The revolt of Oaxaca is an insurrection marking the Politique of Mexico, lasting the second half-year 2006. The events are at the south of the country, and are localized in the principal city of the State bearing the same name. The blocked activities are teaching since May, and tourism downtown since June, as well as the services of the administration of the State d' Oaxaca during an amount of time.
Its starting point is in May with a strike of the professors of the trade union SNTE (which was a long time a puppet of the PRI) in Oaxaca de Juarez, the capital of the State; confrontations with the authorities of the governor of the State made evolve/move the situation in June and in November. In any event, the simple term of strike is not enough any more when on certain Internet sites bringing back the facts one speaks about Rebelión Popular in Oaxaca , even of “free Commune” (to read Citations ), term inevitably evoking the social struggles of the 19th century in Europe. Constitutionally the terms governorship and province do not apply to Mexico.
The local political personality, the governor elected of the PRI (Socialist) Ulises Ruiz Ortiz, was disputed by other political parties; the reproaches relate to allegations of financial embezzlements entering concerned the countryside of Roberto Madrazo Pintado, candidate of PRI (member of the international Socialist) to the Mexican presidential elections.
As for the Revolt of Chiapas, this situation of confrontation occurs in a regional context good former to its bursting, which one finds no relay in the great media . Rising would come from a situation of social inequalities which grew hollow during the previous years.
According to the chain of English information BBC, since May 1,3 million schoolboys could not go in class because of stop of the courses in 14.000 places of teaching.
The revolt takes from now on the framework of a political jacquerie, being tested with a local self-determination difficult to realize taking into account the precedent of Chiapas and the national political terms (new President-in-Office in Mexico to the 1 {{er}} December 2006).
In June 2007 the conflict generated by the professors cost more than 11000 employment (especially in the services) and the bankruptcy of hundreds of companies, including more than 400 registered with the local registers. It cost since its beginning more than 3,5 billion pesos is nearly 250 million euros (el universal - June 26th, 2007). In addition it deviated the local investors or foreigners towards other calmer areas of the country.
So to the calculation of October 31st, this Social movement would have led to six deaths since its beginning, the assessment of 17 died according to the English article of Wikipédia.
May 22nd begins a strike which relates to only the Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores of Educación (SNTE), with its local section (section 22) , on the basis of salary demand. Taken along by Enrique Rueda Pacheco , they claim an increase tallies and address to the government State d' Oaxaca knowing that this field falls within the competence of the Federal state.
They are 70.000 to follow the movement, and place a strike picket at the right in the middle of the downtown area (nonofficial figures) .
June 2nd, they were nothing any more but 30.000.
See also: Strike of the professors with Oaxaca
June 14th corresponds to a police operation of size in the capital, mobilizing 3000 police officers. The governor would have chosen this passage to the action in order to respect an electoral promise, the historical downtown area of the city being a tourist passage allowing the surge of currencies the trade and generator of employment. However, at this time, the walls are already covered with graffiti expressing the resentment of the strikers. It seems that at this time the intervention of the governor translates the aggravation of part of the population, which is not inevitably as regards striker but is afflicted owing to the fact that more no wall of the downtown area is saved and fears for its employment, in particular related to tourism.
After June 2006, the revolt extended has other urban centres of the State d' Oaxaca and largely exceeds the socio-category of the civils servant in teaching.
The strike led on June 27th to the foundation of the Asamblea Popular of los Pueblos de Oaxaca (or APPO), which carried out steps of protest, called the mega steps . These demonstrations reproduced regularly, preserving the watchword of Pacifisme.
In an attempt to take again the dialog with this new authority, the governor Ulises Ruiz named Heliodoro Díaz Escárraga on July 10th at the station of general secretary , on the level of the federate State.
In July, the mutineers passed the word to prevent the good progress of the traditional festival of the Guelaguetza, and even organized an alternative commemoration.
The first claim of the insurrectionists becomes the resignation of the governor of the PRI, whose absence of reaction is palpable since June taking into consideration event which addresses it directly. It is it should be noted that the PRI and the PRD are both members of the international Socialist. The current president is SIDE (liberal right-hand side). In spite of the attention of the authorities to choke the business and anything to let filter, the APPO accommodated the international first ONG on July 13rd.
detailed article: federal Occupation of Oaxaca de Juárez
After several months of quasi-ignorance, the federal government of Mexico intervenes and sendings during the month of October 2006 the troops of the Preventive Federal police (PFP).
