Medic Wars

The medic wars opposed the Greek to the Perses (confused by the Greeks with the Mèdes, another Iranian people) at the beginning of the O C

The revolt of Ionie

Origins of the revolt

The Ionie suffers in its interests from this domination. It consists of 12 founded Greek cities since at least the 8th century before the Christian era: Millet, Éphèse, Phocée, Clazomènes, Colophon, Priène, Téos, Tap-holes, Samos, Érythrée, Myonte and Lébédos. He is necessary to add to it the cities of the Éolide, area located at the North-West of the Ionie, of which that of Smyrna. These cities which Cyrus II had seized, or rather its general Harpage towards 540 av. J. - C., were prosperous at the time of the conquest. Since only Millet had succeeded in concluding a treaty of friendship ensuring a relative independence to him. It is however Milet which is at the origin of the rising of 499.

However the Persian domination is not heavy. Each city preserves its institutions at the condition express of accepting and of maintaining the Greek tyrant or the satrap or Persian civil servant whom liked it the “Large King” to send. Sometimes Darius Ier and its successors respect the habits of the various people of their empire and give the responsability themselves to recall to the order the dedicated civils servant. But Milet feels its prosperity threatened by the arrival of Persians.

Since 512, the Black Sea is a “Persian lake”, the Thrace became a Satrapie. However, Milet is provided to it out of corn and all kinds of raw materials. To that is added that people of Milet saw leaving their “intellectuals”, who escape in front of the Persian domination. Persians remain, with the eyes of many Ionian Greeks, of the restive barbarians to the “charms” of Greek civilization which preserve their language, their religion and their habits. Finally Persian colonization closes the access of the septentrional seas at the time when Sybaris, the Western Millet warehouse, falls under the blows from Crotona (510). Moreover Persians systematically support the rivals Phéniciens of Tyr and Sidon.

Finally the catch of Byzance by Persians their farm straits and trade towards the Euxine Sea. Undoubtedly also should not one neglect a will of emancipation of the Ionian cities which push them on the one hand to reject the tyrants imposed by Persians, and on the other hand to release itself from the yoke Achéménide. When the revolt bursts it has like first consequence, in many cities, the ousting of the Tyran S and the proclamation of the Isonomie.

The role of Millet and seeks it of a help of Greece d' Europe

Sovereignty thus becomes again a priority. This aspiration with freedom is theorized by Aristagoras Millet. Under the banner of the release, it gathers the Ionian cities. The objective to take again Byzance and Cyprus with Persians seems realistic and pushes the Greeks of Asia to the revolt. This one prepares in great secrecy with Naxos and Milet. The Tyran of the latter is Histiée retained with Suse by Darius and whose liege , directing the city in its absence, is his/her son-in-law Aristagoras, nephew of a former tyrant of the city. This one initially is combined with Persians to take again Naxos (500 av. J. - C.) which revolted but is scrambled quickly with the Persian general.

He receives at this time councils of Histiée enjoignant to him to revolt against Darius. Undoubtedly also fears it to take the responsibility for the failure in front of Naxos. After a tended council of the milésiens, where only the discordant voice of Hécatée, a predecessor of Hérodote, was opposed to the project, Aristagoras holds up the standard of the revolt (499) and seizes several Persian ships or Phénicien S. It proclaims then the equality of the Ionian cities. However, this alliance lacks a clear project and especially of means; it is thus necessary to hope of the assistance of Greece d' Europe.

Aristagoras share thus at the winter -499 in continental Greece to request a military aid. The moment is not very favourable because Sparte is divided by the competition of the two kings Cléomène I {{er}} and Démarate. As for Athens, it hardly recovers from the consecutive convulsions to the installation of the reforms of Clisthène. Finally only two cities answer the call, Athens (20 boats) and Érétrie (5 boats) by recognition for Milet which formerly had helped it against Chalcis. On the whole that hardly represents more 2 000 men. For the Greek cities of Europe, the problem with the air to be remote and the conflicts local are considered to be more important.

Stages of the conflict

It however will be necessary more than six years for Persians to subdue the rebellion. Indeed the first combat are favorable to the Ionian ones. The Greek fleet destroys the fleet phenician at the time of a first combat on the coasts of Pamphylie, undoubtedly towards 498 av. J. - C.. On ground, Persians prepare to besiege the town of Milet when Charopinos, the brother of Aristagoras, with the assistance of the Athenian quota, organize a diversion and devastate Sardes, the old capital of Crésus which was the seat of a satrapie. But with the return the satrap Artapherne, who besieged Milet, intercepts them on the heights of Éphèse and gains the victory (spring 498).

