Protagonists of the war of Palestine of 1948

November 29th, 1947, the General meeting of the United Nations vote the Plane of division of Palestine proposed by the special Committee of the United Nations on Palestine (UNSCOP) with the agreement of both superpuissances emergent of the Second world war, the the United States and the Soviet Union.

As of the following day, the civil war bursts in Palestine. Under the overall passive eye of the authorities Britannique S which prepare their withdrawal, the Jewish community Zionist and the Palestinian Arab community clash with an increasing violence. As from at the end of January 1948, voluntary Arabic under the authority of the Arab Ligue enter in Palestine.

In the second time a war inter-States bursts: after the British withdrawal and the declaration of independence of Israel, the Arab armies of Transjordanie, Egypt, Iraq and Syria intervene in the conflict. They face the Israeli armed there, in particular around Jerusalem.

The motivations and the political objectives of the protagonists of the conflict as well as the average soldiers which they have with his day before are described in this article. They are an essential key to include/understand unfolding and the exit of it.

Historical context

See also: History of the Zionism, Arab Nationalism, Palestine agent, Great Arab Revolt in Palestine, Shoah, Plane of division of Palestine

As of the end of the 19th century, the Palestine knows an immigration of Juifs coming from the diaspora and gathered within the movement Zionist. The latter consider that the territories of the biblical Royaume of Israel are the place where the Jewish nation could autodéterminer and to protect itself from the Antisémitisme.

In 1901, the Jewish national Fond is founded with Basle at the time of the 5th Congrès Zionist. Its function is to buy grounds in Palestine and to develop to with it the country for the establishment of the Juifs.

Several Aliyah S increasingly important follows one another: : 10,000 Jews immigrate in Palestine end of the 19th century: 35,000 between 1903 and 1914 and: 35,000 again between 1919 and 1923. The Arabs, majority in Palestine, oppose this increasing immigration.

In 1914, the the United Kingdom and the Ottoman Empire enter in war within the framework of the First World War.

In 1915, the British High commissioner of Egypt, to sir Henri McMahon, promises to the king Hussein ibn Ali independence and Arab control on the territories which would be released from the Othoman seizure. In 1917, the declaration Balfour officializes the support of the British government for the establishment of a Jewish national hearth in Palestine. In December 1917, the general Allenby takes Jerusalem. In 1918, the United Kingdom completes its takeover of Palestine and demolishes the Othoman armies.

In July 1922, the Société of the Nations entrusts to the the United Kingdom a mandate on Palestine and in September, the Britanniques base the Arab Émirat of Transjordanie on bank is the Jordan. The area takes an strategic importance for Great Britain which also controls the Iraq and which is present in Egypt and in Saudi Arabia.

As of the end of the year 1920, immigration still intensifies with the arrival of the Juifs fleeing persecutions in Europe. It is: 80,000 new immigrants who arrive between 1924 and 1928 and one still counts some: 180,000 until in 1939. Many conflicts burst enter Juifs and Arab. In particular, the riots of 1929 which make 133 dead Jewish side and 116 Arab side and the Grande Insurrection of 1936 to 1939 during which Arab start a general strike which shows more: 5,000 dead Arab side and 500 dead Jewish side and which sees the arrest, the exile or the death of the majority of the Palestinian Arab political leaders.

Following this insurrection, the British first of all consider a partition between the populations Jewish and Arab. A commission is indicated, directed by Peel. Its work leads in 1937 to a plan of division which is in the final analysis not retained. In place and place, the British adopt, in 1939, the third White paper which give up the idea of the partition of the territories of the mandate in favor of a Palestinian independent State controlled by the Arab and the Juifs and limit in a Draconian way Jewish immigration towards the Palestine.

In 1945, one counts approximately: 600,000 Jews for: 1,200,000 Arabs in Palestine while: 250,000 Jews, survivors of the Holocaust, wait in the refugee camps in Europe and to Cyprus.

During the period 1945 - 1947, several plans are proposed to bring a solution to the problem of Palestine. At the local level, the Jewish and Arab representatives adopt irreconcilable nationalist positions and refuse one and the other any idea of a State Bi-national. The international positions are not more reconcilable: in July 1946, the British report/ratio of Morrison and Grady proposes a plan of division of Palestine in autonomous provinces whose collective interests would be managed by a power agent. The October 4th, the president Truman makes a statement favorable to a division of Palestine between Juifs and Arabs. In February 1947, the British Foreign Minister, Ernest Bevin, proposes a free Jewish immigration against the independence of Palestine within five year. In answer, the Zionists advance their clean project of division, while the Arabs ask for the immediate independence of Palestine.