Shortly after the death of the journalist of Indymedia, Brad Will and of at least a professor on October 27th by members of the local police or paramilitaries according to the sources, the federal government, on request express of the governor of Oaxaca, sends troops PFP to destroy it earlier the barricades installation 150 days and to take again the control of the town of Oaxaca de Juárez. The members of the APPO are more and more often stopped by the forces of the PFP and the local police. They must continue their activities in clandestinity little by little. The last barricade is evacuated by the activists on November 29th. The order returns in the streets of Oaxaca, but the APPO continues to gather in a semi-clandestinity.
The situation related to the taking of on December 1st of the new president promises to be tended, the voters of Oaxaca (19) having voted for the opposing party at the time of the presidential elections.
On Monday, December 4, the leader symbolic system of the APPO Flavio Sosa declares in a press conference with Mexico City which it comes in the capital from Mexico in order to negotiate a pacifist solution to put a term at the conflict. A few hours after it is stopped by the police force of Oaxaca showing it to be related to vandalisms and with the damage caused with the listed monuments perpetrated downtown during the conflict of the last days, the police force also shows it to be related to the irregular detentions made by demonstrators. Horacio Sosa, the brother of Flavio Sosa as two other people are also stopped for reasons not specified by the police force.
After its arrest, Gerardo Fernandez Noroña, the spokesperson of the Parti the Democratic Revolution (PRD) reveals that Flavio Sosa is member of the National council of the party, and thus that the PRD will assume the defense of Flavio Sosa, according to the principles of the party.
According to any appearance one does not speak any more of the role of Heliodoro Díaz Escárraga after September.
If one cannot speak about Incurie vis-a-vis the phenomenon, one can qualify the behavior of the governor of Intransigeance.
Vis-a-vis this governor who affirmed on several occasions his refusal to resign with his various interlocutors, announcing with any hair that " peace reigns in Oaxaca" , it seems that within Mexico they are associations in load of the Human rights which ensure a relay between the APPO, risen and blocked inside the city, and the other authorities of the State of Mexico. This implication is visible by the official statements of the LIMEDH, Ligue Mexican for the Defense of the Rights of Homme, and the CNDH, Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos which one known as pledged at the federal government.
It is possible that media screening on behalf of the great media of topicality left the free field to the alternative media, possibly in favor of the Altermondialisme or of activism radical left.
However the opening of the independent media making it possible the population in sedition to be expressed apart from the official line is all with the honor of the roles of the Fourth capacity, which finds there a ground by activism ensuring the maintenance of the Freedom of expression in such situations where the stakes are carried to paroxysm.
This letter answers a proclamation of the emitted APPO on September 15th, calling with the installation of “a popular capacity, an organized force of the people which bring solutions to his requests, which takes care that the public office is exerted in the transparency by respecting all the populations, and who impels a true democracy of the people bringing a true popular participation in the catch of the decisions”.
an official statement of EZLN dating of December 2nd, within the framework of electoral operation Otra Campaña carried out in the Mexican States, would imply an arrival of Zapatist on the insurrectionary ground of this Neighboring state of Chiapas
the APPO called via its Internet site at one day of world solidarity the December 22nd 2006, relayed by the EZLN; the mobilization took place simultaneously in 20 cities of the world.
An observer knowing the situation of Chiapas can realize that the method neozapatist is well there in this kind of official statement and action, aiming at preventing the central capacity from drowning the rebellion, this last doing all to make it pass like an interior matter while cutting it of the information networks of planet.
, ambassador of the United States in Mexico in station since 2002, sent a message to the government to require of him to clear up the circumstances of dead of.
article of synthesis on Internet, by an observer independent of the events (November 8th, 2006).
The Belgian philosopher Raoul Vaneigem expressed himself on Indymedia; its text titrated the Commune of Oaxaca: prospects for individual and collective autonomy , is available in Spanish on Wikisource (see tallies opposite ):
“Each time a revolution was diverted of its top priority which is the task to enrich the daily life by all, it gave weapons to repression. ” ( Cada vez that una revolución ha despreciado considerar como known objetivo prioritario the tarea of enriquecer emptied it cotidiana todos, ha dado armed with the represión. )
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