Monarchy of July

Proclaimed the August 9th 1830 after the riots known as of the Glorious Three , the Monarchie of July (1830 - 1848) succeeds in France the Restauration. The branch junior by the Bourbons, the house of Orleans, reaches the capacity then. Louis-Philippe I {{er}} becomes king of the French , and not king de France . Its reign, begun in 1830 after the barricades from the Glorious Three, finishes in 1848 by other barricades, which drive out it to found the Second Republic. The Monarchy of July was thus that of only one man, and signs in France the end of the royalty.

The ideal of the new mode is defined by Louis-Philippe answering at the end of January 1831 the address which sends to him the town of Gaillac: “We will seek to hold us in a happy medium, also far away from excesses from the popular capacity and abuses the royal capacity. ”

Agitated beginnings

The August 7th 1830, the Charte of 1814 is revised. The preamble pointing out the Ancien Mode is removed. The charter becomes a pact between the nation and the king, and ceases being a concession of this last. It is registered like a compromise between the constitutional ones and the republicans. The Catholic religion is not any more religion of State, the censure of the press is abolished, the restored Tricolor.

See also: general Lieutenancy of Louis-Philippe of Orleans (1830), Charter of 1830

The August 9th 1830, Louis-Philippe lends oath to the Charte and is crowned. It is the official beginning of the Monarchy of July. The August 11th, a first ministry is formed, gathering tenors of the constitutional opposition to Charles X, whose Casimir Perier, Laffitte, Molé, the duke of Broglie, Guizot… the ministry must meet a double aim: to firmly take in hand the bureaucratic machinery and to restore the order in the street, while pretending enthusiasm for the cause of the revolution which has just triumphed.

Permanent disorder

For three months, the agitation, maintained by the press left, is permanent. The government does not have the means of prevailing, the more so as the national guard has at its head, starting from the August 16th, the marquis of Fayette, leader of the republicans. Louis-Philippe must thus suffer familiarities from the “heroes of July” who claim, according to the formula of Fayette, “a popular throne surrounded by republican institutions”.

Under the sniggers of the legitimists, the “king-citizen” distributes force handshakes to crowd; in front of the Palais Royal, in fact permanently assemblies claim with any end of Louis-Philippe field to make him sing the Marseillaise or Parisian the . But, like included/understood it well the chansonnier Béranger, the king plays a character role and will not be long in throwing the mask.

The revolutionists find themselves within popular clubs, claiming clubs of the Révolution of 1789, whose several prolong republican secret societies. One claims there political reforms or social, and one asks there for the death sentence of the four ministers of Charles X who were stopped whereas they sought to leave France (V. the article Procès of the ministers of Charles X). The strikes, the demonstrations multiply and worsen economic stagnation.

To start again the activity, the government makes vote, with the autumn 1830, a credit of 5 million to finance public works, firstly roads. Then, vis-a-vis the multiplication of the bankruptcies and with the rise of unemployment, especially in Paris, the government proposes to grant a guarantee of the State to the loans at the companies in difficulty in an envelope of 60 million; ultimately, the Room votes with at the beginning of October credit of 30 million intended for subsidies.

The August 27th, the monarchy of July must face its first scandal with the death of the last prince de Condé, found hung with the catch of the window of its room to the Château of Saint-Leu. Louis-Philippe and the queen Marie-Amélie are shown without proof by the legitimists to have made it assassinate to allow their son, the duke of Aumale, instituted her sole legatee, to put the hand on her immense fortune.

Renewal of the political and administrative personnel

In same time, the government purifies the administration of all the sympathizers legitimists who refuse to lend oath to the new mode and with its sovereign and replaces them by a new personnel resulting from the revolution of July, giving the signal of vast “a race to the places”. With the ministry for the Interior, Guizot renews all the prefectoral administration and the mayors of the big cities. With the ministry for Justice, Dupont of the Eure, assisted by its general secretary, Mérilhou, changes the majority of the public prosecutors. In the army, Bourmont, remained faithful to Charles X, is replaced with Algiers by Clauzel. One replaces the generals ordering the military regions, the Ambassadeur S, the ambassador plenipotentiaries, half of the members of the Council of State. To the House of Commons, a quarter approximately of the seats (119) are subjected to re-election in October, after resignation, refusal of oath or nomination to a public office involving, for the interested party, the obligation to represent itself in front of the voters. These bys-election are a success for the new mode and a rout for the legitimists.

The most notable element in this renewal of the political and administrative personnel is the return to the business of the part of the personnel of the First Empire which had been isolated under the Second Restoration. Sociologiquement, in spite of the moderate widening of the capacity of vote, the elites are hardly renewed: “After the revolution, the American historian David H. Pinkney, the landowners underlines, the class of the civils servant and people of the liberal professions continued to prevail in the stations - keys of the State as they had done under the Empire and the Restoration. In that, one can consider that the revolution had not inaugurated any new mode of “upper middle class”. ” “The great difference between the Restoration and monarchy in July, advances Guy Antonetti, did not lie as well in the substitution of a social group at another as in substitution, inside the same social group, of holding of a mentality favorable to the spirit of 89 to holding of a mentality which was hostile for him: socially similar, ideologically different. 1830 were only one shift in the same camp and not a change of camp. ”

The symbolic system installation of the new mode

The August 29th, Louis-Philippe reviews the national guard of Paris which acclaims it. “That is better for me that the sacring of Rheims! ”, he exclaims by embracing Fayette. The October 11th, the new mode decides that rewards will be granted to all the casualties of the Glorious Three and creates a medal commemorative for the combatants of the revolution of July. In October, the government presents a bill intended to compensate to the amount of 7 million the victims for the days for July.

The August 13rd, the king decided that the weapons of the house of Orleans ( of France to the money lambel) will decorate from now on the seal of the State. The ministers lose names of Monseigneur and the predicate of Excellence to become Mister the minister . The oldest son of the king is titrated duke of Orleans and royal prince; the girls and the sister of the king are princesses of Orleans .

And laws promulgated are adopted reconsidering unpopular measures taken under the Restauration. The law of amnesty of 1816, which had condemned to the proscription old the Régicide S, is repealed, except for its article 4, which condemns to the banishment the Bonaparte family members. The Holy-Genevieve church is again withdrawn with the catholic worship the August 15th and finds, under the name of the Pantheon, its vocation of laic temple dedicated to glories of France. A series of budgetary restrictions strike the Catholic church, however that is repealed, the October 11th, the “Loi of the sacrilege” of 1825, which punished of dead the profaners of devoted hosts.

The resistance and the movement

In the opinion and with the House of Commons, voices rise to require the closing of the republican clubs, hearths of agitation which contravene article 291 of the penal code, prohibiting any meeting of more than 20 people. But it Minister of Justice, Dupont of the Eure, and the public prosecutor of Paris, Bernard, both republicans, refuse to continue revolutionary associations.

The September 25th, answering an interpellation with the Room on this subject, the Minister of Interior Department, Guizot, expresses on the other hand the will to put a term at agitation. The speech, supported by that of Casimir Perier, is well accommodated with the Room, but this one does not manage to conclude. It is the appearance of a cleavage between two antagonistic political tendencies, which will structure the political life under monarchy of July:

the party of the mouvement (supported by the newspaper the National ), reformist and favorable to a policy of assistance to nationalities;
the party of the résistance (supported by the Newspaper of the debates ), conservative and favorable to peace with Europe.

