MelodÃas de Merrie

the crisis of Fachoda is a serious diplomatic incident which opposed the France to the the United Kingdom in 1898. Its repercussion was all the more important as these countries were then crossed by strong nationalist currents . It had as a framework the advanced military station of Fachoda, in the south of the Egypt.

In the imaginary French collective, the crisis of Fachoda remains like a deep humiliation inflicted by the prototype of a triumphing and haughty United Kingdom, inevitably insincerely. All in all, the image even of the “Perfidious Albion” abundantly reported by the press and the caricaturists of the time. Besides this episode remains like one of the events founders but especially representative of this III {{E}} République incipient and fragile on the same basis as the political and financial scandals which enamelled the last quarter of the 19th century in France. This topic of Fachoda, the extreme line immediately seized some and exalté it in order to satisfy its nationalist aimings by the means of a triumphing Colonialisme.

The site of Fachoda (or Kodok ) is located at 650 km in the south of the Sudanese capital Khartoum. Fachoda is, between 1865 - date of its creation - and 1884 - year of its dismantling -, an Egyptian military station intended to fight against the Arab traffickers. Although deserted, this place remains the principal check-point of the Bahr el-Ghazal. This area of the Sudan, since the departure of the British following the revolt mahdist of 1885, is extremely coveted by the principal European colonial powers which are the the United Kingdom, the France, the Italy and the Belgium. These last actively seek an outlet on the river and, of the kind, a point of anchoring towards the Egypt.

Indeed, the vacuum created by the British departure, and beyond the strategic considerations inherent in this position, takes place at one time when the division of Africa is almost finished and where the occasions of acquisition of new territories are done increasingly rare. Thus, the projects of French expansion towards the east and the British projects of expansion of the Cairo to the Cape, according to the wishes of Cecil Rhodos, ran up against Fachoda this September 18th 1898; this in a context of extreme nationalist enthusiasm on both sides which leaves a moment besides to fear the worst, namely an open conflict. To a certain extent, this episode anticipates the future system of alliances which is essential at the beginning of the 20th century.

European competitions in Africa

British seizure on Egypt

The end of the 19th century sees, between the two principal colonial powers, a multiplication of the clashes and territorial disagreements mainly in Africa. The France, installed with Madagascar, occupies a strategic position on the road of the Indies by the Cape. This difficulty however is regulated by the recognition of the British rights on Zanzibar by France whereas, in same time, an agreement is signed in August 1890 which defines zones of the French and British influences in the area of the Niger.

In spite of this agreement, the thorniest question relates to the Egypt where the two nations have claims. The the United Kingdom cannot be allowed to negotiate with France whereas this area is vital for him on the road of the Indies. France, on its side, and since the forwarding of Bonaparte in 1798, took foot in Egypt. It is indeed constant there since 1811 by the pasha of Egypt Méhémet Ali, theoretically vassal of the Sultan but concretely independent Souverain. Moreover, in 1856, Saïd Pasha, descendant and successor of Méhémet Ali, grants to Ferdinand de Lesseps the concession of the future Suez Canal inaugurated by the empress Eugenie in 1869 in spite of the British opposition. France, initiator of the project, acquire 52% of the actions of the development company of the channel and the Khedive, 45%. This channel, prowess technical 161 km length, with the hands of the French, upsets considerably gives it geopolitical. The United Kingdom of it is only too conscious and repurchases, with the nose and the beard of France, as of 1875, the actions held by Ismail then confronted with a financial serious attack. It must yield its place besides to his Tewfik son in 1879. This last, completely submitted to Europeans, is not long in encountering a revolt carried out by a nationalist soldier, the colonel Arabi.

In June 1882, the United Kingdom intervenes militarily, but only, in Egypt. Indeed, the cabinet Freycinet, repudiated by the Room carried out in particular by Clemenceau and Gambetta, does not obtain the required funds with a joint forwarding; leaving from now on Egypt to the only British influence. Although multiplying criticisms vis-a-vis a British unilateral action, France is excluded de facto from the play in Egypt where the administration, the army and the khedive are under supervision. It should besides be noted that the British intervention with Fachoda is carried out with the name, and under the banners, of the khedive.

The Sudanese question

Since the reign of Ismail, the Sudan is under influence Egyptian and subjected to a violent and corrupted administration. In this context, Mohammed Ahmed foments the first disorders starting from 1883 in order to release the Sudan “Turks” and “Francs”. The Mahdi, to the head of its Dervish S, gives to its fight and its character a crowned and divine character.