February 18th, 1947, fault of being able to bring a solution to the disorders in the country, Ernest Bevin announces officially the transmission of the file to UNO. The April 28th, this one entrusts at a special subcommittee, UNSCOP, the care to study the problem. This one submits his report at the end of August.

November 29th, 1947, the General meeting of the United Nations approves a plane of division of the Palestine agent in two States: one Jewish, and other Arabic; the town of Jerusalem depending as for it of a statute of international city . The plan is accepted by the Juifs which militated in this direction but it is rejected by the Palestinian Arabs and the worldwide Arab who require the creation of an Arab State independent on the unit of the Palestine.

Centralization of the capacity within Yichouv around David Ben Gourion

Policy of Yichouv

Structure

Since the end of the Years 1930, the Jewish community in Palestine, called the Yichouv, built a powerful and effective political structure whose practices and leaders are subjected to the democratic principles. The majority of the parties Zionists, except for the nationalist right of the Parti revisionist are represented in two principal leading organizations: the Jewish Agency in Palestine and the world Organization Zionist with the international level. Within these two organizations, the left Zionist represented by the Mapaï of David Ben Gourion is majority in alliance with the centrists represented by the general Sionistes of Chaïm Weizmann.

In November 1947, all the decision-making power is concentrated within two committees, one military and the other policy, to which the capacities are transferred from the national Executive committee. These two committees are directed by David Ben Gourion.

The two organizations armed clandestine exits with the nationalist right, the Irgoun of Menahem Begin and the Lehi of Yitzhak Shamir preserve their autonomy with respect to the Jewish Agency. They keep the right to buy weapons on their side but “submit themselves to Ben Gourion”, and the Jewish Agency dissociates some, while tolerating them.

Objectives

All in all, Yichouv is plain behind a common objective which welds the large majority of the Jewish nation in Palestine and within the diaspora: the foundation of a Jewish State.

Certain disagreements exist however on the territorial limits which this State must take. For David Ben Gourion, essence is to have one of them. Its initial limits import little. Once structured, organized and armed, this one could extend if necessary. This vision however is not shared by the line Zionist which did not accept not the creation of Transjordanie and which considers that the Zionist presence is a right there.

Jerusalem is in the middle of an other debate. The plane of division allots to this city an international statute and attaches it neither at the Arab State, nor at the Jewish State. However, its importance is enormous. Jerusalem is the first Holy City of the Judaïsme and it preserved a fundamental character symbolic system within the Jewish Diaspora since the exodus forced of the Jews out of Palestine 2000 years earlier. Besides the origin of the name Sionisme refers to Sion, one of its hills. But Jerusalem is also a Holy City in the Christianisme and the Islam and gets of this fact a certain prestige with the country which it contrôle.
Strategically, Jerusalem comprises a Jewish community of almost: 100,000 people, which represents a sixth of the population of the Yichouv. On the other hand, it is completely surrounded by Arab suburbs and is found isolated from the remainder of the Jewish community which is mainly localized in the coastal plain between Tel-Aviv and Haïfa like in Galileo. The control of the city constitutes one of the major stakes of the war and the combat hardest there concentrent.

Palestine including/understanding initially: 1,200,000 Arabs for: 600,000 Jews. The viability even the existence of a Jewish State with a majority or even a strong Arab minority is put in danger. If a possible answer comes from Jewish immigration, in particular via: 250,000 Jews which wait in the refugee camps in Europe and in Cyprus or via: 800,000 Jews of the diaspora living in the Arab countries, the possibility of the transfer of the Palestinian Arab population apart from the Jewish State makes debate since many years within the authorities Zionists. The possibility that this debate led to the establishment of a policy of planned expulsion of long time is the subject of a controversy between historians. It is developed in the article treating of the Palestinian Exode.

Military forces and paramilitaries

Organization

The organization in militia of the Haganah is transformed to approach that of a true army. As of November 1947, it is placed under the unified military command of a staff (Hamifkada Haarzit), with at his head Yaakov Dori and its second Yigael Yadin (actually the general-in-chief de facto ). The staff itself is placed under the direct authority of the political cabinet directed by David Ben Gourion old men of more than 25 years and on Gadna, gathering: 9,500 young people from 14 to 17 years. Haganah has a “naval force”, Palyam, which counts 350 men. All made accounts, that gives a mobile force including/understanding between: 15,000 and: 18,000 mobilizable men who can rest on: 20,000 men in garrison.