The lawsuit of the four ex-ministers of Charles X stopped in August 1830 whereas they tried to flee abroad - Polignac, Chantelauze, Peyronnet and Guernon-Ranville - is the great political matter of the hour. The left requires the head of the ministers, but Louis-Philippe, wants to avoid an execution of which it fears that it does not give the signal of a revolutionary wave of Terror which, carrying the monarchy of July in a spiral of violence, would lead it to the war with the European powers. Also the House of Commons, all as a voter the September 27th a resolution of committal for trial of the former ministers, adopts the October 8th an address inviting the king to present a project abolishing the capital punishment, at least in political matters. This episode starts a riot the 17 and October 18th: the demonstrators walk on the Fort of Vincennes, where the ministers are held.

After these riots, Guizot requires the revocation of the prefect of the Seine, Odilon Barrot, which, in a proclamation with Parisian, qualified “inappropriate step” the address requiring the abolition of the capital punishment. Guizot, supported by the duke of Broglie, estimates that a senior official could not criticize an act of the House of Commons, especially that this one was approved by the king and his government. Dupont of the Eure takes the party of Deck-beam and threat to resign if he is repudiated. Jacques Laffitte, principal figure of the movement , is offered then to coordinate the ministers with the title of “President of the Council”. At once, Broglie and Guizot, refusing to pass under the cut of Laffitte, resign, followed by Perier, Dupin, Molé and Louis.

To raise the mortgage of left, Louis-Philippe then will take Laffitte with the word and invites it to form a new government the November 2nd 1830, by hoping that the exercise of the capacity will discredit it

The Laffitte ministry

“If the chief must be Mr. Laffitte, Louis-Philippe entrusts to the duke of Broglie, I authorize to it provided that it is itself charged to choose his colleagues, and I prevent in advance that, not sharing his opinion, I could not promise to him to lend help to him. ” One could not be clear any more; however, the formation of the cabinet gives place to protracted negotiations and Laffitte, misled by the marks of friendship which the king lavishes to him, believes that this last grants a true confidence to him.

The lawsuit of the ex-ministers of Charles X proceeds 15 with the December 21st in front of the Room of the pars, encircled by the riot which claims death. Condemned to perpetual detention, together with civil Death for Polignac, the ministers escapes the Lynchage thanks to the presence of mind from the Minister of Interior Department, Montalivet, which manages to extremely put them in safety to the of Vincennes. The national guard maintains the calm one in Paris, affirming its crucial role of middle-class militia of the new mode.

The implementation of reforms promised by the revised Charter

By expressing the importance of the national guard, only force on which the government can then hope to ensure the law and order, this episode also shows the risk that there is to leave it with the hands reliable not very Fayette. This one is quickly thorough with the resignation with the favor of a reorganization, which involves the departure of the government of the Minister of Justice, Dupont of the Eure. In addition, to avoid depending on only one force, Louis-Philippe gives the responsability the marshal Soult, appointed Minister for the War since the November 17th, to reorganize without delaying the army of line. This one presents to the Room, as of February 1831, its plan aiming increasing manpower of the army, reabsorbing surencadrement and at ensuring the supply of weapons and ammunition, and makes adopt the law of the March 9th 1831 creating the Foreign legion, first of an important military batch of reforms.

In same time, the government implements a certain number of reforms corresponding to claims of the party of the movement which had been entered in article 69 of the revised Charter: the law of the March 21st 1831 on the municipal councils restores the principle of the election and appreciably widens the electoral base, with 2 to 3 million voters on 32,6 million inhabitants, that is to say ten times more than for the legislative elections (V. Grandes laws under the monarchy of July); the law of the March 22nd 1831 organizes the national guard; the law of the April 19th 1831, voted after two months of debates at the Parliament, lowers the taxable quota of electorate from 300 to 200 francs of direct taxation and the taxable quota of eligibility from 1.000 to 500 francs. The number of voters passes from less than 100.000 to 166.000. A French on a hundred and seventy participle with the political life by the means of the elections.

Riots of the February 14th and 15th 1831

The riots which take place in Paris the 14 and February 15th 1831 will cause the fall of the ministry. They find their origin in the celebration, the 14, of an organized funeral service with Saint-Germain-the Auxerrois by the legitimists in memory of the duke of Berry. The religious ceremony takes actually a turn definitely more political, that of a demonstration in favor of the count de Chambord. The revolutionists there see an intolerable provocation, invade the church and put it at bag. The following day, crowd ransacks once again the archbishop's palace, already devastated at the time of the Glorious Three, before plundering several churches. The movement extends to the province where episcopal seminars and palates are plundered in several cities.

The government abstains from reacting vigorously. The prefect of the Seine, Odilon Deck-beam, the prefect of police, Jean-Jacques Baude, the commander of the National guard of Paris, the general Sheep, remains passive. And when the government takes finally measures, it is to make stop the archbishop of Paris, M {{gr.}} of Quélen, the priest of Saint-Germain-the Auxerrois, and other priests shown, with some notable royalists, to be itself delivered to provocations!

To calm the spirits, Laffitte, supported by the royal prince, proposes to the king a strange parade: to remove the flowers of lily on the seal of the State. Louis-Philippe tries to conceal himself, but it ends up signing the ordinance of the February 16th 1831 which substitutes for the weapons of the house of Orleans one ecu carrying an open book with the words Charte of 1830 . It is then necessary to make scrape the flowers of lily on fit with body of the king, on the official buildings, etc Louis-Philippe was made violence, but for Laffitte, it is a Pyrrhic victory: from this day, the king is determined to get rid of him without waiting more.

The rise of agitation condemns itself moreover the policy leave-to make party of the movement. With the Room, the February 19th, Guizot is indignant and, highly approved by all the deputies of the center, puts Laffitte at the challenge to dissolve the Room and to be presented in front of the voters. The president of the Council raises the glove, but the king, to whom belongs only the prerogative of dissolution, prefers to still temporize a few days. While waiting, at the request of Montalivet, Barrot is replaced by Taillepied de Bondy with the prefecture of the Seine, while Vivien de Goubert succeeds Baude with the Police headquarter. The disorder is permanent in the streets of Paris. All is pretext with incidents and demonstrations. For roof of disgrace, the economic situation is morose.

Finally decided to push Laffitte with the resignation, Louis-Philippe uses of a stratagem. He is made give by the Foreign Minister, Sébastiani, a note of the marshal Maison, ambassador of France with Vienna, arrived at Paris the March 4th, which announces the imminence of an Austrian military intervention in Italy (V. Foreign policy of France under the monarchy of Juillet#Les disorders in Italy). Laffitte learns the existence from this note in the Monitor of the March 8th. He asks at once explanations Sébastiani which must acknowledge to him that it acted on order of the king. Laffitte precipitates at Louis-Philippe, who receives it pleasantly. Seeking to lead the king to be discovered, Laffitte points out the quarrelsome program to him which it developed with the Room. Louis-Philippe invites it to submit the question to the Council of Ministers which, joins together the following day, repudiates Laffitte unanimously. This one does not have any more but to resign.

The re-establishment of the order

After raisehaving thus raised the mortgage of the movement , the king will call with the capacity the resistance . For Louis-Philippe, who is basically center, this new political option is hardly more comfortable than the preceding one, the more so as it does not test any sympathy to the charismatic leader of the movement, the banker Casimir Perier: from the start, it is for him only another mortgage with raising, while trying to benefit from it to restore the order in the country while letting assume with holding of resistance related unpopularity.

