Revolution of October

The revolution of October () in Russia, so known under the name of revolution Bolshevik , refers to the Révolution which started with the seizure of power with the Bolcheviks on October 25th, 1917 (in the Calendrier Julien, which corresponds to dated November 7th of the modern calendar).

It is the second phase of the Russian Révolution as a whole, after the Révolution of February of the same year. The revolution of October reversed the provisional government and gave the capacity to the Bolsheviks. It was followed by the Russian Civil war, then by the creation of the the USSR in 1922.

Insurrection

Preparation of the insurrection

In October, Lénine and Trotsky consider that the moment had just finished some with the situation of double capacity. Lénine profits to support its wills of the surge of a great number of new members to the Party Bolshevik, impatient of in découdre, and not very concerned of the theoretical debates of the top or need for respecting “the middle-class stage” envisaged by the Marxist diagram. The debates within the Central committee of the Party Bolshevik so that this one organizes an armed insurrection and seizes the power are however sharp.

Some considering that it is necessary to wait and act as agreement with other revolutionary formations. They consider the insurrection useless, since the Bolsheviks are already majority in the Soviets and ensured to carry it in IIe congress panrusse Soviets which must open on October 25th/November 7th. They fear to be found insulated with the capacity vis-a-vis all the other forces, counter-revolutionaries or not. They also predict that even if the Party manages to keep the capacity in Russia, at the price of enormous difficulties, the revolution is not ripe to burst in the rest of Europe. Kamenev and Zinoviev goes as far as openly informing the press of the preparations of the takeover by force in order to make it impossible.

But Lénine and Trotsky carries it on October 10th by ten votes against two (those of Kamenev and Zinoviev), and after having resisted, the Central committee approves and organizes the insurrection. A secret commission of five members is indicated, which includes/understands Sverdlov, Stalin, Dzerjinski, Bubnov and Uritsky.

So that the capacity is taken in the name of the Soviet of Petrograd, its president, Trotski, cause in his center, on October 9th, the creation of the revolutionary Military committee. This last will exist 58 days and will emit 6000 orders. Officially, it must protect the city against a takeover by force from generals close to Kornilov. In the facts, it prepares the seizure of power. Trotski is the real chief and the heart of the CMR, although it skilfully left the general secretary to a SR marionette. As for Lénine, it autoproclame president of the CMP by a confidential decree which he signs with itself.

The Bolsheviks can count on the support of the sailors of the fleet of Kronstadt, which rejoined them. The 23, Trotski make sure the contest of the Pierre-and-Paul fortress. In the same way, the garrison of Petrograd rocks or remains neutral. The Cosaques gave up Kerenski to which he does not forgive the failure of the Kornilovschina . The parties mencheviks and SR, which take part in the government, do not spare any more their criticisms to him, although they also refuse with the takeover by force Bolshevik.

A rumor according to which Kerenski would like to give up Petrograd with the Germans and to leave to Moscow to prepare repression provided to Lénine the decisive argument to carry the decision at the top of the Party, and the Bolsheviks the pretext to start the insurrection in the name of the defense of the city.

The insurrection practically prepares at the great day. Parties, newspapers and speakers discuss it with considering and with known all. As for Kerensky, it awaits the showdown by hoping that it will enable him to finish some with the Bolsheviks.

Trotski would have been ready to start the insurrection only in the event of provocation of the provisional government, and to await the opening of IIe Congrès panrusse Soviets, so that the new revolutionary government proceeds of this one. But Lénine, which wants that the Party seizes the all alone power, holds so that it precedes the congress and places it in front of the accomplished fact. October 24th/November 6th, the closing of a newspaper Bolshevik by Kerenski solves the question, the insurrection is launched.

Insurrection of Petrograd

The insurrection bursts in the night from October 24th to 25th. The revolutionary Military committee directed by Trotski and composed of armed workmen, soldiers and sailors, directs it since the Institut Smolny, general headquarter of Lénine and the Bolcheviks. Its objectives are the occupation of the strategic points of the city, bridges, stations, post office central, telephone center and telegraphic, and lastly the Palais of Winter, seat of the provisional government.

The events proceed almost without bloodshed. The telegraphic Exchange is occupied towards 2:00 of the morning, follow-up of the military Hotel and Post office building. The Telephone center is occupied by Felix Dzerjinski towards 7:00 the government ordered to raise the bridges on Neva to cut the downtown area of the working districts: waste of time and effort, they are occupied without a shooting by the red, and lowered Guards. In the morning of the 25, Kerenski leaves Petrograd to seek reinforcements, while with 10:00, a proclamation of Lénine announces the deposition of the provisional government.