Yishouv also obtained two intelligence services: an interior, SHAY, directed by David Shealtiel and Iser Beeri with an Arab section founded by Ezra Danin and an outside, Da' At with its Arab section, Da' at/A directed by Joshua Palmon.

Quality of the troops

“The list (of the troops) proves to be misleading because, in practice, only Palmach has recruits trained, tested and thus capable to ensure of other missions that the traditional protection of the colonies”.

A strong proportion of the members of Palmach and Haganah are however veterans who belonged to: 28,000 soldiers having served in the British army within the Jewish Brigade or of: 20,000 men who were useful in the police force or units agents like the Notrim (comprising certain units of elite), FOSH or the Hish.

Even if some of its members have experience of the modern armies, the forever carried out Haganah as such, because of clandestinity, of operations of scale like necessary in period of war. Its greater tactical unit is the company and its greater operational unit is the section.

The Palmach is a unit of elite made up commandos. It has as a main mission of holding the kibbutzes advanced and isolated as in Galileo, along the Syrian border , in the neighborhoods of Jerusalem (Kfar Etzion) and in the Negev. This use of the units of elites falls under the policy of Ben Gourion who “prohibits” the abandonment of any ground under Jewish control.

Irgoun and Lehi

The Irgoun and the Lehi preserve their military autonomy but keep abstract contacts with the Haganah. The objective of creation of a Jewish State brings them closer. Irgoun counts: 2,000 with: 4,000 combatants and Lehi between 500 and 800.

Irgoun had carried out a campaign attacks against the Arab civilians between 1937 and 1939, before issuing a cease-fire in 1940. However, a faction of Irgoun refused this cease-fire and created Lehi. The actions of Lehi then aimed at the British. In February 1944, Irgoun puts an end to its cease-fire and takes the weapons against the British. This countryside of the two organizations lasts until in 1947, and explains the British withdrawal partly.

From November 1947 to their dissolution (May - June 1948), the Lehi and the Irgoun take again their attacks against the Arab civilians. Although the British are in phase of withdrawal, one still notes specific actions of Irgoun against those shown to support the Arabs.

Armament and equipment

The armament and the equipment are lacking with the clandestine Jewish forces because of opposition of the authorities agents to the presence of all Milice armed on the territory under its control. Within the framework of the maintenance of law and order, the Britanniques carry out regular inspections along roads and in the Jewish establishments. All the found weapons are confiscated. The Jewish forces consequently are very badly equipped, do not have that of light weapons and artisanal armored vehicles.

“In April 1947, in stocks of the Haganah, one counts very exactly: 10,073 rifle S: 1,900 Machine-gun S, 444 Machine-gun S light, 186 Machine-gun S averages, 676 mortars of 2 inches, 96 mortars of 3 inches: 93,738 grenade S with hand and: 4,896,603 cartridges. No heavy machine guns, not of guns, and a fortiori neither tank, neither Plane, nor Ship of war”. This stock of weapons is clandestine, the wearing of weapons being an punishable offense of the Capital punishment.

Yehuda Arazi also buys weapons in Europe. To convey them, it uses the cover of a factory of farm equipment which it repurchased with Warsaw. Between 1945 and 1948, it is close to: 3,000 rifles, 226 machine-guns: 10,000 grenades: 3,000,000 of cartridges, of the hundreds of and 3 private plane mortar shell which it succeeded in introducing in Palestine;

two old men guns Turkish stored in Menorah Club of Jerusalem are catch one night and sawn. David Leibovitch, an agricultural engineer of origin Siberia does not make the first heavy weapons of Haganah of them: Davidka.

Starting from 1947, Haganah gets weapons, ammunition and a little heavy armament (mainly of the planes) in the surpluses left by the Second world war, in Europe and North America. The provisioning becomes extensive definitely more important thereafter (see the section on the problem of the material).

Dissensions within the Arab camp

The Palestinian camps and Arab are divided by divergent interests accentuated by at least of mistrust even an open hostility which “make them unable of a concerted effort of internal organization”. Pappé summarizes the situation in these terms: “(…) it is hardly interesting to be delayed on subtleties of their divergences. (…) But they could not make large things to save the Palestinians of the disaster where the sufficiency of the politicians and the incompetence of the generals were going to lead them. ”.