The ministry Casimir Perier

The March 13rd 1831, Laffitte is thus replaced by the principal figure of the left the order , Casimir Perier. The formation of the new ministry gave place to delicate negociations with Louis-Philippe, not very anxious to weaken its capacity and which is wary of Perier. But Perier ended up imposing its conditions, which turn around the preeminence of the president of the Council on the other ministers and the possibility for him of joining together, in the absence of the king, of the councils of cabinet. Perier moreover required that the royal prince, which professes advanced liberal ideas, cease to take part in the Council of Ministers. For as much, Perier does not want the lowering of the crown, of which it wishes on the contrary to raise prestige, constraining for example Louis-Philippe to leave his family residence, the Palais Royal, to settle in the palate of the kings, the Tuileries (September 21st 1831).

Anticipated elections of July 1831

In second about fifteen May 1831, Louis-Philippe, accompanied by the marshal Soult, accomplishes an official trip in Normandy and Picardy, where it is cordially accommodated. June 6th at July 1st, with his/her two oldest sons, the royal prince and the duke of Nemours, as well as the count d' Argout, it carries out a round in the East of France, where the republicans and the Bonapartists are many and active. The king stops successively with Meaux, Castle-Thierry, Châlons, Valmy, Verdun, Metz, Nancy, Lunéville, Strasbourg, Colmar, Mulhouse, Besancon and Troyes. The voyage is a success and gives to Louis-Philippe the opportunity to affirm his authority.

The May 31st 1831, with Saint-Cloud, Louis-Philippe signed an ordinance which dissolves the House of Commons, fixes the date of the elections at the July 5th and convenes the rooms for the August 9th. The June 23rd, with Colmar, a new ordinance on advanced this date with the July 23rd.

The general elections take place without incident, according to the new electoral law of the April 19th 1831. The result disappoints Louis-Philippe and Casimir Perier: about half of the deputies are new elected officials, which one is unaware of how they will vote. The July 23rd, the king opens the parliamentary session; the speech from the throne develops the program of the Gouvernement Casimir Perier: strict application of the Charter to the inside, strict defense of the interests and the independence of France to the outside. The two rooms hold their first meeting the July 25th. , Girod of Ain, candidate of the government, are carried to the presidency of the House of Commons against Laffitte, but Casimir Perier, estimating not to have obtained a sufficiently clear majority, presents his resignation at once.

Louis-Philippe, very embarrassed, probe Odilon Deck-beam, which is concealed while pointing out that it has only one voice hundred with the Room. The 2 and August 3rd, at the time of the election of the questeurs and secretaries, the Room elect on the other hand ministerial candidates like André Dupin and Benjamin Delessert. Ultimately, the invasion of the Belgium by the king of the Netherlands, the August 2nd, constrained Casimir Perier to take again his resignation to answer at the request of the Belgians of a French military intervention.

See also: Foreign policy of France under the monarchy of Juillet#La question of Belgium

The discussion of the address in answer to the speech from the throne gives place to debates ignited about the Poland, where some deputies, taken along by the baron Bignon, would like to see France intervening as it is on the point of intervening in Belgium. Casimir Perier resists vigorously and obtains win: the address will be limited to vague formulas on the Polish question. It is, for the government, a clear victory which gives in saddle the party of resistance .

Yielding to the dominant opinion, Casimir Perier makes adopt a bill abolishing the Hérédité of peerage, old claim of the left. After beautiful parliamentary quarrels, he also manages to make vote the law of the March 2nd 1832 relating to the civil list, which stops the amount to 12 million of it per annum more one million for the royal prince. The Minister of Justice, Barthe, attaches finally its name to the one of the legislative monuments of the reign: the law of the April 28th 1832 modifying the Penal code and the criminal Instruction code.

The cholera epidemic of 1832

The Pandemia of Cholera, started from India in 1815, reached Paris around the March 20th 1832. It kills 13.000 people only in April, and will continue to devastate the capital until September, making there on the whole 18.000 dead. The disease, whose one is unaware of still the cause, throws panic in the spirits, the people not hesitating to suspect of the empoisonneurs, while the ragmen revolt against the measurements of hygiene ordered by the authorities.

The cholera strikes until in the royal family - Mrs Adélaïde is reached - and the political community, where of Argout and Guizot contract the disease. Casimir Perier, which went on April 1st with the duke of Orleans to visit the patients with the Hôtel-Dieu, is reached. It must be confined to bed then, its worsening state, cease exerting its functions of Minister of Interior Department. At the end of a long anguish, he dies the May 16th 1832.

Consolidation of the mode

Removed from Casimir Perier, Louis-Philippe is not in a hurry to name a new president of the Council, the more so as the Parliament is not in session and that the disturbed political situation requires fast and energetic measurements.

The mode is indeed attacked of any share: by the legitimists, with the attempt fallen through of the duchess of Berry to raise the Provence and the the Vendée during spring 1832 and by the republicans, who start in Paris, the June 5th 1832, an insurrection at the time of the funeral of one their leaders, the general Lamarque, also carried to him by the cholera. The capacity reacts with firmness, the troops of line and, essentially, the national guard, remain to him faithful and the general Mouton can crush the riot in blood, making 800 dead.

This double victory, over the carlists and the republicans, largely contributes to consolidate the mode, the more so as at the same time, the Bonapartism is endeuillé by the death of the duke of Reichstadt, which has occurred the July 22nd with Vienna. Louis-Philippe can crown these successes on the internal plan by a great success on the diplomatic level: the marriage of his/her oldest daughter, the princess Louise, with the new king of the Belgians, Léopold I {{er}}, celebrated with the Castle of Compiegne the August 9th, date birthday of the installation of the monarchy of July, and which devotes the solidity of the position of this one in Europe.

“Famous swords” and “higher talents”

In October 1832, Louis-Philippe calls with the presidency of the Council a right-hand man, the marshal Soult, first incarnation of the political figure known as of the “famous sword”, that the monarchy of July will reproduce with the envi. Soult can rest on a triumvirate made up of the three principal political figures of the moment: Adolphe Thiers, the duke of Broglie and François Guizot, which the Journal of the debates calls “the coalition of all the talents” and which the king of the French will end up calling with rancour a “Casimir Perier in three people”.

In a circular addressed to the civil and military senior officials like with the high-ranking magistrates, the new president of the Council summarizes his policy in a few words: “The political system adopted by my famous predecessor will be mine. The order with-inside and peace with-outside will be the surest pledges of its duration. ”

The first successes of the ministry Soult (October 1832 - April 1834)

The new , Minister of Interior Department Thiers, illustrates as of the November 7th 1832 while making stop with Nantes the duchess of Berry, which is interned with the Citadelle of Blaye. It will be expelled towards the Italy the June 8th 1833, after having given rise to a girl, whom it declares born of a contracted marriage with Rome, at the end of 1831, with the count Lucchesi-Faded.

In Belgium, the marshal Gerard, with the head of an army of 70 000 men, lends hand-strong to the young Belgian monarchy to push back a Dutch aggression and, in particular, to take again the citadel of Antwerp, which capitulates the December 23rd.