At the end of summer 498, the Greek task force - or at least what it remains about it - leaves to return on Athens or Érétrie. This defection does not prevent the revolt from gaining width. With autumn 498, rising gains Cyprus, except for Citium, as well as the Propontide and the Hellespont until Byzance. Then the Carie revolts in its turn. At the beginning of 497, the situation of Persians is critical but Darius Ier reacts with celerity and raises simultaneously three armies and a new fleet. In one year (497) the revolt is crushed in Cyprus then in the cities of Hellespont. As for Cariens they are overcome on the river Marsyas with autumn 497, in spite of the assistance of Milésiens, then in Labraunda at the time of the summer 496. It seems that about this Aristagoras time flees in Thrace where he dies shortly after (497) in an obscure combat. As for Histiée it becomes pirate at sea Égée. It is killed shortly after.

Cariens seize again and inflict a serious defeat with Persians with the autumn following in Pédassos (496). Finally, of the long and painful negotiations engage and Cariens deposit the weapons definitively only in 494. Millet is found then only. With beginning of the year 494, Persians mass their troops against Milet. The city must be attacked at the same time by ground and sea. A naval battle opposing approximately 350 ships Greek to 600 ships phenicians, Egyptians and Cypriot proceeds in broad island of Ladè lasting summer 494. The Greek fleet is destroyed. The city is taken and shortly after shaven and its population off-set on the banks of the Tigre. At the time of the year 493 Persians subject the last cities and rebellious islands (Chios, Lesbos and Ténédos) while their fleet victoriously skirts the coasts of Hellespont and Chalcédoine.

Consequences of the Ionian defeat

This defeat involves in continental Greece, in particular with Athens, a deep reaction of sadness. Thus the poet Phrynicos composes a part entitled the catch of Millet which dissolves in tears the public (its author being condemned to a fine of 1000 Drachme S to have pointed out unhappy events). The Persian military intervention in Asia Mineure however turned Darius towards the Occident and perhaps caused in him of the expansionist ideas, or at least the desire to establish in Greece even modes which are favorable for him. The part played by Athens and Érétrie shows him the need for imposing its authority on two banks of the Aegean Sea. However, if the Millet fate is excluded, Darius uses certainly of a relative moderation imposing a strong tribute on the revolted cities but leaving them their autonomy.

First medic war (Marathon)

The countryside of 492

Indeed, Darius Ier did not forget the assistance, even ridiculous, brought by Athens and Érétrie. It thus prepares a punitive forwarding against continental Greece. For that it charges his son-in-law Mardonios with taking again in hand Macedonia and Thrace, theoretically subjected but whose Persian garrisons had been evacuated at the time of the revolt of Ionie. In spring 492, Mardonios gathers its fleet and its army in Cilicie then crosses Hellespont and crosses Thrace and Macedonia. The fleet sets sail towards Thasos, subjects it in the passing, and follows the European coast until worms Acanthos.

Attacked by a violent storm, at the time to double the course of the Mount Athos, the fleet loses half of its ships. Then an attack of tribes of Païoiens surprising the made Persian camping of many victims. On the whole, the sources count more 30 000 died between the two events. Admittedly it is necessary to be wary of the figures of military manpower and the losses announced often subjects to deposit, but it is clear that Mardonios must give the order of the retirement. That does not discourage Darius, simply it considers it now necessary to prepare next forwarding with more meticulousness.

The Persian forwarding of 490

All the year 491 is devoted to the military and diplomatic preparations of this offensive. Many Greek cities receive ambassadors requiring their tender. Some are carried out, but Athens as Sparte refuses and puts at dead (according to Hérodote) the Ambassadeur S Persians, without however taking true measures to precede the future offensive.

The Persian army, directed by the generals Artapherne (Army) a nephew of Darius and Datis (fleet), directly crosses this time the Aegean Sea, right on the Eubée and the Attique, after however having taken with the passage control Naxos and Délos (490). There is 100 000 with 200 000 Persian soldiers according to the versions, but the contemporary Historiens estimate that the real figure lies between 25 000 and 50 000, which is already considerable for the time. On the whole the Persian fleet undoubtedly represents 600 trières. It reaches the southernmost point of Eubée, devastates Carystos, which refused to open its doors, then Érétrie, given up by its Athenian allies, destroyed and whose population is off-set in Ardéricca close to Suse, thus marking the first stage of the revenge on the Large King.

The battle of Marathon

Second medic war

Persian preparations

It is certain that for the Persian sovereigns the defeat of Marathon is an additional reason to finish some with Athens and it is necessary well to regard the forwarding of 480 av. J. - C. as a will of revenge and a punitive forwarding. Xerxès is encouraged there by its impulsive and brutal character but also by exiled of the Athens many ones at the court of the Large King as by his Mardonios brother-in-law (while his/her uncle Artabane opposes it).

For this forwarding the preparations are very long. First of all Xerxès must repress the revolts of Egypt and Babylon, which it does with a very great brutality. Then starting from 484/483, it plans the invasion of Greece, not leaving anything randomly. Thus he encourages Carthage to attack the Greeks of Sicily and Italy in order to deprive the Greeks of their possible assistance. Combination of two forwardings in 480, that of Xerxès, and that of the Carthaginians on Agrigente and Syracuse, is not a simple coincidence and raises of a plan learnedly and patiently developped at the point. The Carthaginians are overcome on ground and on sea with Himère by Gélon of Syracuse but no help arrives to Greece to fight against Xerxès (it also seems that Gélon had disproportionate requirements for price of its assistance).