Palate of Winter, sits of government, defended by a thousand of soldiers (whose battalion female), yields in night from 25 to 26 after “attack” confused (makes a progressive infiltration of it, while many defenders gradually withdrew themselves) during whom red soldiers and guards draw in the air, at the price limited of six dead. As for the cruiser Dawn, preserved later on like a relic of this decisive night, it drew one blow from gun against the Palate - with white. The official films made later showed these events under a heroic angle, although in reality the insurrectionists led by Antonov-Ovseenko had to face only with one low resistance. Indeed, among the troops confined in the capital, only some battalions of officer cadets (“Junkers”) support the provisional government, the vast majority of the regiments deciding for rising or declaring themselves neutral in the conflict between the Soviets and the provisional government.

Only by storm the cellar of the Palate was really taken, by crowd, after the end of the operations; the Bolsheviks must restore the order and to put an end not without evil to a vast collective saoulery While were held the events, the stores remained open, the trams continued to circulate and the theaters to be played. One of the most decisive events of the 20th century took place without large world not realizing there.

Insurrection of Moscow

The attempt to take Moscow meets on the other hand violent resistances. The engagements last 6 days, from October 28th to November 2nd. According to Victor Serge, the spontaneousness of the masses overrides the organization; the workmen are badly armed, badly prepareds and badly organized. Mouralov estimates at 50.000 the number of its own combatants (with including 3.000 workmen armed and 40.000 soldiers), against ten thousands of adversaries (pupils of the schools of officers, military sections of SR and mencheviks…). The catch of the the Kremlin by the Blancs shows the massacre with the machine-gun of approximately 300 workmen and red guards of the arsenal. A white martial court shoots the red guards at the military academy Alexandrovské.

The attack of the the Kremlin is led by the young person Nikolaï Boukharine. The White capitulate on November 2nd. The agreement provides that the insurrectionists return the weapons, except the officers, and guarantees “freedom and the inviolability of all”. An important part of them will join the white armies in the following weeks. The consequences of this initial leniency will be much criticized then by part of the Bolsheviks, and will play a part in the creation of the Tcheka and the establishment of “red terror”.

The congress of the Soviets

Whereas the Bolsheviks were still pursued the day before, their prohibited and unquestionable newspapers their leaders in prison, they are from now on Masters of the capital.

If a handle of partisans could be made main of the capital vis-a-vis a provisional government that nobody any more supports, rising must now be ratified. The following day, October 25th, Trotsky announces officially the dissolution of the provisional government at the time of the opening of the Congress side-Russian of the Soviets of the working and country deputies (649 deputy was elected there, including 390 Bolchevik S). Lénine declares: “We pass now to the construction of the socialist order”.

Some deputy Socialists are declared outraged this “conspiracy warped in the back of the Soviets. ” Approximately 110 deputy mencheviks and SR leave the room, 150 deputy SR choosing to approve the insurrection (they will form the SR of left). These defections were accompanied by this comment of Leon Trotsky: Leave, go ahead, leave, you join the heaps of dust of the company, in the dustbins of the History.

The 540 deputy remainder approve the creation of a new government of 15 police chiefs of the people , all Bolsheviks and directed by Lénine (Trotsky declined the presidency, so that its judeity does not give an argument to the adversaries Antisémites of the revolution, but sees itself entrusting the foreign affairs), and of an executive committee made up of 71 Bolsheviks and 29 SR. This “council of the police chiefs” holds the capacity then, in theory of way provisional while waiting for the convocation of a constituent assembly, claimed by all the socialist parties, but that the provisional government convened only tardily, at the beginning of October.

The opinions on this ratification by the congress of the Soviets are contrasted. For some, like the historian Nicolas Werth, the Bolsheviks will wrongly claim to have received a mandate of the Soviets, claim which “will misuse the generations of credulous”.

The American communist journalist John Reed, sympathizer of the revolution of October, retranscribed itself in his first hand testimony the many verbal and written protests revolutionists not-Bolsheviks, who express themselves as of the 26 against the unilateral takeover by force of the Bolsheviks. Is also very present these days the fear which this insurrection does not open the way with an outburst of the counter-revolution.

The very powerful trade union of the railwaymen, decisive actor of the failure of Kornilov, refuses the accomplished fact thus, and blocks the railroads around Petrograd. The municipal council of Petrograd expresses the same judgment. The civils servant desert the ministries, the bank of State refuses to advance with the new capacity financial means the essential ones to the operation of Petrograd. Intellectuals close until there to the Bolchevism, such Maxime Gorki, does not save to them any more of virulent criticisms.

