Policy of the Fiji

The political life of the Fiji is marked by an important ethnic division between Fidjiens of stock (or mélano-Fijians) and Indo-Fijians. The two great parties, the SDL and the Members of the Labor Party reflect this division today.

One also records there a relative instability of mode since four coups d'etat were held there and three constitutions were adopted since 1970, date of his independence. The institutional recognition of the rights of the various communities was the cause, or the justification, principal of the successive coups d'etat. The constitution recognizes indeed certain rights to the mélanésiens autochtones, in particular granting the monopoly to them on the land ownership.

1970-1977: time of the Pacific Way

During the first years of independence, the observers transfer in Fiji a model of democracy and interethnic harmony. This harmony rested on the famous concept invented by Kamisese Mara of Pacific Way or “sees peaceful”, in other words that in the pacified Southern Pacific, any problem found its solution in the negotiation, the consensus and the palaver.

The constitution of 1970

The day before independence, Ratu Kamisese Mara (Alliance Party) and Sidiq Koya (National Federation Party) found after difficult negotiations a compromise on new institutions. As wanted it Alliance Party of Mara, Fiji remained within the Commonwealth, consequently of what, the Head of the State was the British sovereign represented on the spot by a general governor. Robert Forster who occupied already this station since 1966 there was confirmed until 1973, date on which Ratu George Cakobau, succeeded to him. It should be noted that the general governor had a right of dissolution of the Room of representatives on a proposal from the Prime Minister

The legislative system at the beginning unicaméral was reformed in 1972 with the creation of a senate. This senate was composed at the time 22 members of which 8 were named on a proposal from the Large Council of Chiefs, 7 by the Prime Minister, 6 by the leader of the opposition and 1 by the Council of Rotuma. The called Lower House Chambre of the representatives for its part consisted of 52 members elected for one 5 years period according to a double system of poll.

27 of its members was elected by the Community or particular vote, i.e. each community elected its own representatives: 12 for the mélano-Fijians, 12 for the indo-Fijians and 3 for the general voters, in other words the other ethnos groups (Europeans essentially).
the 22 other members as for them were elected in a national poll by the vote for all. Among these 22 seats 10 were reserved for mélano-Fijians, 10 with indo-Fijians and 5 with general members.

Finally the executive was the responsibility of the Cabinet made up of the Prime Minister and his government. This one was named by the general governor on proposal of the Room of the representatives in front of whom it was responsible.

General elections of 1972

It is in an alleviated climate that was held the electoral campaign of the first general elections since independence. The meetings of each of the two great parties took place face a multiethnic audience, those of Alliance Party generally begin with Indian traditional safety whereas the speeches of the leaders of the NFP evoked in eulogistic terms the importance of the tradition taukei (Fijian).

These elections of 1972 transfer Alliance to gain a broad victory, grace in particular to the 24% of indo-Fijians having voted for its candidates.

The shortly after the elections, Mara was confirmed at its post of Prime Minister. Dimensioned indo-Fijians, this defeat of the NFP was charged to its leader Sidiq Koya that a certain number of members of its own party started to criticize openly, reproaching him inter alia being a yes man (too much servile, litt. " Yes Me sieur") too much reconciling towards Mara. Among those, let us quote Karam Chand Ramrakha, Irene Jai Narayan or Jai RAM Reddy. To this political dissension was added a religious competition, Koya being Moslem, the three other Hindus.

Side of Alliance Party, dissensions were also felt, in particular on behalf of a usual chief of Rewa, Sakeasi Butadroka. Elected with the Community poll of 1972 and Minister of Industry, he criticized the too consensual policy according to him of Mara towards the National Party Federation and the indo-Fijians. In 1974, it left the government to found its own party, the Fijian National Party (FNP) with for slogan " Fiji for the Fijians ".

These increasing oppositions within the two great parties were to lead to the toughening of their respective leader and to put a term at their “honeymoon” which lasted since independence. In 1975 at the request of the NFP, a made up independent commission British constitutionnalists returned a report/ratio in which she proposed to release the seats of the national poll of very forced ethnic. Mara was opposed to it firmly. The same Butadroka year filed in with the room of the representatives a bill proposing the immediate repatriation of all the indo-Fijians towards their country of origin, the price of the voyage and the compensations having to be the responsibility of the British government. If Mara were opposed to the bill, it seems that it was him which pushed in Butadroka slide to propose it. By this double game, Mara, as a fine political strategist, hoped that these extremists proposals and this rhetoric anti-Indian discredit Butadroka definitively. The press close to Alliance Party did not fail a remainder not the shortly after the presentation of the bill to qualify this “stupid and racist” last .