Extremely of these successes, the government approaches in strong position the opening of the parliamentary session, the November 19th 1832, and Louis-Philippe can go to make the test of his popularity by undertaking two rounds in province: in North, where it pays homage to the victorious army which returns from Antwerp, the 5 to the January 20th 1833, and in Normandy of the August 26th to the September 12th 1833.

The king and his government take popular measures intended to reconcile the public opinion, for example a programme of great work, which in particular makes it possible to complete a certain number of Parisian monuments, the such Triumphal arch of the Star, and symbolic gestures, like the reinstalment, the June 21st 1833, of the statue of on the Colonne Vendôme. Guizot, Minister for the State education and the Worships, sets up celebrates it law on the primary education of June 1833 which obliges with the creation of an elementary school in each commune.

Lastly, on April 1st 1834, the resignation of the duke of Broglie, put in minority at the House of Commons about the ratification of a treaty with the the United States which had been concluded in 1831, involves a vast cabinet reshuffle of which principal interest, for the king, is to remove with the “Casimir Perier in three people” that of its members who, by his aristocratic height and the stiffness of his character, was most inconvenient for him.

Insurrections of April and anticipated elections of June 21st, 1834

The cabinet reshuffle of the April 4th 1834 coincides with the return of an quasi-insurrectionary situation in several cities of the country. Already, at the end of February, the promulgation of a law subjecting to authorization the activity of the public criers caused, during several days, of the skirmishes with the Parisian police force.

By the law of the April 10th 1834, the government decided to harden the repression of associations not - authorized, in order to counter principal republican associations, the Société of the Human rights. The day of the final vote of this text by the Room of the pars, the April 9th, bursts the second insurrection of the Lyons silk workers. Adolphe Thiers, Minister of Interior Department, gives up the city with insurgent and the April 13rd takes it again, making 100 to 200 died of share and others.

The republicans seek to extend the insurrection to other provincial towns, but their movement makes failure with Marseilles, Vienna, Poitiers and Châlons. The disorders are more serious with Grenoble and especially with Saint-Etienne the April 11th, but everywhere, the order is quickly restored. It is ultimately in Paris that agitation becomes the most extensive.

Thiers, who envisaged disorders in the capital, there concentrated 40 000 men, that the king reviews the April 10th. With preventive measure, it made stop 150 of the principal leaders of the Société of the Human rights, and prohibit its body, the virulent daily newspaper the Platform of the departments . Despite everything, in the evening of the 13, the barricades start to be drawn up. With the general Bugeaud, which orders the troops, Thiers personally directs the operations of maintenance of law and order. Repression is wild. The troop, having wiped shots drawn from the n° 12 of the street Transnonain, the chief of detachment makes remove the house of attack; all the occupants - men, women, children, old men - are massacred with the bayonet, which immortalise a famous lithography of Honore Daumier.

The 14, whereas one continues to fight in Paris, the two rooms come in body to the Palais from Tileries to express their contest with the king in his efforts to restore the law and order. Louis-Philippe decides to give up the official celebration of his festival, on May 1st, and makes publish that the sums which would have been employed there will be devoted to help the casualties, the widows and the orphans. In same time, it orders with the marshal Soult to give a great publicity to the account of the events “to light the public, the rooms and all France and to make them feel how much the increase army is necessary”

More 2 000 people are stopped following the various riots, in particular with Paris and Lyon and are submitted by royal decree at the Court of the pars, in accordance with article 28 of the Charte of 1830, for attack against the state security. The republican staff is decapitated, with such sign that the funeral of Fayette, died the May 20th, does not give place to any incident. As of the May 13rd, the government obtains House of Commons the vote of a credit of 14 million to be able to maintain an army 360 000 men. Two days later, the deputies also adopt a very repressive law on the detention and the use of weapons of war.

Louis-Philippe considers the period convenient to dissolve the House of Commons and to cause new legislative elections which are held the June 21st 1834, but do not answer entirely waitings of the king: if the republicans are almost eliminated, the opposition remains strong of 150 seats, of which about thirty legitimists, the remainder returning to the dynastic opposition of Odilon Barrot, honest with the mode but hostile with the resistance and favorable to the movement ; in the majority, strong from approximately 300 deputies, the “Third-Party emerges”, which can, on certain votes, to make defection and link part of its voices to those of the left.

The new Room, which meets the July 31st, renews naturally with its presidency André Dupin, leader of the Third-Party but near of the king. It adopts with a vast majority an ambiguous address, where criticism bores under the agreed formulas. At once, the August 16th, Louis-Philippe hastens to put the rooms on vacation until the end of the year.

Gerard, Maret, Mortar: the waltz of the ministries (July 1834 - February 1835)

Thiers and Guizot, which dominates the ministry, decides to get rid of the marshal Soult, which they find blunt and impolite, but whose king appreciates kindness to let it follow his policy as it hears it. An incident concerning the statute - civilian or soldier - French possessions in Algérie is used as pretext. Louis-Philippe lets himself force the hand with regret, accepts the resignation of Soult the July 18th 1834 and replaces it by the marshal Gerard. A “famous sword” drives out some another, no rehandling being in addition operated in the composition of the ministry.

Very quickly, the ministry will be dislocated around a factitious question, assembled pins some by the Left Third: the possibility of an amnesty for the “defendants of April”. Louis-Philippe is hostile there, just like the Doctrinaires and the hard core of the ministerial majority, but the Left Third, putting forward all the difficulty of organizing the lawsuit of 2 000 defendants in front of the Room of the pars, whereas no procedure is defined, manages to thwart the Gerard marshal, who declares himself favorable to the amnesty. When it notes that it has against him the king, Guizot and Thiers and are not likely any to impose its views, it only remains to him to resign the October 29th.

Then open a long cabinet crisis which lasts nearly four months. After multiple tests of various combinations of which none functions, Louis-Philippe constitutes, which is in conformity with the political logic of the situation, a ministry entirely Tiers Party. But, Dupin while having refused the presidency, the king makes the error to call, the November 10th 1834, a relic of the Empire, the duke of Bassano.

The new president of the Council is so much lost debts that, as soon as its announced nomination, its creditors make seize his treatment of minister. The constitution of the new government sows at the same time hilarity and consternation. The press breaks out. Frightened by such a reception, the ministers resign in block as of the November 13rd, without very warning the duke of Bassano, whose cabinet gains the nickname of “ministry for the three days”. The November 18th, Louis-Philippe returns to the figure of the “famous sword” in the person of the marshal Mortier, Duc of Trévise, with the head of a ministry which is the certified copy of that chaired the Gerard marshal.

This crisis, the Left Third leaves ridiculed while the doctrinary ones triumph. The ministry wants to push the advantage by obliging the deputies to clearly post their support for his policy. During the meeting of the rooms on February 1st, the government presents a justified day order which clearly raises the question of confidence, and which obtains a clear majority. However, hardly two months later, the ministry fall. First skirmishes take place in connection with the vote of the appropriations necessary to arrange the buildings where must be held the lawsuit of insurgent of April. The opposition denounces a ministry without chief, with the head of which she shows Louis-Philippe to have placed a marionette for better exerting her personal power. The polemic ignites, and it is arisen, to oppose it to Louis-Philippe, the maxim that Thiers had held up vis-a-vis Charles X: “The king reigns but does not control”. Ultimately, when the Mortier marshal resigns the February 20th 1835, officially for health reasons, the king does not seek a moment to retain it.