In 1885, following the battle of Khartoum during which the British general governor Gordon is killed, the Sudan falls to the hands from the Moslem troops and the forces britanno-Egyptian women are driven out area. This episode is a serious reverse for the the United Kingdom which starts at once to prepare the reconquest of the Sudan while making recognize its rights on the area by the other powers. In July 1890, an agreement is concluded with the Germany to which the archipelago of Heligoland at sea of North is conceded. The Italy, on its side, unilaterally notifies with the European nations in 1889 which it allots all the Ethiopian Empire. The the United Kingdom, although having encouraged the Italy to take possession of the territories of the Eastern coast given up by the khedive, forever given his downstream to a pure and simple annexation of the Ethiopia of which the proximity with the Sudan implies possible Italian ambitions in the area. The British only hoped to oppose the French installed in the modest port of Obock since 1862, but of which the ambitions, at least economic towards the Ethiopia, were not long in being concretized (creation of the port of Djibouti and the railroad connecting it to Addis Ababa). Italy, confirming British fears, declares that the British claims in the area are null and void and proclaims LMBO nullius the territory of the High-Nile. Léopold II, the king of the Belgians, who had ensured a presence in the area of the Enclave of Lado a few years earlier aligns himself at once on this position than will also defend, with little success, the France during the negotiations with the United Kingdom at the time of the crisis.

Shingling demolished Italian with Adoua vis-a-vis the troops of Ménélik II, on March 1st 1896, is skilfully exploited by the United Kingdom like pretexts with the reconquest whereas France and the Belgium are made more and more menaçantes on the Sudan. Moreover, the British defeat vis-a-vis the mahdists and the Italian defeat vis-a-vis the Ethiopian ones could be regarded as a real threat for the future of colonization. Herbert Kitchener, sirdar of the Egyptian army, receives the order to put an end to the secession mahdist. With nearly three thousand men and about thirty drain-holes, it goes up the valley of the Nile, crushes the mahdists with Omdourman close to Khartoum before continuing its progression towards the High-Nile where it discovers, on September 18th 1898, the floating French flag on Fachoda.

A precarious French establishment

Forwarding Merchant

It is as of November 1894 that Theophilus Delcassé, Minister for the Colonies, orders with Victor Liotard, governor of Haut-Oubangui, to organize a forwarding towards the High-Nile. The objective is then especially to push the British to make some concessions on the statute of the Egypt.

In March 1895, to sir Edward Grey, under-secretary of state to the Foreign affairs, declares that the possibility of a French mission in the area would be a “completely unfriendly act and would be regarded as such by England”. Gabriel Hanotaux, Foreign Minister, refuting the British charges, receives however as of July the captain of marines Jean-Baptiste Marchand in order to study with him the project of a possible forwarding towards Fachoda whose strategic nature as for the installation of a stopping on the the Nile was shown by the French polytechnician Alexandre Prompt. In September, same year, a cabinet reshuffle sees the departure of Delcassé to the profit of Emile Chautemps which suspends at once the forwarding of Victor Liotard. The rupture is avoided little with London but the double game of the France is manifest.

Commercial, throughout the year 1895, runs up against ministerial instability and cannot make adopt its project. It is only on February 24th 1896, with the support of the president Felix Faure and the colonial lobby , that the explorer obtains the official agreement as well as the financing of the operation. The return of Hanotaux in April enables him to accelerate the starting preparations towards the French Congo. So, undoubtedly, of sparing the British government, the French government had declared that the Marchand mission was not “a project of conquest” and that it was an “exclusively peaceful” forwarding. In spite of the secret character of this one, the newspapers as well as the foreign diplomats are perfectly with the fact of the project following many negligences of the French administration.

Party at the end of June of Marseilles, Marchand unloads one month later with Loango. Nothing is however played because, in same time, a Belgian forwarding is it also on the way. Ordered by the baron Francis Dhanis, it starts from Stanleyville in the State independent of Congo in September 1896 with five thousand indigenous infantrymen and thirty-seven guns, in direction of Fachoda. It reaches the Lac Albert in February 1897. In April, however, the avant-garde rebels. Its men, of the Ethnos group cannibal of the Tetela, are turned over against their officers. March 18th, they attack large indigenous column which lines up as regards attacker ( detailed articles: Forwardings of the State independent of Congo towards the Nile, Revolt of Batetela ). The Belgians spend three years to repress this revolt. It is only after two years of a very difficult voyage through the tropical forest, in company of thirteen officers and white warrant officers, a hundred and fifty Senegalese riflemen and several thousands of carriers, that Marchand reaches Fachoda on July 10th 1898. Two other forwardings were to join it since the Ethiopia but could not do it. However two members of the one of them were in Fachoda, in company of the Négus of Ethiopia, forty days before the arrival of Merchant.