But also, according to Victor Serge: Bolsheviks showed themselves ready to express in a coherent, clear-sighted and voluntary way, the aspirations of the active masses. They kept the capacity, they overcame in the civil war because the popular masses supported them finally. (...) One still affirms that the insurrection of November 7th, 1917 was the work of a minority of conspirators, the Party Bolshevik. Nothing is contrary any more with the true facts. 1917 were one year of astonishing action of masses by the multiplicity, the variety, the power, the perseverance of the popular initiatives whose push raised the bolchevisme.

The congress, from now on chaired by Kamenev, proclaims the abolition of the Capital punishment - to the irritation of Lénine, which considered it essential. Especially, it adopts the decrees transferring “all the capacity to the Soviets”, as well as the decrees on the ground, peace, and working control on the production. When Lénine made its first public appearance, it was truly ovationné and its first declaration was: We now will carry out the construction of the socialist order.

In all the country, assemblies of workmen, soldiers, peasants, meet, discuss to know if they must fight or support the new capacity. John Reed describes the meeting which is taken place at the very moment of the insurrection in a regiment of armoured cars based with Petrograd. The speakers Bolsheviks, SR and mencheviks are followed to the platform. About fifty soldiers condemn the insurrection, several hundreds approve it. J. written Reed: That one thinks this fight renewed in each barracks of the city, the area, on all the face, in very whole Russia (…). That one thinks the same scene repeating itself in all permanences of the trade unions, the factories, in the villages, aboard ship; that one thinks of the hundreds of thousands of Russians, workmen, peasants, soldiers, sailors, contemplating the speakers, endeavouring with such an intensity to include/understand and choose, reflective with such an acuity, and, at the end, deciding with such a unanimity! Thus was the Revolution russe.

First decrees

In the few hours which followed, a handle of decrees was going to provide the foundations of the revolution.

Decree on peace. First of all, Lénine announces the abolition of the secret diplomacy and the proposal with all the belligerent countries to start talks “for a peace equitable and democratic, immediate, without annexations and allowances”. Only Germany accepts. Trotski, appointed police chief of the people to the Foreign affairs, then makes publish the secret treaties between great powers, the such Franco-Russian treaty of alliance of 1894 or the Accords Sykes-Barb of 1916 dividing the Middle East in advance between the Allies. The December 15th, a Armistice Russo-German is signed with Brest-Litovsk and of the peace negotiations engage.

Then, a decree on the ground: “the great land and buildings are abolished immediately without any allowance”, and leave with the Soviets peasants freedom do of them what they wish, socialization of the ground or division between the poor peasants. In the facts, this decree ratifies reality, since the peasants spontaneously proceeded since the summer to massive occupations of great fields. At least one makes sure thus of the benevolent neutrality of the campaigns, which will last until spring 1918.

Of other measurements will follow, like the Nationalization of the banks (December 14th), working control on the production, the creation of a working militia, the sovereignty and the equality of all the people of Russia, their right to have themselves “including by total separation and the constitution of an independent State”, the suppression of any privilege in national or religious matter, the separation of the orthodoxe Church and State, the passage of the Julien calendar to the Gregorian calendar, etc

Conscious that they could not control without the support of the rural world, constituting the vast majority of the country, the Bolsheviks convened from November 10th to 16th a country congress, which in spite of a hostile majority SR with the Bolsheviks, adopted the decree on the ground and gave its support for the new revolutionary government, devoting very temporarily the union between the proletariat and the farming community.

Towards the civil war

When the Bolsheviks seize the power with Petrograd, the Russian State is in deliquescence, the army does not exist practically more, the empire is in the process of dislocation under the action of centrifugal forces, and the population in prey with enormous revolutionary social convulsions. Whereas moreover, the Great War continues.

Under these conditions, much saw the revolution of October only like one additional adventure, and little dared to accept the durable survival of the new mode Bolsheviks. It is so much so that in January 1918, Lénine will outline some steps of dance in snow the day when its government will exceed one day the duration of the Commune of Paris of 1871.

As of on November 12th, the new capacity makes failure with an attempt at reconquest of Petrograd carried out by Kerensky and the Cosaques of the general Krasnov.

The armistice with the central Empires is signed on December 15th. During negotiations which begin in Brest-Litovsk, the Bolsheviks especially seek to save time while waiting for that the revolutionary contagion gains the German lines. But it is only in March 1918, once these disappointed hopes, which is signed the very hard Traité of Brest-Litovsk.

From spring 1918, in the cities like the campaigns, the oppositions swell against the new mode, which they are popular, liberal, socialist or monarchists - while foreign powers how to intervene on the Russian territory. The Bolsheviks took the initiative to them-even by melting an political police, the Tcheka, as of December 1917, and by dissolving Constituent Russian as of his first meeting in January 1918. After some sporadic combat as of the autumn 1917 and spring 1918, it is truly as from summer 1918 that engages the Russian Civil war, whose exit will allow the survival of the new mode, but at a very heavy price.

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