1977-1987: the time of the first tensions

Elections of 1977 and the first constitutional crisis

If 24% of the indo-fijiens had voted for Alliance Party with the national poll of the elections of 72, this figure fell to 16% to those from 1977, number of them reproaching Mara for not having subscribed to the recommendations of the British Commission. To that was added an opening of Fijian National Party who obtained two seats against 24 for Alliance Party and 26 for NFP of Sidiq Koya. Although its majority was weak, this last had normally and according to the constitution being called by the general governor to form a government. Koya then proposed in Mara to negotiate the installation of a coalition government. Mara pretended to accept the negotiation developing in same time with his/her cousin George Cakobau, the general governor, a tactic to prevent the NFP from arriving at the businesses. After a few days some confused not very, Cakobau appointed Mara Prime Minister who, knowing pertinently that it could not control without majority with the Room of the representatives, immediately asked Cakobau to dissolve the assembly like allowed him the constitution. The voters had thus again to vote in September 1977. For these elections, the NFP was presented divided with side the partisans of Sidiq Koya and other the “faction hibiscus” which had just created Karam Chand Ramrakha, Irene Jai Narayan and Jai RAM Reddy which denounced the political naivety of Koya. Mined by these divisions the NFP obtained only 15 seats including 12 occupied by partisans of the faction hibiscus. The Alliance Party and Mara which centered their countryside on the topic of the union while being presented in the form of only guarantors of the political stability of the country obtained a broad victory with 36 seats to which was added 1 seat for the National Fijian Party of Butadroka.

General elections of 1982

For these elections, a new party made its entry in the Fijian political arena. It was about the " Western United Face " (WUF) of which the leader Ratu Osea Gavidi, represented the interests of the land small holders of the west coast of Viti Levu. Opposed to the omnipotence and the influential role of the Large Council of the chiefs on the political life, the tradition constituted according to its members primarily mélano-Fijians a brake with the economic development of the archipelago. For these elections the WUF made alliance with the NFP with for common slogan, " it' S time for change" (“it is time to change”).

The elections gave for result a short victory of Alliance Party with 28 seats against 24 for coalition NFP/WUF and none for FNP Butadroka. This victory of Alliance Party was partly due to the vote of a majority of Indo-Fijians of Moslem confession which had only one confidence moderated in Reddy and the retreat of the FNP. Alliance NFP/WUF denounced the shortly after the results of the electoral frauds and the financial aid which Alliance Party on behalf of the Australian government would have received. Following this Koya defeat withdrew political life. He succeeded the head of the NFP, Jai RAM Reddy

The creation of the Fijian Workers party and the hope of a plural company

The middle of the Eighties saw the emergence of a very new party the " Fiji Ploughing Party " (Fijian Workers party). Opposed to any ostracism and composed members belonging to all the ethnos groups of the archipelago, this party was to upset the Fijian political life. Its creation coincided with the multiplication of social conflicts in the years 1983-1984: burden with the teachers, dockers… These conflicts are mainly explained by the economic difficulties why Fiji met then (increase in unemployment related to the by-effects of the oil crisis of 1979 on the tourist frequentation, serious damage caused by the cyclone of 1984…). Taking as a starting point the policy Monétariste of America reaganienne of the Eighties, Mara answered these difficulties by a plan of austerity and a deregulation of the economy. In parallel, he denounced these social conflicts like “a Soviet handling”. He also tried to counter the trade unions by creating competitor trade unions won over to his cause. It was a failure, the latter meeting only little success. Quite to the contrary, the trade unions whose action was based hitherto on primarily wage and social claims, were politicized more and more for finally founding in July 1985, the " Fijian Party" Ploughing;.

“Whereas the crisis worsens each day, the trade unions made of their to better work with the government in place to find solutions equitable. The unilateral decision to liberalize the wages clearly indicated that this one did not wish in any manner of discussing with the representatives of the Fijian workers. As an trade union official, I felt that we must react against the policy of the government, policy threatening the wellbeing not only of our members but of the whole of the Fijians. The moment indeed had just created our own party rather than to depend on the good will from the parties which made the demonstration that they represented only their private interests. (…)Our goal is to propose a real alternative to the parties in place and to create a force which answers the needs and the aspirations of the Fijians. Our goal is to create a true democracy in this country, democracy whose principles are ridiculed. Lastly, I reiterate the will of Fiji Labor Party to do something for the minorities which were neglected too a long time. ” Speech of Bavadra during its nomination to the presidency of the party in July 1985.