An evolution opposed towards parliamentarism

Nourished by the opuscules of publicity agents inspired by the Tileries as those of the baron Massias ( what is to reign, control, manage, and of the Council of Ministers ) and of the count Roederer ( Adresse of constitutional with constitutional the ), the polemics which led at the beginning of the Mortier marshal turned around the place of the crown and the prerogatives of the Parliament. On a side, Louis-Philippe wants to lead his own policy, in particular in the fields which he regards as “held”, defense and the diplomacy, and require ministers that they yield with his wills, while happening to the need for President for the Council. Other, part of the deputies affirm that the ministry must have a chief and proceed of the majority of the Room, and want to thus complete an evolution of the mode towards a Parlementarisme that the Charte of 1830 did nothing but outline.

Parliamentary logic with work: the ministry for the duke of Broglie (March 1835 - February 1836)

In this context, the deputies estimate that they must force Louis-Philippe to choose for president of the Council the duke of Broglie, for the simple reason that it is that which the king absolutely seeks to avoid, because he is wary of his anglophilia, and does not like its condescending independence and its manners. After three weeks of cabinet crisis, during which Louis-Philippe requests successively Molé, Dupin, Soult, Sébastiani and Gerard, it must be solved, the March 12th 1835, to call the duke of Broglie and to accept its conditions, which are close to those besides that Casimir Perier had imposed.

The lawsuit of risen of April

The great business of the Broglie government is the lawsuit of insurgent of April which opens the May 5th 1835 in front of the Room of the pars. On the 2 000 defendants, the pars ultimately accused only 164 of them, of which 43 will be judged by Contumace. 121 marked is present the day of the lawsuit. They multiply the incidents of procedure and use all the possible ways to transform the lawsuit into immense operation of republican propaganda. The July 12th, a part of them, among which the principal leaders of the Parisian insurrection, escape from Holy-Pelagie by an underpass which had been prepared of long time.

The court of the pars gives its judgment against the Lyons defendants the August 13rd 1835 then, considering resistances of the defendants, decides to judge on parts the other defendants, against who them sentences are marked in December 1835 and January 1836. The sorrows are rather lenient: no some judgment, death sentence with the deportation, of many judgments to a few years of imprisonment and some payments.

The attack of Fieschi (July 28th, 1835)

As opposed to what they hoped, the republicans do not leave not grown, with the eyes of the opinion, the lawsuits of risen of April: they gave themselves an image which appeared ressusciter all excesses of the Jacobinisme, and which especially frightened the middle-class men. The attack made against the king the July 28th 1835 completes to discredit them.

At the time of the birthday of the revolution of July, Louis-Philippe must review the national guard on the grand boulevards. In spite of the rumors of attack, he refuses to cancel the review to which he goes surrounded of elder of his sons - of Orleans, Nemours, Joinville -, several ministers, among whom the duke of Broglie and Thiers, and of many marshals and officers. With the height of the n° 50 of the Boulevard of the Temple, an explosive device placed on the windowsill of a house explodes. Miraculeusement, the king has only one scratch with the face, its sons are unscathed, while the marshal Mortier is killed on the blow with ten other people. Among tens of casualties, seven will die in the following days.

The authors of the attack - a paranoiac and conceited adventurer, former soldier of Murat, Giuseppe Fieschi, and two republicans exaltés, been dependant on the Company of the Human rights, the saddler Pierre Morey and the general storekeeper Theodore Pip - are stopped at the beginning of September. Judged before the court of the pars, they are condemned to died and guillotines the February 19th 1836.

Laws of September 1835 and final consolidation of the mode

The brutality of carnage plunged France in state of shock. The republicans are discredited. The opinion is ready for energetic measurements. Also, as of the August 4th, the government filed in with the Room three bills allowing to reinforce repression against the authors of attacks against the mode: “The Charter, justifies the duke of Broglie, establishes political freedom, in the form of the Constitutional monarchy. All the parties are free in the enclosure of the constitutional monarchy. As soon as they leave there, freedom is not due for them. They put themselves out of the political law. The Freedom of the press does not dominate the other institutions. It is a basic principle of the constitutional monarchy which the monarch above is very reached, of any discussion. ”

the first text aims at reinforcing the capacities of the president of the Court of Assizes and the Public prosecutor in order to thwart the obstructive move and the dilatory processes of the defendants continued for rebellion, detention of prohibited weapons or movements insurrectionary. He is adopted the August 13rd by 212 votes against 72.
the second project reforms the procedure in front of the jurys bases. The law of the March 4th 1831 held the declaration of culpability or innocence with only sworn, other than the professional magistrates belonging to the Court of Assizes, and required the majority of two thirds (8 votes against 4) to pronounce a declaration of culpability. The project of the government returns in the majority simple (7 against 5). It is adopted the August 20th by 224 votes against 149.
the third project, which touches with the Freedom of the press, causes passionate debates. It aims at preventing the discussions on the king, the dynasty, the constitutional monarchy, because the government considers that the press of opposition, by its ceaseless attacks against the person of the king, prepared the ground with the attack. In spite of a vehement opposition, the project is voted the August 29th by 226 votes against 153.

The three laws are promulgated together the September 9th 1835. They mark the final success of the policy of committed resistance since Casimir Perier on republican harassing, and the consolidation of the monarchy of July, removed from any dispute relating to the base even of the mode. This one moves from now on on other grounds: the interpretation of the Charter and the nature of the mode, with the claim of the deputies of a parliamentary evolution; then, starting from 1840, the request growing in favor of a widening of the vote, which sees reappearing the republican dispute in the form of the claim of the vote for all.

After the success of the promulgation of the laws of September, the ministry obtains the vote with a vast majority, the January 13rd 1836, of a rather favorable address, written by Sauzet. However, it will fall on a completely unexpected question.

The January 14th, whereas the Room approaches the discussion of the budget, the Minister for Finance, Georges Humann, announces, without to have informed his/her colleagues, his intention of them to carry out a conversion of the french rent 5% to reduce the weight of the national debt. It is a true political bomb, because the revenue is an essential component of fortunes of the middle-class, bases political mode. Also the Council of Ministers immediately repudiates it Humann, which is constrained with the resignation the January 18th, however that the duke of Broglie explains to the Room that the government does not support its proposal. But it does it in terms considered to be breakable, which upset the deputies: one of them, the banker Alexandre Gouin, deposits a private bill at once tending to the conversion of the revenue which is returned in front of the Room where it is discussed starting from the February 4th. The following day, the deputies decide to continue his examination by 194 votes against 192. Repudiated, the government resigns at once: it is the first time that a ministry falls after being put in minority in front of the House of Commons.

Opposed parliamentary logic

The fall of the ministry Broglie could mark a decisive turn in the evolution of the mode towards parliamentarism. But it of it will be nothing: Louis-Philippe, with a consumed skilful skill, will pretend to play the parliamentary game, but for neutralizing best.

The first ministry Thiers (February-September 1836)

The king will benefit from the cabinet crisis to get rid of the Doctrinaires, i.e. not only the duke of Broglie, but also Guizot, to replaster the ministry with some creatures of the Third Left to give to this one the illusion of an inflection on the left, and to put at his head Adolphe Thiers in the intention definitively detaching it from doctrinary and using it until sounds the hour of the count Molé, that the king for a long time solved to call with the presidency of the Council. Twisted in alambiquées negociations, this plan is implemented as Louis-Philippe hears it: the new ministry is made up the February 22nd 1836.

