Roberto Farinacci

Roberto Farinacci (Isernia, October 16th 1892 - Vimercate, April 28th 1945) is a politician and Italian journalist. He was secretary of the Parti national fascist.

Youth

Wire of a police chief of public safety, the family settles in north with Tortona in the Piedmont then with Crémone. At 17 years, It leaves the school to enter the railroads to Crémone where there will remain 12 years.

It is initiated very young person with the Politique and it deals with the reorganization of the country Syndicat socialist. Meanwhile he collaborates in the He Popolo d' Italia of Benito Mussolini. After the First World War, in which it takes part like volunteer, it gives up the socialist group of Leonida Bissolati to approach the fascistic movement . This same year 1919, it creates with Benito Mussolini and other faithful Italian Faisceaux of combat ( Fasci Italiani di Combattimento ).

Other font indicates that the diploma was given on a purely honorary basis, and probably extorted with the assistance of violences of the squadrists.

The rise in the party

In 1921 it is elected with the House of Commons and it works with Achille Starace for a large campaign of Propagande in the Trentin-Haut-Adige. In 1922, it creates the newspaper Cremona Nuova which in 1929 will be called “the Fascistic Mode” ( It Mode Fascista ).

Farinacci, known like the Close-cropped of Casement bolt, organizes the party in the rural areas of the Plaine of Po, and becomes the representative of the line extremist and brutal associated with the agrarian movements of the north of Italy, encouraging the violence of the Squadrismo at the point to be, on several occasions, repudiated by Mussolini, because of politically inappropriate excesses which damage the image of the party.

In August 1922, it is present at Parma to counter the Arditi del Popolo, it will be replaced by Italo Balbo on order of Benito Mussolini, it will be a failure.

Bludgeon and castor oil and more still

In parallel and in a similar way, Dino Grandi becomes a rising figure in Romagna and it is already a leader Squadrismo in the area: the two characters would quickly have found in competition for the supremacy of the violent line of the movement initially then party then. Therefore Grandi undertakes a work on itself and he becomes a fine diplomat as well as a manager of the Foreign policy Italian, Farinacci prefers to be dedicated to the leadership and the management of this vast component; some put forth the assumption that the change of step of Grown is the result of an agreement between the two characters possibly supported by Duce (Grown, recently, had definitively joined, recognizing to him the command as a chief of the movement).

The squadrismo, of the remainder, joins well the blood character of Farinacci, and for this reason it is distinguished always more within the party, being associated, as well at the fascists as at the opponents like the leading vendor of bludgeons and castor oil which marked the repression of these times.

Violences squadrists that Farinacci promotes from now on openly, associate his name with the homicide of Giacomo Matteotti in 1924.

Advantages of the Matteotti offense

It does not miss conjectures concerning the participation of Farinacci and it is suspected of a direct involvement and operational in the sequestration and the elimination of the socialist member of Parliament (he was also the defender of Amerigo Dumini, one of the accused of the lawsuit), the political consequences will relate to it very near. After having met it, Mussolini asserts the political responsibility of the homicide by explaining at the time of its famous speech to the room of deputies the recognition of the squadrismo, and admitting openly that Fascism considers and does not deny any more that its political violences belong to the means of action of the party.

Many is appropriate that such a recognition of the Squadrismo supports the introduction of the Dictature, and thus that the open crisis situation with this offense is solved with the advantage of the party, it is not easy to say if this offense aimed this outcome expressly. Farinacci is remunerated as secretary of the Parti national fascist (station that it occupies in 1925-1926), and with the admission in fact to the group of the most important policies.

This does not cleanse the opposition which always divided Farinacci of its Duce, that it recognizes as chief, whom it estimates and likes but which reproaches him even publicly and not only by propaganda to be excessively liberal and soft, constantly proposing more decisive proposals to him each time Mussolini appears not very incisive to him.

Many enemies, much troubles

After the resignation of secretary, renouncement appreciated by Mussolini, the relationship with the other dignitaries worsens in particular with influential the Federzoni, but it has dissensions with Italo Balbo and Giuseppe Bottai, alienating the possibility of collecting supports for these relationships increasingly more difficult to the top of the state.

The manner is not its strong point; in its letters it sometimes happens to him to offend and also to directly threaten Duce perhaps even beyond its intentions (v.). Duce, however, not to take risks, answers by rhymes. And its manners even succeed in causing the deceleration during several months of diplomatic work that the mode carries out with the Catholic church for the development of the legal settlement which is signed in 1929.

Having to consolidate the mode and in the objective to increase the national Consensus, it organizes an internal purification of the components squadrists decimating the capacity representative of Farinacci. This one tries to oppose to the operation by disputing the creation of the Voluntary Milice for the National security, in which its squadristi was to join and incentive the néo-leaders to be resigned. Mussolini sends to him the Quadrumviro Emilio De Bono which, a warrant for arrest in hand, could be very persuasive.

The " ras" turn over to the bar building the image of large Fascism and being dedicated to its small field of policy of province. In this role, it ensures the popularity of the party the great satisfaction of Rome and its newspaper " It Fascista" Mode; , diffused only in septentrional Italy, manages to exceed the " Popolo d' Italia".

But all do not share the enthusiasm of Palazzo Venezia: the newspaper follows an independent line always directed towards drastic and energetic solutions where Mussolini moves with diplomacy and prudence, constituting an internal crowd of opposition to the sole party.