In synthesis, there are 3 principal factions in the Arab camp:

the Palestinian faction represented by the Arab High committee;
the Arab faction pro hachémite including/understanding the Transjordanie and the Iraq;
the Arab faction anti hachémite including/understanding the Egypt, the Syria, the Saudi Arabia and the Lebanon;

The Arab Ligue plays as for it a part of spokesperson.

For each one of its camps, Palestine constitutes a different stake and each one has different means to try to achieve its goals.

Palestinian political structures and soldiers

Representativeness of the Arab High committee

The Palestinian political structure of the time is of double nature: beside a rural Feudality based on the clans. The urban centres are directed by several dozen big families gathered within the' Ayan. These last gather all the leading class of the Palestinian Arab company (landowners, politicking, judges, merchants, mayors, senior officials, religious leaders, etc). They gather nevertheless around two principal and rival factions: the Nashashibis and Husseinis

It is mainly during the Grande Revolt of 1936 - 1939 that Palestinian Arab nationalism took its rise under the push of Husseinis. However, the revolt was repressed hard by the British, with the collaboration of the Zionists and of Nashashibis and the nationalist movement could never become extensive equivalent to nationalism Zionist. For this time, Husseinis, gathered within the Arab High committee and with at their head the Large Mufti of Jerusalem, Hadj Amin Al-Husseini, has taken the step on the Nashashibis.

In 1947, the Mufti does not achieve the unanimity and its authority is not recognized everywhere. Moreover, it did not know yet to organize the relays making it possible to guarantee a true national structure apart from the great agglomerations. Locally, the “national committees” act most of the time in an independent way.

Thus, while the intentions of the Arab High committee clear and are opposed to any negotiation with the Yishouv, the local authorities most of the time negotiated agreements separated with the authorities Zionists.

The Arab High committee announces on its side, and without ambiguity, which he would be opposed to the partition Palestine and the creation of a Jewish State by all the means, of which the use of the force.

In the facts, the Palestinian political community gives up its responsibilities. In July 1947, on the 12 members of the Arab High committee, there remain only 3 in Palestine about it. The others are with Damas while the chief of the movement, the Mufti Hadj Amin Al-Husseini, is with the Cairo. The English prohibited to him to go to Palestine but whereas this prohibition was reduced to the area Jerusalem, never it will not go in the cities and villages of Palestine of the mandate . The majority of the local leaders are also the first to leave the country once violence bursts.

The mufti does not have either international recognition. The British regard it as an enemy in particular following his implication in the Great Revolt. Lastly, its collaboration with the mode Nazi during the Second world war does not attract international sympathy to him. (See as illustration this caricature published in the NewYork Times of May 16th, 1948 with the comment: Not like Dachau. Is it. Herr Mufti ). Besides in the context of the Shoah, these bonds make him an even mythical figure of enemy emblematic to the eyes of the Jewish community.

Even its Arab “allies” are wary of him. He became persona non grata in the Arab tops which follow one another to prepare the fight against the plan of partition . He manages however to impose on the ground two of his representatives: its nephew, Abdel Kader Al-Husseini like Hassan Salameh, but the conflicts between politicians are found between generals on the ground.

Jihad Al-Muqadas (Armed with the Holy war)

The Palestinian troops are gathered within the Armée with the Holy war but it is more personal army of Husseinis than about a true Palestinian army.

Initially made up of a few hundreds of men, this force is assembled at the end of May 1948 to: 4,000 men, whose many Muslim brothers, and is reinforced later by: 8,000 volunteers, including only between 1/10 and 1/4 Palestinians.

Among these volunteers, are European mercenaries. Mid-February, several Bosnian hundreds of Moslem, old of the Wehrmacht, join the Arabs of Haïfa and the forces of Salameh to Lydda where they are used instructors for the Palestinians. Abdel Kader Al-Husseini also accommodates about thirty Germans and deserters British.

The Jihad Al-Muqadas is active mainly in the seat of Jerusalem by attacking the convoys of supply coming from Tel-Aviv like in the seat of Jewish establishments of the Negev.

However, they will be too little and too weak to have an impact on the report/ratio of the forces in the country .

Local forces

Local militia are founded as of the beginning of the hostilities and gather former Palestinian soldiers of the British army in which approximately: 12,000 of them were useful, the paramilitary members of organizations of before the war (such as Najada and Futuwa) and of former police officers or of the deserters of the frontier Forces transjordaniennes. On the whole of Palestine, their number is assembled between: 11,000 and: 12,000 men. Their role in the conflict remains however limited and passive.