The two ministries Mole (September 1836 - March 1839)

The new ministry is made up the September 6th 1836 under the presidency of the count Molé. For a long time, Louis-Philippe is subjugated by the charm of this perfect court gentleman, former Large judge of, resulting from famous a family of parliamentary Parisian. The new ministry, where return the Doctrinaires Guizot, Duchâtel and Gasparin, does not count - the press makes the remark at once of it - any the illustrations of the Glorious Three.

Anxious to consolidate a dubious popularity, the ministry takes some measurements of humanistic inspiration immediately: generalization of the cellular imprisonment, removal of the chain of the convicts, royal pardon for 52 condemned political, as well legitimists as republicans, and in particular for the former ministers of Charles X. The October 25th 1836, the erection of the Obélisque of Louxor on the Place of the Harmony gives to the king the pleasure of a public ovation.

The attempt at rising of Strasbourg and the law of disjunction

The October 30th 1836, the Tentative of rising of Strasbourg of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte turns quickly short. The prince and his accomplices are stopped the very same day, with the great embarrassment of the government which can only make this cumbersome prisoner. Apart from any legal procedure, the ministry makes it transport to Lorient where it is embarked, the November 21st, on Andromède which leads it to the the United States.

The others entreated are submitted with the Court of Assizes Strasbourg which discharges them the January 18th 1837. Also, as of the January 24th 1837, the Minister for the War, the general-baron Bernard, files in with the House of Commons the bill known as “of disjunction” which aims at making it possible to operate, in the event of attempt at insurrection, a disjunction between the civilians, justiciable to the Court of Assizes, and the soldiers, who would be translated in front of the Conseil of war, by exception to the principle of the indivisibility of the procedure. The project is highly fought by the opposition and, with the general surprise, it is pushed back the March 7th by 211 votes against 209.

First with the second ministry Mole

After this snub, one expects that the government resigns, which would be the logic even of a parliamentary system. However, in spite of the attacks of the press, Louis-Philippe maintains the Molé cabinet in functions. But, private of solid parliamentary majority, the ministry like is paralyzed. It must give up beginning the debate on the bills of prerogative to the profit of the duke of Nemours and allowance for the dowry of the queen of the Belgians. During one month and half, March 7th with the April 15th, Louis-Philippe makes mine test various ministerial combinations before constituting a new ministry where Montalivet returns, near to the king, but which leaves Guizot, which got along more and more badly with Molé, confirmed in its functions chief of the government.

With respect to the House of Commons, the new cabinet plank the provocation: not only Molé is maintained in functions, but one there made enter the rapporteur of the bill of disjunction, Salvandy, and that of the bill concerning the dowry of the queen of the Belgians, Lacave-Laplagne, who and the other had defended one of the texts pushed back by the deputies. Everyone expects that the government, pleasantly qualified by the press of opposition of “ministry of lackey” or “ministry for the castle”, falls quickly.

The marriage of the duke of Orleans

When Molé assembles to the platform the April 18th, the deputies thus await it firm footing. “Sirs, announces the president of the Council, the king instructed us to communicate to you an also happy event for the State and for its family…” It is about the future marriage of the royal prince with the princess Helene de Mecklembourg-Schwerin. Advertisement of this new cut court with very critical and any debate. The deputies can only ratify the increase in the equipment of the duke of Orleans, and the dowry of the queen of the Belgians, who is represented to them at once, the more so as Molé their precise that “S.M. decided that the request presented for the prince his second wire duke of Nemours would be deferred”.

Extremely from this skilful beginning, the government draws without encumber discussion of the secret basic issues, in spite of the attacks of Odilon Barrot. An ordinance of the May 8th, accommodated well by the Rooms, issues a general Amnistie for all the condemned political ones. In parallel, the crucifixes are restored in the courts and the church Saint-Germain-the Auxerrois, closed since 1831, is returned to the worship. For showing well that the order is restored, the king passes the National guard in review on the Place of the Harmony.

The marriage of the duke of Orleans is celebrated with ostentation with the Château of Fontainebleau the May 30th 1837.

See also: Ferdinand-Philippe d' Orléans#Le marriage of the duke of Orleans

A few days later, the June 10th, Louis-Philippe inaugurate the Château of Versailles, which it made restore since 1833 to install there a museum of history dedicated “to all glories of France”, and where, within the framework of a policy of national reconciliation, military glories of the Révolution and Empire, and even those of the Restauration, are neighborly with those of the Ancien Mode.

Anticipated elections of November 4th, 1837 and the coalition

The mode seems from now on stabilized, economic prosperity returned. Also the king and Molé judge, against the opinion of the duke of Orleans, the favourable moment to pronounce the dissolution of the House of Commons, decided the October 3rd 1837. To weigh on the elections, Louis-Philippe decides the forwarding of Constantine in Algérie, which leads to the catch of the city by the general Valée and the duke of Nemours the October 13rd.

The elections, which take place the November 4th 1837, do not answer the hopes of Louis-Philippe. On 459 deputies, the ministerial ones are only approximately 220, relative majority, narrow, dubious. The extremes count a score of deputies on the right (legitimists) and about thirty on the left (republican). The center right (Doctrinary) aligns about thirty deputies, the center left an about sixty and the dynastic opposition 65. The left third has nothing any more but one about fifteen deputies, while about thirty undecided are unclassable in the preceding categories.

The risk is considerable, in a room thus composed, that a heteroclite coalition is formed to reverse the government, without for all this can emerge a coherent majority: it is exactly what will occur.

As of January 1838, at the time of the debate on the address, the government is highly taken with part, in particular by Charles Gauguier in connection with the deputies civils servant, and especially by Adolphe Thiers and its friends about the businesses of Spain. Despite everything, thanks to the voices of the Doctrinary , it obtains, the January 13rd, the vote of a favorable address by 216 votes against 116.

Thiers lost the first sleeve, but it appeared clearly that the government is the hostage of the Doctrinaires, at the time when Guizot does not cease moving away from Mole. The March 12th, at the time of the discussion of the secret basic issues, Guizot does not dissimulate it: “Isn't it obvious, questions it, that there is little intimate union, little reciprocal action between the government and the rooms? ” However, the government obtains the vote of confidence the March 15th by 249 votes against 133 and, in spite of some skirmishes, he manages to hold until the end of the parliamentary session after having obtained, the June 20th, the vote of the budget of 1839.

During all the year 1838, the opposition furbishes its weapons and a coalition is formed to reverse the ministry. The parliamentary session opens the December 17th. The 19, elder Dupin, near to the Tileries, is re-elected only accuracy. Within the charged commission to write the project of address, the deputies of the coalition are majority, but the January 19th, the ministry manages to make adopt, by 221 white balls against 208 black balls, a text which, after several amendments with the draft preliminary, is rather favorable for him.

Anticipated elections of March 2nd, 1839

If the coalition is thus overcome, Molé estimates not to be able to continue to control with such a narrow majority and also dubious and it gives its resignation to the king the January 22nd 1839. The king starts by refusing it then, after having approached in vain the marshal Soult to take the head of the ministry, decides, the February 2nd 1839, to dissolve the House of Commons and convenes the voters for the March 2nd and the Rooms for the 26.

