the preserving newspaper El Mercurio, more half of Chilean stated to have an negative opinion of the mandate of Salvador Allende.

Role of the United States in the coup d'etat

The the United States have impelled for several decades a policy of Endiguement vis-a-vis the subversive, revolutionary aimings or terrorists of the Marxist movements, the KGB and now of Cuba, in Latin America. The Cold war in this continent where the the United States have a strong influence takes to the form of infiltrations, subversions, attacks, of terrorism of mass, guerillas, of coup d'etat, dictatorships military and of dénoyautages.

The US government is alarmed at the Chilean political situation under Salvador Allende, who gathers all the characteristics of a walk towards a communist totalitarianism, according to an orchestration having official sides and occult sides: forced march towards socialism resorting to violations of the Chilean constitution, political infiltration of the police force, Marxist terrorism, interlacing with the military forces castrists. Salavador Allende, developing a narrow friendship with Fidel Castro, obtaining an close guard made up of cuban special forces and multiplying the social references to the German Democratic republic seems to indicate, or makes fear that it transforms into a few years Chile in dictatorship of model castrist, which could also let suppose the political platform of the Chilean socialist party, resting on dialectical and a one phrased violently Marxist, adopted at the time of the Congress of Chilan in 1967. During three years, the government states-unien tries to limit the reforms of Salvador Allende in particular the land reform and the nationalization of the companies.

The nature of the intervention of the United States in the Coup d'etat which deposited Salvador Allende remains prone to debates. It is known that the United States played a part in the Chilean policy before the coup d'etat, but their degree of participation in the coup d'etat in itself is discussed. The recently displaced documents tend to show that the government of the United States and the CIA had sought to reverse Salvador Allende in 1970, just before it is elected (“Project FUBELT”), by causing the incident which removed the life with the Commander-in-chief of then, the General Rene Schneider, but the charges of their direct participation in the coup d'etat of 1973 are not attested by official documentation accessible to the public; many potentially relevant documents remain always classified.

In 1975, the Church Commission, of which the goal is to clear up the question of the abuses the American information agencies, wonders in particular about the implication of Henry Kissinger. If this last denies a direct participation in the coup d'etat, he recognizes however the support of the United States for the opposition parties for Salvador Allende.

The CIA was informed by its Chilean contacts of the imminence of this coup d'etat during the two days which preceded it, but question “to have played some direct part that it is in” the coup d'etat.

After Pinochet seized the power, the American Secretary of State Henry Kissinger would have said to the president Richard Nixon that the United States “did not do it” (referring to the coup d'etat itself) but which they “created the best possible conditions”, including by carrying out economic sanctions.

Allegations of anti-semitism

The book of Victor Farías, philosopher and Chilean professor of the Instituto de América Latina with the free University of Berlin, Salvador Allende: Anti-semitismo eugenismo caused there many controversies about the thesis of Allende 1933 entitled " Mental hygiene and délinquance". About this book, Farías explains that Allende supports racist remarks, homophobes and anti-semites… In a book published in May 2005, under two different titles, in Spain ( Salvador Allende: countered los judios, los homosexuales there otros " degenerados" ) and in Chile ( Salvador Allende: antisemitismo there eutanasy ), the academic Victor Farias shows Salvador Allende to have been a anti-semite. Victor Farias is the author of a discussed book ( Heidegger and the Nazism , 1987) showing the work of the philosopher Heidegger to be entirely related to his support passed for the Nazisme.

Its book on the Chilean president must leave to France under the title Allende, the hidden side: Anti-semitism and eugenism with the editions Jacques Grancher, which announce it for March 2006. In April 2006 the Spanish Foundation President Allende submitted to the Court of justice of Madrid an action for libel against Farias and its editors.

The allegations of Farias rest on ten lines mentioning race contained in the report of 156 pages written in 1933 by Allende, then 25 year old medical student. The reading of this memory, titrated mental Hygiene and delinquency , watch that makes Allende of them quotes the scientistic theories of the time there on the diseases, of which those of the Italian Cesare Lombroso. The charges of Farias were disputed by the Foundation President Allende, which published several documents in pdf on Internet, of which the report itself, the original text of Lombroso, a letter of protest of Allende and others with Adolf Hitler after the Nuit of crystal, and the letters exchanged in 1972 between Simon Wiesenthal and President Allende in connection with the war criminal Nazi Walter Rauff. In France, the psychoanalyst Elisabeth Roudinesco criticized the methods of Farias in a platform with Libération .

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