Armament

The Palestinian Arabs are subjected to the same problem as the Jews. During the rebellion of 1936-39, the British confiscated a broad portion of the weapons that the Arab had. However, in 1942, SHAY calculated that the Palestinian Arabs had 50 000 firearms. This very exaggerated estimate increase further after the war following the reports/ratios of flight in the military camps and the purchases of weapons in the close Arab countries.

Just like the Jewish , they will call upon the improvisation by concealing Munition S, Armes and spare parts in the British deposits, or by concealing trucks charged with weapons with the complicity of certain British. December 14th, 1947, of the Arab militants fly thus 400 rifle S and Mitraillette S as well as an important stock of ammunition in the deposits of the Arab auxiliaries of police force to Ramleh. However, these methods are limited. They are not enough to constitute enough important stocks of weapons to carry out a war.

In synthesis, the Palestinian direction does not have clearly the means of its ambitions. It do not have true military force and (…) without external support, it absolutely does not have any chance of success against the Jews .

King Abdallah of (Trans) Jordan

The Transjordanie is certainly a small State of less: 500,000 inhabitants, but the Hachémites were always faithful to the British and are their most solid allies in the Middle East.

History

The country was created in September 1922 by the British, a few months after obtaining their mandate on Palestine. Its sovereign, the king Abdallah I {{er}} of Jordan is the third wire of the Chérif of Mecque Hussein ibn Ali which organized the Arab revolt against the Turks and with which McMahon had promised Arab independence on the released territories.

By dividing their mandate geographically the British wanted to respect their promise with ibn Ali while limiting to the west of the the Jordan immigration Zionist

During the Second world war, the forces transjordaniennes fought at the sides of the British and guaranteed their sovereignty in the area.

Transjordanie is supported by the Foreign Office and the British Foreign Minister: Ernest Bevin .

Policy

The king Abdallah I {{er}} of Jordan was an ally of Nashashibis, which turns into to Mufti his enemy in Palestine.

In November 1947, a few days before the vote with UNO within partition, at the time of a secret meeting between Golda Meir and king Abdallah organized in a Jewish powerplant of Transjordanie, this last confirms in Golda Meïr its friendship for the Zionist cause. It is favorable to the plan of division and declares that if UNO the vote, it would annex the territory granted to the Arabs. It is not clear that the intentions of Abdallah were known other Arab leaders.

Arab legion

Thanks to the Britannique support, the Transjordanie has the most modern army of the the Middle East, which gives to king Abdallah the means of his policy.

First of all, all the protagonists, they are the only army which really knew the experiment of the combat while taking part into 1941 in the British campaigns in Iraq and Syria.

At the time of the countryside, it counts between: 8,000. In May 1949, it will count some: 14,000. It is also used as police force agent in Palestine and will have garrisons in the country until the departure of the British. In the area of Hebron, some will not leave the country besides and will be already present on May 15th.

Efraïm Karsh reports that the Arab Légion is organized into four Régiment S of Infanterie mechanized supported by 75 vehicles Blindé S and 40 parts of Artillerie divided into four Bataillon S and several companies of Artillerie. According to Benny Morris, it is composed of 3 Brigade S of 2 Régiment S each one and of an artillery " division; highly professionnelle". It also underlines that the Legion does not lay out by aviation laying out in particular of a gun anti-tank of gauge 40 mm able to draw from the Obus of 1 kg at a rate/rhythm from approximately 15 blows at the minute and to bore a Blindage of 35 mm with 1000 Mr. As comparison, the artisanal armored vehicles used by the Haganah lay out of a double shielding of 2 × 4 Misters.

To those come to be added vehicles of recognition of Canadian the Otter type and the support of Artillerie for the brigades is provided by means of guns mountain of 3.7 inches being able to draw from the shells of 20 kg to 5.5 km.

Iraq hachémite

At the time of the conflict, the Iraq account a population about: 5,000,000 inhabitants. The British placed the Hachémites at the report heading and the latter try to impose a political power on it extremely. The country knows the worst internal situation of the States of the the Middle East: a deplorable socio-economic situation (death rate for example is ten times superior with that of the industrialized countries at the time), a Kurdish rebellion which has just been subdued and of the conflicts politico-monk between Arabs Sunnites (minority) with the capacity and the majority Chiite.