The electoral campaign is held in a enfiévrée atmosphere. The left opposition shouts with the constitutional takeover by force, bringing closer dissolutions to 1837 and 1839 of two consecutive dissolutions of Charles X in 1830. Thiers compares Molé and Polignac and regrets to see “renewing itself, after eight years only, of the so serious faults, so cruelly punished”. Guizot reproach with the ministers to isolate the king from the Nation.

The March 2nd, the elections disappoint the hopes of Louis-Philippe. The 221 deputies who had supported the ministry are nothing any more but 199 while the coalition gathers 240 members. At the time of the council of the 8, Molé presents its resignation which the king is constrained to accept.

Poisons of parliamentarism and the return of ministerial instability

The coalition which was opposed to the Molé government is heteroclite and has the greatest sorrows to make emerge in its center a stable majority. The years 1839 - 1840 are largely marked by complicated parliamentary plays, which involve a return of the ministerial instability, suppressed during the two years and half where the king had maintained Molé in place.

The second ministry Soult (May 1839 - February 1840)

After the fall of Mole, Louis-Philippe calls immediately upon the marshal Soult, “handle shining to which one can with the need to adapt blades of any form and any hardening”, which in vain tries to set up a ministry joining together the three principal heads of the coalition - Guizot, Thiers and Odilon Barrot - then, in front of the persistent refusal of the Doctrinaires, a cabinet of center left, which ridges on the intransigence of Thiers on the businesses of Spain.

In front of impossibility of forming a government, the king must defer to the April 4th the opening of the parliamentary session, envisaged initially the March 26th. Thiers ruins a test of combination associating it with the duke of Broglie and Guizot. Louis-Philippe then seeks to move away it while offering a large embassy to him, which makes at once push high cries with his/her friends. Ultimately, the king must be solved to constitute, the March 31st, a ministry of transition, trained relatively colorless characters politically, to be able to open the parliamentary session and to let the situation elutriate itself. The new ministers accepted their wallets only “under the condition express of ceasing their functions at once that a final ministry would be formed”.

The second ministry Thiers (March-October 1840)

The fall of the Soult ministry forces the king to call upon the principal figure of the left, Adolphe Thiers, to form the new government. There is of as much less alternative on the right than Guizot, appointed ambassador with London to replace Sébastiani, has just left for the England.

For Thiers, it is the hour of revenge: it intends to benefit from this return to the business to wash the affront of 1836 and definitively to engage the mode in the way of the Parlementarisme, with a king who “reigns but does not control”, according to his famous formula, and a ministry emanating of the majority of the House of Commons and person in charge in front of it. It is obviously not the design of Louis-Philippe. The last sleeve of a decisive part between the two designs of the Constitutional monarchy ties thus and the two readings of the Charte which clashed since 1830.

The ministry is formed on March 1st 1840. Thiers has pretends to offer the presidency of the Council to the duke of Broglie, then with the marshal Soult, before “devoting himself” and taking it itself, jointly with the Foreign affairs. The team is young, 47 years on average, and its chief has itself only 42 years, which makes him say while laughing that it constituted a cabinet of “young people”.

A preserving policy with the service of the interests of the middle-class

Although classified at the center left, Thiers affirms, during its second ministry, like a narrow conservative, all devoted to the protection of the great interests of the middle-class. If it makes vote the conversion of the revenues, expensive with the left, by the deputies, it measures is with the certainty that it will be rejected by the Room of the pars, which is resolutely hostile there.

the May 16th, it makes pass to the day order whereas the House of Commons examines the petitions in favor of the electoral reform which, on the initiative of the republicans, flowed on his desk since the beginning of the year 1840. In its answer to the radical Arago, which makes a flexible speech reforms electoral and reforms social, Thiers challenges the Vote for all as well “the most dangerous principle and most disastrous that one can plead in the presence of a company”, that demagogy of the social reform.
the June 15th, it obtains the adjournment of the proposal of the preserving deputy of Versailles, Ovide de Rémilly which, taking again an old claim of the left, aims at prohibiting the nomination of the deputies to public office paid throughout their mandate.
In September, whereas problems social related to economic crisis which prevails since 1839 cause since at the end of August strikes and riots in sectors of textile, of clothing and of building, to which unites the September 7th the cabinetmakers of the Faubourg Saint-Anthony, who start to draw up barricades, Thiers sends the National guard to disperse without cares the demonstrators and applies in all their rigor the laws repressing the offense of coalition.
Thiers makes renew the privilege of the Banque de France until in 1867, in so advantageous conditions for the Bank which it makes strike a commemorative gold medal.
Several laws establish transatlantic lines of steamers with vapor whose exploitation is conceded with companies subsidized by the State, or grant loans and guarantees to railroad companies in difficulty.

A hazardous search of glory

At the same time as it flatters the preserving middle-class, Thiers cherishes the desire of glory of most of the left. The May 12th 1840, the Minister of Interior Department, Rémusat, announces with the House of Commons that the king decided that the remainders mortals of will be buried with the Invalides. With the agreement of the British government, the prince de Joinville will seek them with Sainte-Hélène on a warship, the frigate the Beautiful-Hen , and will bring back them to France.

The advertisement causes an immense effect in the opinion, which ignites patriotic enthusiasm at once. Thiers sees there the completion of the company of rehabilitation of the Revolution and the Empire which it led with his Histoire of the French revolution and its Histoire of the Consulate and the Empire , while Louis-Philippe - who let himself only with difficulty convince to try an operation whose it measures the risks - seeks to collect with his profit a little imperial glory by adapting the heritage symbolic system of Napoleon as it appropriate that of legitimate monarchy to Versailles.

Wanting to benefit from the movement of enthusiasm Bonapartist, the prince Louis-Napoleon unloads with Boulogne-sur-Mer, the August 6th 1840, in company of some comparses among which a companion of with Sainte-Hélène, the general of Montholon, with the hope to rejoin the 42 {{E}} regiment of line. The operation is a total failure: Louis-Napoleon and his accomplices are stopped and imprisoned with the Fort of Ham. Their lawsuit is held in front of the Room of the pars of the September 28th with the October 6th, in an general indifference. The prince, defended by the famous lawyer legitimist Berryer, is condemned to the perpetual imprisonment.

In Algeria, vis-a-vis the fatal raids launched by Abd-el-Kader in reprisals following the ride of the Doors of Iron realized by the marshal Valley and the duke of Orleans to the autumn 1839, Thiers pushes in favor of a colonization of the interior of the territory until the limits of the desert. He convinces the king, who sees in Algeria an ideal theater to allow his sons to cover his dynasty of glory, cogency of this orientation and persuades it to send, like general governor, the general Bugeaud.

Businesses of the East, pretext of the fall

In the East, Thiers supports the pasha of Egypt, Méhémet-Ali, in his ambition to constitute vast Arab Empire of the Egypt to the Syria, and seeks to lead it to conclude an agreement with the Ottoman Empire, under the aegis of France, and without the knowledge of the four other European powers (England, Austria, Prussia and Russia). But the Foreign Minister British, Palmerston, informed of this negotiation, hasten to negotiate between the four powers a treaty which settles the question of the East by putting France in front of the accomplished fact: concluded the July 15th 1840, the treaty confirms with Méhémet-Ali the hereditary pachalik of Egypt and that of Acre, but only on a purely basis for life; still these concessions are subordinated to a express acceptance, or else the pasha sees himself threatened to lose to Egypt.