The program of the FLP was clearly pressed on a platform left, with for project the nationalization of vital industries of the country, a minimum wage… to which a will was added to exceed ethnic cleavages and to found a multiethnic class consciousness. Thus if its president Timocy Bavadra were mélanésien, its general secretary Krishna Datt was as for him of Indian origin.

1987-1999: end of the myth of the Pacific Way

General elections of April 1987 and coups d'etat of May 14th and September 25th

Little before the elections, Fijian Labor Party found an agreement of alliance with the National Party Federation mined since 1984 by internal divisions which transfer the resignation of Reddy then the return of Sidiq Koya before finally certain Harish Sharma take the head of the party in 1985. The agreement between the two parties rested on acceptance by the National Party Federation that a mélanésien with knowing Bavadra takes the head of the coalition in exchange of what the workers party agreed to put out of silencing device its economic program. It also provided that in the event of victory, the new cabinet included/understood as many ministers of Indian origin mélanésienne.

The electoral campaign was held in an tense atmosphere. Mara concentrated its criticisms on Bavadra with which it reproached for being “sold to the Indians and to betray its own camp”. The elections took place at the beginning of April. Coalition FLP/NFP gained 28 seats against 24 for alliance. As for the WUF which had made alliance with certain dissidents of the NFP, just as the nationalists of Butadroka did not obtain any seat.

It was a shock wave in all the country. After nearly 20 years of reign without division, Alliance Party of Mara was on the way to lose the capacity. Mara recognized its defeat publicly on April 13rd while Bavadra had to form the new government. Sharma became Deputy Prime Minister while a certain number of Indians obtained key ministries. Another innovation, Bavadra which was not a usual chief obtained under the terms of the constitution, the presidency of the Council of chiefs.

A few days after the nomination of Bavadra, some of these usual chiefs of which Butadroka as well as the number two of Alliance Party Apisai Tora met to found a more or less clandestine movement the " Taukei Movement " whose objective was to reverse the government. During a maintenance given to the Times of London Tora declared thus “We will find our rights sold in London in 1970. We do not have no need for your system, your democracy. We will never accept that one imposes a foreign capacity to us. The Indians already drew aside us from the economic capacity. Today we want Fiji for the Fijians. We accommodated these Indians whom the British imposed to us. We let them live in peace, to be made money on the back of our generosity. It there forever have acts of reciprocity. They do not know our language, our habits. It is time for them to make their luggage and to leave”

April 23rd, Tora launched a call to civil disobedience whereas demonstrations were organized in the main cities of the country. The roads were blocked, of the plundered Indian trade, the houses of the main leaders of the burned NFP… Bavadra made stop Tora, in parallel showing the Australian CIA and secret services to be behind the agitators. During this time Kamisese Mara was done more discrete. It went even to Hawai' I at the beginning of May for says it “to visit some friends”.

It was finally the army which at the instigation of the Council of the chiefs and Taukei Movement decided to intervene. May 14th in the morning, a section of 10 soldiers directed by a young lieutenant connected with the cheffery Beam, Sitiveni Rabuka, took by to storm the Parliament. In the same time of other soldiers seized the principal ministries and the principal telephone center of the island. At 3 p.m. without only one shot being drawn, the business was finished. Rabuka which autoproclama immediately Colonel was made a press conference in which it announced to have taken the control of the government and the suspension of the constitution.

As of the following day, the international community condemned officially the takeover by force, the conservative government of Margaret Thatcher refusing to recognize the new government. Fiji being part of the Commonwealth and the Head of the State being officially the Queen Elizabeth posed the legal problem indeed. The Fijian Supreme court thus declared the coup d'etat illegal and anticonstitutional. Negotiations opened between this one and the general governor, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau which it on September 23rd proposed the reference of Rabuka and the formation of a government of national unit also including/understanding indo-Fijians. But on September 25th, Rabuka fearing to lose the benefit of the first coup d'etat announced either the suspension of the constitution of 1970 but its final abrogation and proclaimed the Fijian Republic.

The Republic Fijian 1987-1999

In December 1987, Fiji returned to a pretense of standardization with the formation of a civil government. Mara which had ended up being joined the putschists took the head of it whereas Rabuka preserved the wallets of Defense and the Interior. It is not that in 1990 qu' a new constitution was finally adopted coming to institutionalize the political domination of the mélano-Fijians on the other communities.