The disorders in Palestine are all the more problematic for Iraq that the primary source of incomes of the country, the Pétrole, is dependant on the Oléoduc which leads to Haïfa. In fact, the closing of this pipeline causes after the war a financial serious attack.

Under the push of its population, while being suspected of collusion with Transjordanie (two branches of the hachémite family are with the capacity in the two countries), Iraq will send nevertheless one of the largest Arab quotas in Palestine.

The Iraqi military forces count in the 40 000 men and are relatively well equipped, organized and involved. They are structured into three Division S supported by a Bataillon from 15 to 20 tanks, 200 vehicles Blindé S and between 70 to 80 parts of Artillerie. The Iraqi air forces have 80 apparatuses of which the half are operational and culminates with: 20,000 men at the end of 1948.

Egypt of king Farouk

At the time of the events, the Egypt is a constitutional monarchy and counts approximately: 20,000,000 inhabitants. It has just acquired its independence, and has in the United Nations of a statute equivalent to the other allied countries the Second world war.

The Egyptian policy is dominated by the relative questions with the Arab Nationalisme which shake the Middle East since the end of the Années 1930. It is in diplomatic and political conflict with the United Kingdom on the question of the south of the valley of the Nile (Sudan) and on the question of the presence of troops and British bases about its territory. Besides July 8th, 1947, it carries the business before the Safety advice of UNO.

On the level of the interior policy, the government in place must face the islamist nationalism of the Muslim brothers as to a popular pressure very favorable to the Palestinian cause.

The Egyptian government maintained the relationships to the movements Zionists until November 1947. It of course supports the Palestinian cause and in particular the Large Mufti who is taken refuge with the Cairo, but is mainly to thwart the aimings of king Abdallah on Palestine.

However, Egypt is not laid out to enter in war or to be opposed militarily to the plane of Division, and thus does not prepare with an intervention. The troops are kept in reserve to maintain the order interior and to keep the transportation routes.

The Egyptian staff is trustful. In a discussion with king Farouk, the Haïdar general certifies that the army is ready to fight. There will be no war with the Jews. It will be a parade without the least risk and our army will be in Tel-Aviv in less than two weeks whereas actually, this one was not prepared at all and does not even have charts of Palestine.

Egypt has a regular army ranging between: 35,000 and: 45,000 men formed by the British. However, according to the latter, the Egyptian army is of poor quality and cannot be seriously regarded as a force of invasion .

The troops are divided into three brigades of infantry, an armor-plated brigade which includes/understands approximately 50 tanks and three artillery battalions equipped with Hutziwer guns of 65. Its manpower are assembled to: 22,000 men at the time of operation YOAV.

Syria, Lebanon and Saudi Arabia

The Syria account at the time a little less: 3,000,000 inhabitants. July 17th, 1946, it reaches independence following the end of the French mandate on the country.

Its situation is extremely similar of that of the Egypt: its interior policy is also dominated by related questions with the movement nationalist Arabic. She is wary however definitely more of the expansionist aimings of the Hachémites, as well with respect to the Palestine as with respect to itself. Its president Shukri Al-Kuwatli is a close relation of the Saudi Arabia and Grand Mufti and belonged to the Arab nationalist tendency anti Hachémite.

Syria is decided to intervene in the conflict and implies itself particularly. It shelters on its territory, in the suburbs of Damas, the camps of drive of the troops of the Armée with Arab release and uses its statute of Sovereign state to buy weapons to them on the international market.

The Lebanon account approximately: 1,200,000 inhabitants and the Saudi Arabia less: 500,000. Their intervention in the conflict falls under the logic of their Arab engages but, because of their small army, they play only one minor part in the engagements.

The Syrian and Lebanese armies were formed by the French at the time of their recent Protectorat on the area. They at the time are very little developed. The Lebanese army adds up approximately: 3,500 men divided into four Brigade S of Infantry and a Regiment mechanized supported by units of Cavalry and some parts of Artillery. The Syrian forces add up approximately: 10,000 men but are in a phase of transition coming from an obsolete organization in the form of forces from Gendarmerie and Cavalerie towards the formation from a Division from Infanterie. Consequently, only two of the three Brigade S of the Division are operational. The Syrian forces are supported by a Bataillon mechanized composed of tanks (obsolete) of French origin and by a score of Avion S of drive converted into bombers and hunter S, that is to say approximately: 5,000 men.

The May 10th, the Lebanese government announces that it would not take share with military operations, obliging the Syrian and Iraqi generals to redefine their plans.

