Nicolas Grunitzky (born the April 5th 1913 with Atakpamé - died the September 27th 1969 with Paris) is the second president Togo independent of January 16th 1963 with the January 13rd 1967.

His/her mother came from the royal family of Atakpamé. His/her father, officer German of Polish origin, had reconverted himself into the trade. The father dies a few months after the birth of small Nicolas. The young mongrel will be one of the very first stock-brokers Togolese to being sent in France. It passes there practically all its youth. College of Aix-en-Provence; Vat of mathematics. Holding moreover a diploma for the occupation of technician of office, he will become engineer of public works. Returned to Togo in the years 1940, he is in turn civil servant and leader of a company of public works. He creates in 1949, the NET (New Company of Public works).

In 1940, it militates just like Olympio in favor of De Gaulle. In 1944, he is general secretary of " Combat" , a movement which preaches collaboration and association with France. In 1948, he is secretary of the trade union of the senior officers of public works. He will be appointed; Prime Minister for the autonomous Republic of Togo. During French legislative elections in January 1956, Grunitzky only candidate is re-elected appointed by 184. 240 votes cast. It will sit at the Palais Bourbon within group MRP (tendency democracy-Christian woman) with the Boganda abbot (Oubangui-Chari) and the Cameronian, Douala Manga-Beautiful. The historians judge Grunitzky like a leader intelligent, cordial and sympathetic nerve, but hesitant and influenceable. He was tolerant and concerned compromise. But, to keep the confidence of France, it missed it stings it which was the guarantee of a certain stability.

From return to the business by the grace of a takeover by force fomented by the soldiers, Nicolas Grunitzky will try to direct Togo while knowing that the true captain is the army. The officers of this army, them also were conscious of being able to them. A thankless struggle begins inside this army for supremacy. This internal combat is supported by the relatively young age of this army in gestation: all these officers quasi lately promoted have the same starting chance.

A provisional government is formed as of on January 16th, 1963, to evacuate the go concern and to see coming. Innovation, this government includes/understands three nationals of North. The officers have their revenge: for the first time in the history of Togo, the septentrional part is largely represented within a government (three ministers out of seven). With the political plan, all the parties are represented, including COULD (Left the Togolese Unit), new name of the CUT of S. Olympio, after its association with part of the JUVENTO (Justice, Union, Vigilance, Education, Nationalisme, Ténacité, Optimisme). COULD is represented by Me Noah Kutuklui with the social Affairs and the Public office, a ministry of second category. Mr. Nicolas Grunizky of the Democratic Union Of the Togolese People (UDPT), cumulates moreover: presidency of the Republic, ministries for Defense, the Interior and the Foreign affairs. As for Antoine Méatchi (UDPT), arising from North, it is named vice-president. (It should be noted that the UDPT is a kind of fusion between the UCPN and the PTP.)

Man of consensus, Nicolas Grunitzky will first of all seek to pacify the spirits. It is within this framework that he convenes as of February 1963 with the Large-ground (football stadium) of Lome, a table-round; to some extent, an ancestor of the National conference of 1991. This " small format" national conference aimed at especially and before very, to prepare a new Constitution. With regard to COULD, it is represented with this conference by personalities of the political world, such, Pierre Prince-Agbodjan, Marc Atidépé, Sylvain Looky. The Army is represented by the commander Kléber Dadjo and lieutenant Etienne Eyadéma. The Catholic church of Togo delegated Mgr Casimir Dosseh. One also notes the participation of other political parties, the religious authorities and the representatives of the trade unions and the civil society. Following this small National conference, a broad election takes place on May 3rd, 1963. For this purpose, the borders with Ghana and Dahomey were temporarily closed the day before. The day of the vote, the police force and the gendarmerie operated patrols through the capital. One votes within the framework of a constitution project programming a presidency and a vice-presidency of the Republic, held respectively by Misters Nicolas Grunitzky and Antoine Méatchi. The constitutional project also envisages a legislative Parliament with single list (14 candidates); theoretically, there is not large-choice. COULD protests vigorously against this system of single list. It invites to boycott the consultations. Without success, seemingly. Officially, the participation borders the 100%. On 639.524 registered voters, 98,52% of yes with the Constitution; 99,87% for the presidency and the vice-presidency; 98,61% for the National Assembly. These figures come to legitimate a regime change after a coup d'etat. They consequently legitimate occasion and in an indirect way the capacity of the army on the country. By the threat, by the weapons or the ballot boxes, " COULD which had dominated the political life of the country up to that point, after the death of its leader, in 1963, will start to be rolled by its adversaries of the UDPT, which will even reduce to eliminate completely with the assistance from the army, its influence in the country. " (C.), Togo under Eyadéma, Karthala, Paris, 1986, p. 56. COULD will try to retort by acts of violence, of sabotage even of destabilization. During this second Republic, a plot fomented against president Grunitzky is discovered, on April 9th, 1963. The charges go on Mr. Theophilus Mally, former minister for the Interior under Olympio. In exile in Nigeria, he will be condemned by contumacy to twenty years of prison. Another leader of COULD, one of most irreducible, Me Noah Kutuklui, will bail out as for him, eighteen months firm.