Become a republic, the Head of the State was from now on a president named and resulting from the Large Council of the chiefs for one five years period. The first Fijian president was the preceding general governor, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau. The senate was extended to 32 members with a novel mode of designation since from now on 24 of the senators were named by the Council of the chiefs, 9 by the president of the Republic and 1 by the council of the chiefs of Rotuma. As for the room of the Representatives, it was composed from now on of 70 seats of which 37 were reserved for mélano-Fijians, 27 with Indians and 5 with general Members and 1 for Rotuma all elected with the Community poll, the national poll being abolished.

The first general elections within the framework of these new institutions had in 1992. Rabuka created for those a very new party the Soqosoqo neither Vakavulewa nor Taukei or SVL coming to replace the Alliance Party which had decided the shortly after the coups d'etat of 1987 car-to dissolve. The workers party as for him from now on was directed by an Indian, Mahendra Chaudhry. It had succeeded this station in 1991 in Kuini Speed, the widow of Timocy Bavadra which had died out of natural death in 1989.

It is without surprise that the SVL gained a broad victory, with 32 of the 37 seats reserved for the mélano-Fijians plus that of Rotuma, the 5 others going to the nationalists of Butadroka. The 27 seats reserved for the indo-Fijians were divided into the National Party Federation who obtained 14 from them and members of the Labor Party 13. Finally the 5 seats of the general members returned to the " General Voters Party".

Rabuka had to form the new government while Mara was named president of the Republic.

In 1994, the Room of the Representatives was dissolved and the voters called again to vote. This dissolution made following internal oppositions within the SVL and more particularly of the Minister for Finance of government Rabuka, Josefata Kamikamica. It decided little before the elections to found its own party the " Fijian Party" Association; (FAP) that the widow of Bavadra joined, Kuini Speed. The FAP was favorable to a return to more representativeness of the Indian community. It should be said that a great number of the Indians, often richest, had been exiled after the coups d'etat of 1987 either in Australia or in India and from now on Mélanésiens were again majority in the country. In parallel Fiji knew a strong recession due at the beginning of these same Indians who very often held the reins of the local economy, but also with the escape of the foreign assets, suffering archipelago of a reputation of segregationist and unstable State.

These elections brought only little of changes compared to those of 1992. The SVL gained 33 seats, the FAP 5 seats, the " General Voters Party" also 5 seats, the NFP, 20 seats and the members of the Labor Party only 7 seats are a loss of 6 compared to 1992. As for the nationalists of Butadroka who had centered their countryside again on the repatriation of all the Indians perdirant the 5 seats gained in 1992.

Rabuka was confirmed at its post of Prime Minister promising to reform the constitution. In 1995, Kamisese Mara always president of the Republic created a constitutional Commission made up of three members: a mélano-Fijian member of old Alliance Party, Tomasi Vakatora, an academic Indo-Fijian, Brij Lal; the former British general governor in New Zealand and bishop Anglican, Paul Reeves. They emitted a certain number of recommendations which led to the constitutional reform of 1997. By this reform Fiji returned to a system of double polls for the elections of the Room of the Representatives. From now on on 71 of its members, 46 were elected with the Community poll (23 seats being reserved for Mélano-Fijians, 19 to Indo-Fijians, 3 with general members and 1 for Rotuma). The 25 other members were elected as for them by the vote for all without any unspecified restriction with regard to the ethnic membership and this contrary to the old national poll instituted by the Constitution of 1970.

1999-2006: of a coup d'etat to the other

The Chaudhry government and the coup d'etat of May 2000

In May 1999, the legislative elections which followed this reform carried for the first time of its history, a indo-Fijian with the head of the government in the person of Mahendra Chaudhry. This government was of short duration since one year later, in May 2000, it was reversed by a coup d'etat carried out by George Speight. The army directed by Frank Bainimarama imposed the martial law then and, in spite of attempts at mutinies, restores the order. George Speight was stopped and condemned.

The Qarase government and the coup d'etat of December 2006

In July 2000, Laisenia Qarase was named Prime Minister by interim. In October 2000, its government was declared unconstitutional by the Court of Appeal of the country. However, he was legally elected like Prime Minister in 2001 then in 2006, after the legislative elections which were held from May 6th to 13rd.

Qarase was inflexible by refusing any idea of alliance with Mahendra Chaudhry in spite of its electoral successes.

December 5th, 2006, with 6:00 GMT, the government is reversed by the army always directed by Frank Bainimarama. The new strong man of the country specified to be himself assumed the role of Head of State, instead of the current president Ratu Josefa Iloilovatu. The rear-admiral added that a temporary government will be named while waiting for elections with the calendar not specified. The Parliament will be dissolved and the capacities will be sometimes restored with the Head of the State, it announced. A civil doctor was appointed Prime Minister by interim.

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