The Saudi Arabia sends a quota of 800 men divided into three Bataillon S, who wait Aqaba to join the Egyptian forces at the time of their offensive.

The Arab League

Potential power

The creation of the Arab Ligue on March 22nd, 1945 fits in the current nationalist panarabic. It initially gathers the Egypt, the Iraq, the Syria, the Transjordanie, the Lebanon, the Yemen and the Saudi Arabia with a common aim of Arab defense of the interests on the international plan. Its general secretary is the Egyptian Abdul Rahman Hassan Azzam, known as also Azzam Pasha. The potential power that it represents is considerable. Together, these seven countries reign on: 45,000,000 men an important Jewish community, dispersed on 5,000,000 km2, an entity 30 times more populated and 200 times wider than Palestine. Under their desert vastnesses the most important reserves of Pétrole of the world are. They order from 5 Armée S regular including 3, those with the Egypt, of the Transjordanie and of the Iraq are far from being négligeables. According to the Jewish intelligence services of the time, the totality of the military forces of the members of the Arab League assembles itself to: 165,000 soldiers with a military budget of: 28,000,000 of pounds sterling. But this image of power and unit hiding place actually obvious internal dissensions within sight of the relations which bind its members.

Policy

The Arab League is in all logic directly concerned with the Palestinian file which it deals with as of 1946 while speaking in the name of the Palestinian Arab people before the various commissions created to study the file like with the delegations Zionists. " One of the first acts of the organization thus was to proclaim the general support of the Arab for the cause of the Palestine. But each Arab leader has its own ideas on the best way of serving this cause. And generally, the idea is to seize the occasion to serve the interests of the leaders themselves, or at least of their pays".

It is decided to be opposed to the plane of division: the memorandum of the meeting of the League to the Cairo in December 1947 stipulates that the Arab League is determined to prevent the creation of a Jewish State and to protect the integrity from Palestine as a plain and independent Arab State .

In the facts it is mainly by thundering declarations that it is distinguished. " A whole week of debate had not been able to release the common will which the Arabs needed to apply such a resolution, the flood of the official statements ignited who had, day after day, had proclaimed their quarrelsome intentions made them captive of their clean Rhétorique "

Arab army of release

The Arab League decides to finance and involve a Armée with volunteers who would fight in Palestine. The memorandum of the Cairo ratifies the decision to provide: 10,000 rifles: 3,000 volunteers and: 1,000,000 of pounds sterling to allow an immediate release of the operations of Guerilla in Palestine Fawzi Al-Qawuqji, a hero of the fight for Arab independence. It in particular took part in the Palestinian revolt in 1937-1938 at the side of the Nashashibis and an enemy of the Husseinis. It is however also a close relation the Syria, where he hopes to obtain the station of Minister for Defense, he declares: It is indifferent for me that you fight against Abdel Kader. I even hope that you will give him a good lesson. And one will not have only it counts on my aide. The Armed with release and the Jihad Al-Muqadas will enter in collision more than in their turn. Their clashes will become really serious in March 1948, just at the moment when the unit of action will be more necessary than ever and all the attempts at mediation of the league will remain unfruitful . Ultimately, one entrusts North to Fawzi Al-Qawuqji, the area of Jerusalem to Abdel Kader Al-Husseini and the sector of Lydda and Ramleh with Hassan Salameh, which the pressure will relieve on the principal Jewish concentration, in central Palestine . The area of the Negev is entrusted to the Egyptian colonel Taryq Bey.

The general headquarters of the Arab Army of release are established with Damas for the provisioning and the Logistique. A military committee, directed by the Iraqi general with the retirement Ismail Safwat, supervises the operations (p.58). On the ground, several Syrian officers ensure the command of the various battalions of it.

The volunteers of the army have heteroclite origins: former officers or soldiers, students, civils servant of the government, farmers… Syrians, Lebanese, Iraqis, Transjordaniens, Muslim brothers of Egypt. There are also some Yugoslavians, Germans, Turks or of the British deserters.

The Armée with Arab release enters approximately: 10,000 men. According to Lapierre and Collins, contrary to the Palestinians, these foreign volunteers have a correct armament. Their transmissions and their transport remain however primitive (…). As for the intendance, (…) El Qawuqji will let the army live plundering of the Jewish colonies. That its stock of drugs includes/understands only laxatives and about aspirine does not worry it more. It does not envisage a long campaign nor serious losses .