When it is revealed in France, this convention causes a patriotic angry outburst: France finds isolated payment of the fate of a zone where she exerts her influence traditionally, while at the same time Prussia, which has no interest there, there is associated. Louis-Philippe makes mine join the general protest, but it knows that it holds, with this business, the occasion to get rid of Thiers.

This last flatters the patriotic feelings of the opinion while issuing, the July 29th, the mobilization of the soldiers of the classes 1836 with 1839 and while making start, the September 13rd, work of the fortifications of Paris. But France remains inert and must plaster its humiliation when, the October 2nd, the English fleet bombards and takes Beirut, victory at once followed by the dismissal of Méhémet-Ali by the sultan.

At the end of protracted negotiations between the king and Thiers, a compromise is found the October 7th: France will give up supporting the claims of Méhémet-Ali on Syria but will declare with the European powers which it will not allow that he is touched in Egypt. These principles are consigned in a note dated from the October 8th addressed to the four powers signatories of the treaty of the July 15th. This one proves to be a diplomatic success: England must ultimately recognize the hereditary sovereignty of Méhémet-Ali on Egypt and give up the forfeiture organized by this treaty. France obtained the return to the situation of 1832.

Nevertheless, after this episode, the fracture is irremediable between the king and his minister. The October 29th, when Charles de Rémusat submits to the Council of Ministers the project of speech from the throne, prepared by Hippolyte Passy, Louis-Philippe finds it too quarrelsome. After a short discussion, Thiers and its colleagues give their resignation which the king accepts at once. As of the lendamin, Louis-Philippe made mander Soult and Guizot so that they regain Paris as fast as possible.

The Guizot system

While calling with the capacity Doctrinary Guizot and the , i.e. the center right after the center left of Thiers, Louis-Philippe is undoubtedly far from thinking that this combination will last until the end of its reign. Undoubtedly he imagines rather than at the end of a few months, it will be able to return to Molé. However, the team thus made up will appear welded around the strong personality of Guizot and this one will not be long in gaining the confidence of the king until becoming its preferred Prime Minister, making him forget Molé.

Guizot, which left London the October 25th, arrived the following day at Paris. It subordinated its return to the business to the possibility of composing the ministry as it hears it. With skill, it is restricted to take for itself the wallet of the Foreign affairs and leaves the nominal presidency of the ministry to the marshal Soult: this satisfies the king and the royal family without obstructing of anything Guizot on essence, because the growing old marshal is ready, for little that him some satisfactions of detail are given, letting it control as he hears it. The center left having refused to remain with the government, this one includes/understands only conservatives, ministerial center at the doctrinary center right.

The Colonne of July is set up in memory of the Glorious Three. The question of the East is settled by the Convention of the Straits in 1841, allows a first Franco-English bringing together. That supports the colonization of the Algérie conquered by Charles X.

The government is orleanist, as well as the Room. Those are divided between:

the dynastic left of Odilon Deck-beam, which claims the widening of the taxable quota to the lower middle class, tendency of the newspaper the Century
the center left of Adolphe Thiers, which wants to limit the capacity of the King, directs the newspaper Constitutional the
the Conservatives, directed by Guizot and Mathieu Molé, wants to preserve the mode, and defends their ideas in the Newspaper Of DEBATEs and the Press

Guizot is based on the conservative party and a divided opposition, situation accentuated by the dissolution of the Room which reinforces the partisans of the king. Thus, he considers that any reform proves to be a danger and is useless. Also he refuses any reform which would lower the taxable quota, and accepts even less the idea of the Vote for all direct. According to him, monarchy must support the “middle-class”, the notable ones. Those are joined together by the land and buildings, a " morale" bound to the money, work and saving. " Enrich by work and by the saving and thus you will be voter! ". Guizot is baited to support the owners and to preserve the mode. It is helped by the economic takeoff of the country of 1840 to 1846. With a growth rate of 3,5% per annum, the agricultural incomes increase, as well as the purchasing power, which involves a rise of the industrial production. The network of transport knows a spectacular growth. In 1842, a law organizes the national rail network, which passes from 600 to 1850 km.

A threatened system

The time is characterized by the blossoming of a new social phenomenon, which one baptizes the Paupérisme. Dependant on industrialization and to the working concentration, it is about the durable and massive poverty of the workmen, who cannot improve their standard of living. Moreover, old solidarity of congregations characteristic of the Old Mode disappeared. The working situation is catastrophic. 14 hours day, wages with 0,20 Franc per day, the workmen are at the thank you of the owners. The 250.000 beggars and the 3 million French registered at the welfare offices constitute a frightening tank of dissatisfied, vis-a-vis a non-existent assistance of the State.

the middle-class men of it are conscious; Karl Marx then starts its theorization of the “Capitalisme”. This opposition leads in 1841 to the only social law of the mode, which prohibits work with the children of less than 8 years and the night-work for those of less than 13 years, law seldom applied.
the Christians imagine a “charitable economy”.
the liberals foresee a solution in the free trade and the end of the monopolies of then. Alexis de Tocqueville publishes democracy in America .
the utopian Socialists imagine original organizations, inspired of Claude-Henri of Saint-Simon and Charles Fourier.
Blanqui preaches the revolution then the socialist dictatorship. The opposition will develop at the time of the social crisis of 1846.

The crisis of Monarchy

In 1846, harvest is very bad. The raising of prices of corn, bases food, causes the food shortage. The purchasing power drops. The market of domestic consumption does not progress any more, involving an industrial crisis of overproduction. Immediately the owners adapt while returning their workmen. At once, one witnesses a massive withdrawal of the popular saving, the banking system is in crisis. The bankruptcies multiply, the courses of the Bourse fall. The State reacts into important of Russian corn, which returns the commercial Balance negative. Great work stops.

The working demonstrations develop. In 1847, riots of the Buzançais. In Roubaix, 60% of the workmen are with unemployment. The corruption affairs (business Tests - Cubières) and the scandals (Affaire Choiseul-Praslin) sully the mode.

See also: Scandals under the monarchy of July

The associations being framed and the public gatherings prohibited as from 1835, the opposition is blocked. To circumvent this law, the opponents follow the civil burials of some of them which are transformed into public demonstrations. The family celebrations and the banquets are also used as pretexts with the gatherings. The Countryside of the banquets, at the end of the mode, is held in all the big cities of France. Louis-Philippe hardens his speech, and prohibits the banquet of fence on January 14th, 1848. The banquet, pushed back at February 22nd, will cause the revolution of 1848.

The fall of the mode

After an agitation the king replaces the minister François Guizot by Adolphe Thiers which proposes repression. Received with hostility by the troop stationed with the Carousel, in front of the palate of the Tileries, the king is solved to abdicate in favor of his grandson, Philippe of Orleans (1838-1894), by entrusting regency to his daughter-in-law Helene de Mecklembourg-Schwerin, in vain. The IIe République is proclaimed on February 24th in front of the column of the Bastille.

Louis-Philippe who wanted to be to be the king citizen with the listening of the real country, the king called with the throne and appeared related to the country by a contract from which it drew his legitimacy, did not know to understand that its people wanted to widen the electorate, for most sensitive to the cold politically by lowering the taxable quota, for more the progressists to obtain the vote for all.

If the end of reign resembles a civil war extremely, the time is characterized by an effervescence of the artistic creation and intellectual which made it possible France to surmount the wounds made with national pride.

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