At once the finished elections, Grunitzky and Méatchi, under the vigilant eye of the officers, form a government of 10 members. Grunitzky preserves the ministry for Defense and that of the Interior, while the Méatchi vice-president, will have the upper hand on Finances. With the financial plan precisely, Grunitzky and Méatchi are distinguished from their predecessor (Olympio), in a negative way, while being shown less rigorous. The expenditure of the embassies, the military appropriations is re-examined with the rise. " One of the first decisions which Grunitzky as a President legitimated by the ballot boxes made, was to integrate in the Togolese army, the released soldiers their obligations with respect to the French Army and to fix the conditions of their remunerations. (Decision of May 18th, 1963, n° 89 - D /pr/ MDN, OJ R.T. of June 16th, 1963, p. 404 " (C.), Togo under Eyadéma, Karthala, Paris, 1986, p. 63. Emmanuel Bodjollé, promoted commander, will be named chief of staff of the army. Very quickly, between the policies and the soldiers two opposite axes are formed. The axis Grunitzky-Eyadéma and the axis Méatchi-Bodjollé. Each one of these four characters of the chess-board politico-soldier, cash on his ally to sit a hegemony in its own field. In May 1964, Eyadéma supplants Bodjollé within the army. Bodjollé had tried a military insurrection in favor of Méatchi. The competition between Bodjollé and Eyadéma is the palpable proof that the Togolese political problem is not summarized in an opposition between North and the South. In this fight between the brothers kabyè, Eyadéma, become commander and chief of staff, then lieutenant-colonel, will have the top. Political side, Méatchi will try to have supremacy, because he always considered, which if one called upon his competences while going to seek it in his Ghanaian exile, it is to succeed Olympio. In November 1966, the Vice-president benefitting from the capacities which are conferred to him by the Constitution (art.24), proceeds to nominations and revocations, while Grunitzky is on a journey in France. On its return, vis-a-vis the governmental crisis, Grunitzky by amendment makes remove the vice-presidency. Méatchi becomes again Minister for Agriculture, posts that it occupied already under Olympio. But president Grunitzky leaves weakened this incident. Its adversaries benefit from it to try the takeover by force of November 21st, 1966. The caciques ones of COULD, in particular Noah Kutuklui, A. Franklin, Guy Kouassigan, in agreement with the military hierarchy try to reverse the president of the Republic, Nicolas Grunitzky. The morning of November 21st, Me Noah Kutuklui, Mr. Oswald Ajavon, director of Radio-Lome, and one flopée of militants of the author: Militant comes from Latin. Etymologiquement, miles, want to say: soldier. and sympathizers occupy the waves and require the resignation of president Grunitzky and his government; the dissolution of the National Assembly. They want free elections and democratic. of the author: Irony of the history, many years later, during the " transition démocratique" , when the soldiers of Eyadéma occupy the first time the Radio (1 {{er}} October 1991), their principal requirement will be: the dissolution of the High council of the Republic (transitory National Assembly)! District Be, passing by the circular Boulevard until Kodjoviakopé, of the thousands of Loméens express with signs, slogans and songs to support the radiophonic declarations. But the chiefs of the army, after having supported rising, change opinion, because the demonstrators require also the judgment of the soldiers having assassinated president Sylvanus Olympio. Eyadéma thus makes repress the anti-Grunitzky demonstration, more especially as, according to certain quite informed political circles, the French authorities in charge of the interests of their country in Africa, would have allotted a few million F CFA to the staff of the Togolese army so that this one transfers edge. The staff thus makes volte-face. From this date, the Eyadéma officer starts to determine the extent of his capacity on the political life of the country. If it can make and demolish the kings, why wouldn't he become to it itself? But its intellectual level relatively low retained it. Fortunately for Eyadéma, official French understood rather early, the role that this man can play in the maintenance of their influence in Togo, because having already been useful under Tricolor, it would be enough to put it opposite him, two or three generals French to make it very understanding. Mr. Foccart personally would have taken the business in hand. Thus France gradually released Grunitzky with the profit of Eyadéma. The soldiers take again the capacity on January 13rd, 1967. They set up a leading authority: the " Committee of Nationale" Reconciliation; directed by the officer Kléber Dadjo. The chief of staff, Etienne Eyadéma, is always held in withdrawal, handicapped by his relatively elementary school level. How to compete with graduates like Doctor Ohin (Public health), Misters Boukari Djobo (Public office and social Affairs), Paulin Eklou (Trade, Industry and Tourism), Alex Mivédor (Public works), Bartélémy Lamboni (State education) etc, who compose the government of the CRN? The solution with the problem of Eyadéma, will come from three crucial factors. Firstly, the capacity of the weapons takes precedence over all the considerations of a intellectual nature. Secondly, it proves that colonel Dadjo, placed at the head of the Committee of national reconciliation, is a soldier who does not like the policy. Thirdly, Eyadéma is approached and courted by the Foccart system, which persuades it that he is the right man for the job. In any event, Eyadéma which started to know itself there in policy, knows that it holds France " by the goatee " : " Eyadéma seems to have had the flash of intuition which made its career: to hold France by a crime to which it would be accessory. The flash of the balls. " (F-X), Françafrique, the longest scandal of the Republic, Stock, Paris, 1998, p. 121. Thus Eyadéma will seize all the power, on April 14th, 1967.

He dies in exile in Paris in an car accident on September 27th, 1969.