Towards a crisis situation

In August, after the victory vis-a-vis the mahdists, Kitchener receives Salisbury, British Prime Minister, orders very strict. The sirdar must push back any foreign invasion in the High-Nile. Prevented French establishment with Fachoda after Marchand ran up against some Derviche S of the Mahdi (on August 25th, a combat opposes it to three miles dervishes mahdists assembled on two steamers, the Safieh and the Tewfikieh ), Kitchener goes to the site and is in front of Fachoda on September 18th. The British general requires the evacuation of Fachoda by the French detachment, while seeking to avoid a direct confrontation. That shows through in the Marchand report/ratio:

“After the reciprocal presentations, the sirdar asked to me whether I realized well of the significance of the French occupation of Fachoda Egyptian territory : - It is well by order of the French government that you occupy Fachoda?

- Yes, my general, it is by order of my government that Fachoda is French station today.

- It is my duty then to protest in the name of the Sublime Door and of Its Highness the khedive that I represent in Sudan against your presence with Fachoda.

Slope of head.

- Undoubtedly, your intention is to maintain the occupation of Fachoda.

- Yes, my general; and I add that with the need we will be done all to kill here before…

the sirdar cuts me the word:

- Oh, it is not question of pushing the things also far. I include/understand and I admit that charged to carry out the orders of your government, your duty orders you to remain in Fachoda until contrary order. I hope that we will be able to arrive both at an agreement which will enable me to fill this simple formality after which we will leave the things in the state until the decision of our governments. ”

The two men thus rely on their respective chancelleries. Of Paris, Delcassé, Foreign Minister since June 1898, initially thinks of resisting but must quickly be made a reason in front of the intransigence of Salisbury supported by a British opinion unchained, since the Jubilé of Victoria in 1897, by the ambient Jingoïsme . Alphonse de Courcel, the French ambassador in London, dispatches on this subject a priority telegram with Delcassé in which he explains why “the British population, all confused classes, accepts the idea of a war. ”. A few days later, he adds: “Has my opinion, it is appropriate to decide our own boss the evacuation of Fachoda. ”. October 28th, British the Prime Minister explains to Courcel that there “cannot be possibility of negotiation nor compromise as long as the French flag floats on Fachoda”. Delcassé answers, by the means of the British ambassador: “Do not ask me the impossible one, do not put to me at the foot of the wall. ” while questioning with concern: “You would not make Fachoda a cause of rupture between us? ” it what in the affirmative Monson answers. During these negotiations, the Royal Navy carries out demonstrations in front of Brest and Bizerte. Moreover, the French government is not without knowing that Russian alliance is not very reliable and that the Germany seeks at all costs to divide the two colonial powers. It is not so old time when, following the too fast raising of the young person République after his defeat against the Prussia, Bismarck projected a “preventive” war against France. Guillaume II, about the operations of the British navy wrote in a revealing way: “the situation will become interesting. ”. November 1st, Delcassé, conscious of the imbalance of the military forces and diplomatic, as well on the spot as in Europe, is constrained to yield in front of the British requirements. The 3, the news is officially confirmed with the government of Salisbury by Courcel. December 11th, Marchand leaves Fachoda for Djibouti which it will gain only six months later.

A Pacific regulation

A diplomatic defeat of France

March 21st 1899, a Franco-British convention is signed which limits the respective zones of influence of the two colonial powers to the watershed between the the Nile and the affluents of the Lac Chad. In order to save the face and to limit the range of humiliation, this agreement is integrated, as an additional act, with the text of June 14th 1898 which fixed the limits north of the Dahomey and of the Coast-with-the Or and rectified with the advantage of the France certain points of the Say-Barraoua line. Concretely, France receives in compensation the Ouadaï, the Kanem, the Baguirmi, the Tibesti, causing strong reactions of the Sublime Door, magnificiently ignored by the the United Kingdom. Moreover, exploiting its success, the British government imposes creation, in January 1899, of the Condominium britanno-Egyptian of Sudan, placed under the authority of Kitchener.