The fascist not aligned

The position protestor of Farinacci is so important that even the police force, at the time of the attack against Mussolini with Bologna, wants to check if there are no implications of the fascists of Farinacci and when some questioned people name it, the personal intervention of Mussolini saves it measurements of preventive safety.

For the mode, the evocation of the " Belloni" scandal; (1928) does not like: Ernesto Belloni, mayor of Milan, is designated as the main actor of embezzlements of a nature private and public. The very known federal Mario Giampaoli which carries out a life of luxury and expenditure for the games of chance built a network of " reports/ratios; privilégiés" with the industrialists and the racketeers up to the point to have obtained a commission on a colossal loan of the commune of Milan (about 30 million dollars of the years 1920).

The scandal explodes after a report written by Carlo Maria Maggi, federal precedent of Milan and protected from Farinacci, which is published in the newspaper of Casement bolt. This causes a certain irritation at Mussolini, which followed the situation attentively, conscious of the bad image that gives at the new fascistic state.

Giampaoli commissioned, for any response, the homicide of Farinacci, for an amount of 2.000 liras; Farinacci is not long in finding documents which prove the operation and with those it is presented personally to Duce. The publication had waked up the attention of the Magistrature which opens in September 1930 a public lawsuit. Mussolini had relieved Giampaoli before the lawsuit and had moved away Maggi.

For many years, the doors of the policy are closed for Farinacci and its newspaper is regularly the object of censure, sequestrations and warnings. It had the chance not to have not to undergo nuisance when it attacked Arnaldo Mussolini, brother of Duce, insinuating without proof that it had obtained secret fundings of the " Popolo d' Italia".

The political comeback

With the war of Ethiopia, " the Farinacci" savage; leaves voluntary in the militia in the bombers Galeazzo Ciano where it finds Achille Starace for whom it had from now on an absolute contempt. It obtains the rank of general and loses the right hand whereas it fishes with grenades in a African lake, but it makes it pass for a wound to the combat and obtains a revenue given to the profit of a charitable organization. It is thereafter called " the right hand of Mussolini".

It is sent in Spain during the Spanish Civil war, its reports/ratios are technically very precise and lucid, and it specifies an evolution of the situation which was to give him reason.

Even in policy, its remarks regain a certain listening and when the Germans start to let filter quarrelsome desires, Farinacci plays a certainly influential part but which leaves very different interpretations at the observers.

It creates for itself friendships with certain leaders of the Nazisme, like Joseph Goebbels, approaching certain positions of the German dictatorship which in its vision is maintained more " pure" , without middle-class decline. A little later it meets Adolf Hitler with which it would have expressed its doubts. For some, Mussolini would have decided to benefit from this opening of Farinacci to entrust to him, with the agreement of the interested party, the insupportable and unpopular role of the introduction of the racial laws, which follow little the signature of the Pacte of Steel.

The war

Farinacci supports in a convinced way the need for entering in war, and when, in 1939, the Italy hesitates, deferring its decision, it takes so excessive positions that one muzzles it by the sequestration of his newspaper, police controls and many calls to order on behalf of the police station. When the war is declared, Farinacci puts at controls potential traitors, with hunting for the double agents and spies, it establishes tens of reports/ratios on people that it suspect.

In 1941 Farinacci is sent in Albania, where certain information on the personnel and the organization of the army is intercepted and censured before they cause damage. On Pietro Badoglio, and especially on its defects, it communicates information of a great exactitude which was the primary reason of its resignation.

Informed with one month in advance on the sling which prepared for the council of June 25th 1943, it puts at the Mussolini current which does not give following its allegations, it then seeks to prevent Adolf Hitler, but it is not listened. At the time of the behavior of the Large council of Fascism, it abstains from after having criticized the Motion then charms and supports the same position as Dino Grandi: capacities with the king. The same evening it takes refuge with the German embassy and the next day, it leaves for Munich.

It returns to Italy and loses the control of its newspaper transformed into layer of German propaganda. He lives in margin of the Italian social republic, escaping the Procès from Vérone thanks to the personal intervention from Mussolini which although he voted the motion of June 25th, 1943, does not hold rigor of it to him. He was also protected in this lawsuit by the Germans who saw in him an ally with any test, contrary with his chief.

Farinacci is carried out by the in favor with Vimercate on April 28th 1945.

Curiosities

Among curiosities, on September 28th 1924 it is wounded in duel by the prince Valerio Pignatelli. Its arrest intervenes in Crémone after a rocambolesque escape on the roofs.

He was probably member of the maconnic room Grand the East of Italy of Palazzo Giustiniani.

In the town of Creamed, a song " secrète" circulated sung by the antifascists and sympathizers of the partisans who said:

On the bank Argentina
Mussolini marche
Farinacci behind lui
who draws it by the veste
" I am fascistic me aussi" |on the notes of Tango della Carpinera

This song referred to the fact that after the Marche on Rome, Farinacci, made alms to obtain a statute inside the party. In Stanze of Indro Montanelli, a pilot reader of its execution tells that Farinacci, in front of the firing squad of the partisans, démena and insulted in such a manner that it took several minutes to take again the situation in hand. Before dying, its last words were " viva Italia".

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