The British resignation

International situation

The British Empire is in crisis period, in particular with the independence of the India and the Pakistan and the fall of its influence in the Middle East. The the United Kingdom also knows concern with the Egyptian authorities, which carried the dispute on British military bases in front of UNO. Lastly, the Palestinian file poisons the relations of the Empire with the the United States, whose assistance is essential to the maintenance of the standard of living of the population of the country during the difficult time of the post-war period.

Local policy

At the Palestinian local level, the British proposed several plans to bring a solution to the problem: without success. On the ground, the economic costs of their maintenance in Palestine are raised, both for to maintain the order there to manage the country. The losses in human lives following the fight that carry out to them the Zionists groups of right-hand side passes with difficulty within the public opinion. Lastly, London does not want to see the Mufti seizing the power in Palestine.

The United Kingdom thus will play the chart of its last ally to the the Middle East: the king Abdallah of Jordan.

The solution of division of Palestine between the Zionists and the kingdom Hachémite had already been considered by the Commission Peel in 1937. “By many points, it had adopted the solution of Abdallah. A newspaper of Jaffa, Filastin , qualified it then solution of the " large Transjordanie" , expression adopted then by Foreign Office to indicate its own solution with the Palestinian question”.

In September 1947, the United Kingdom does not emit any objection with the suggestion of Abdallah to seize the Arab part of Palestine but refuses however its proposal to let enter the Arab Légion to Palestine for helping there to maintain the order. The possibility of seeing the control of the Negev falling into the hands of one their allies would be also in the center of discussions to come.

September 20th, 1947, shortly after the handing-over of the conclusions of UNSCOP in favor of the end of the British mandate and the division in two States, the United Kingdom decides to evacuate Palestine without any transfer organized of competence to the Arab , the Juifs or UNO. The latter is officially informed by it the September 27th. The official position of the United Kingdom east to give its support only for one solution accepted by the two parts. It in addition prohibits the entry in Palestine at the commission of the United Nations charged to organize the devolution of the capacities. The British departure thus leaves a conflict and disorganized situation.

The British also have very important forces in Egypt which intervene sporadically at the end of the war, as well as control in fact of the Arab Legion ordered by Sir John Glubb Pasha and entirely framed by British officers.

The implication of the USA and the USSR

The two emergent great powers of the Second world war had also an important influence in the conflict.

The international policy of the the United States is marked at the same time by its opposition to the Colonialisme and by a need for the control of the energy resources and in particular of the Pétrole. Within this framework, the State Department has all the reasons to be favorable to the Arab S.

As of the Years 1930, several American oil companies have interests growing with the the Middle East and are there in competition with the companies Frenchwoman, British or Dutchwoman. Moreover, the movement Zionist is perceived - in particular - as a movement colonialist; what fits badly in the context of the emancipation and the Arab Nationalisme vis-a-vis French and British colonialisms.

On the internal plan, however, the president Truman needs the vote of the Jewish community of the United States and is prone to the pressures of the lobby Zionist. Moreover, it was marked by the drama of the Holocauste and its sympathy to the movement Zionist is sincere. It intervenes on several occasions to take the party of the Jews of Palestine, including against its own State Department.

In same time, the traditional Soviet policy against the Zionism underwent a total reversal. One explains this reversal by the concern of thwarting the British policy in the Middle East, even the secret hope to see the future State of Israel becoming a socialist head of bridge in the Middle East. At all events, the the USSR was an ally essential of the Zionists with UNO for the vote of the plan of division. And within the framework of the preparation to the War, the Eastern bloc is the provider of the Arme lies which is cruelly lacking at the Jewish State.

Synthesis

Yichouv

At November 30th, 1947, the Yichouv is plain behind a common objective: the result of the project Zionist and the foundation of a Jewish State in Palestine agent.

The authority of its leader David Ben Gourion is recognized overall and the capacity is centralized around its person.

At the diplomatic level, the Jewish Agence maintains good contacts with the British authorities agents and with the the United States where they have one to support sincere in the chief of the president Harry Truman and do not attract sympathy with its cause. Its Arab “allies” hardly appreciate it. As tries them to convince Ismail Safwat of it, their intervention or not can weigh significantly in the balance and while trying to respect the promises of independences made at the same time to the Zionists by Balfour and with Arabic by McMahon. These objectives would be carried out if Palestine were divided between a Jewish and Arab State and that the Arab part was annexed by Transjordanie. It is the strategy which they will choose

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