In spite of nationalist enthusiasm, the two governments always kept a relative serenity and cordial reports/ratios vis-a-vis this crisis. The British opinion, in spite of the success of the British diplomacy, could have kept a certain animosity with respect to the France if the Guerre of Bœrs had not occurred at once. In France, the reactions were violent but of short duration. Indeed, the question of the Alsace-Lorraine, the Secularity and especially the Affaire Dreyfus have, surely more than Fachoda, exacerbated the sensitivities of the moment.

First steps of a future agreement

As for Delcassé, although anglophobe, it starts the bringing together with the the United Kingdom, catching on the wrong foot the policy to Hanotaux. The courage of Delcassé lies in the fact that it starts to very often lead a realistic policy to the opposition to the emotions of its public opinion. The German guarantee with the War of Bœrs, and the refusal of any French support for this cause, also contribute to the warming of the relations just like strict the French Neutralité in the war which has occurred between the Russia and the Japan, supported by the United Kingdom. The reciprocal visits of Edouard VII with Paris and of the president Emile Loubet with London are the demonstration of a greater co-operation. April 8th 1904, France signs in London a convention by which it is committed “not making obstruction with the action of the United Kingdom in this country by requests aiming at limiting the time of British occupation, or in some other manner. ”. Moreover, this text regulates all the territorial dispute between the two nations.

In exchange of the French promise, London leaves in Paris any leisure establish a Protectorat on the Morocco. This concession is openly directed against the Germany which does not hide its ambitions in this country. At the time of the Moroccan Crises, the support of London will be never lacking. The German requirement of the departure of Delcassé on this occasion, shows the weight of this character in the realization of the Harmony; this impossible alliance which however takes shape between the France and the United Kingdom. France thus exchanges a territory which does not belong to him against a strategic possession, controlling the entry of the the Mediterranean, vis-a-vis Gibraltar, on the road of the Indies. The United Kingdom, on its side, releases itself twenty years of dissensions on the African question and gives a pledge of confidence to a future ally.

Conclusion

The incident of Fachoda is thus unquestionably a failure of the French diplomacy which thought of making yield a British mode decided to guarantee its interests in Egypt. All in all, forwarding Commercial, in addition to being badly prepared, was supported only by one republican mode isolated in Europe, weakened by the Affaire Dreyfus and which did not have the means of its colonial policy incarnated by Hanotaux little with the fact of the field realities, plugged by its dream of expansion and encouraged in that by the Committee of French Africa and the soldiers. The Franco-British lack of dialog on the Egyptian question is quite real and it is this absence of dialog which led to the crisis. The British government, conscious of its superiority, also balked to discuss the important matters with a France of which governmental instability diverted the British leaders and influenced the coherence of its foreign policy.

The France leaves despite everything relatively gaining while obtaining immediately, as a counterpart, of the Saharan territories of the Western Sudan. Later, it confirmed this advantage by exchanging what it did not have in Sudan against its hegemony on the Morocco.

However, the French failure with Fachoda is a salutary shock which makes it possible to the two irreducible enemies to leave this logic of confrontation by recadrant their respective foreign politics, henceforth turned against the common adversary which became the Germany.

See too

Indicative bibliography

On the international relations:

Milza Pierre, international relations 1871-1914 , Armand Colin, 1990.
Morgan M.C., Foreign Affairs 1886-1914 , 1973.

On the colonization of Africa:

Brunschwig Henri, the division of the Black Africa , Flammarion, 1971.
Uzoigwe G.N., Britain and the Conquest off Africa: the Old off Salisbury , Ann Harbor, 1974.
Wesseling H., the division of Africa 1880-1914 , Denoël, 1991.

On Fachoda:

Baratier, A., Memories of the mission Merchant , Grasset, 1941.
Emily (Doctor-General - forwarding), Fachoda, mission Commercial, 1896-1899 , Hatchet 1935
Michel, Mr., the Mission Merchant (1895-1899) , Sheep, 1972.
Webster Paul, Fachoda the battle for the Nile , Edition of Cat-like, 2001.
Levering Lewis D., The Race to Fashoda , Weidenfeld, 1987.

External bonds

a short Commercial article devoted to with the mission, on the site of the LDH of Toulon.
http://bibliolib.net/article.php3?id_article=540
the backing of Fachoda on herodote.net

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MelodÃ­as de Merrie