Moreover, Persians are combined with certain people or certain cities in continental Greece even, without earlier counting Ionian the become again vassal ones of the empire since the crushing of their revolt 15 years. Thus the Locride and especially the Béotie with Thèbes line up as regards invader, thus yielding to what is called the “medism”.

The selected project of invasion is that which Mardonios defends, the son of a sister of Darius Ier, therefore a cousin of Xerxès Ist It consists in taking again the project of invasion by the ground of -492 while passing by Thrace and the coast Macedonian. For that it is necessary according to Mardonios to have a considerable terrestrial army corps supported by a fleet bringing the supply and charged with avoiding the counter-attacks of the Greek fleet on the backs of the Persian army. To avoid the storms of the North-East frequent and brutal in the area of the Athos mount and not to republish the disaster of 492 a channel cuts the Isthmus of the Act. It is long of 2,4 kilometers and rather broad so that two trières circulate there of face. Bridges are built on the Strymon by Persian detachments of scouts. Moreover Phéniciens and the Egyptians are charged to build a double bridge of boats on the Hellespont since Abydos to a headland located between Sestos and Madytos. The first bridge is composed of 360 ships and the second of 314 who are anchored and firmly bound free in and out by cords. Then one poses boards which one covers with ground while high wood barriers, being used as parapet, are installed so that the animals are not frightened by the sea. Finally cities are selected to become the principal stores centralizing the provisioning necessary to such an army. They are the cities of Doriscos, Eïon and Therma located respectively at the outlets of the fertile valleys of the Hèbre, the Strymon and Axios like Leukè Actè on Hellespont and Tyrodiza.

Manpower

Thorny question that of manpower because the figures of the historians of Antiquity appear whimsical. Thus Hérodote speaks of more than 500 000 sailors, 1,7 million infantrymen and approximately 80 000 riders. And still they are only the combatants. The contemporary historians have estimates which rather strongly vary.

Effective of Persians: of 75 000 men (according to the Delbrück historian) with 300 000 (for Hanson) and of 20 000 with 60 000 riders divided into 6 army corps. The fleet has as for it a number of unit of approximately 1200 trières provided primarily by Phéniciens, the Egyptians and the Ionian ones. More than the figures, which imports for the contemporaries of the event is the impression of an impressive levy in masse. “Asia emptied itself of all its males” written Eschyle in its tragedy Persians .

Effective of the united Greeks: there too the estimates are strongly divergent and go from 7000 infantrymen to 35 000 hoplites (for which it is necessary to add 40 000 servants of weapons more summarily armed). On the other hand the Greeks do not have cavalry. On sea the Greek fleet has only of 360-380 trières or the pentécontores. If one admits that each ship has a complete crew (approximately 150 oarsmen, ten officers, ten men of crew and approximately 15 soldiers) that represents approximately 70 000/75 000 men.

The gathering of the Persian troops takes place in a remarkable way. The fleet gathers in the roads of Phocée and in that of Kymè in Ionie while the terrestrial troops winter in Sardes and Cristalla in Cappadoce. On arrival of Xerxès in spring 480 with its troops of elite, the immense army shakes and joined Abydos to cross the bridges of boats. According to the Greek sources the bridge of right-hand side is used by the infantrymen and the riders, that of left by the servants, slaves and beasts of burden. On the whole according to the tradition this passage lasted seven days and seven nights. Then the army moves towards Sestos then Doriscos where the junction with the fleet takes place.

Reaction of the Greeks

The majority of the Greek cities remain a long time without worrying about the Persian danger in particular after the Athenian victory of Marathon. The Greeks join again with their old demons of the internal quarrels as soon as the danger passed. Thus Miltiade, after a failure in front of Paros in 489 av. J. - C., is treated ignominieusement by Athens and dies shortly after. Of 487 with 486 Athens in vain tries to seize its old rival Égine while Sparte continues its hegemonic policy in the Peloponnese, becoming thus the most powerful city of Greece. Inside Athens the political struggles oppose the Democrats, incomes with the capacity right after Marathon, Xanthippe, the father of the future Périclès, and Aristide, more moderated and which has the support of some aristocrats. It is in this context that a third man appears: Thémistocle. It is Archonte in 493/492 at 30 years and strategist three years later (490/489). Ambitious and without scruples, it is eloquent - important thing in the public life of Athens -, courageous and tough. It undoubtedly before the others understood that the future of Athens passes by the creation of a large permanent fleet. The archonte plans to substitute the port deep and sheltered Pirée for the bad roads, largely open which more are, of Phalère. This project, put in sleep initially, is activated by Thémistocle, is elected strategist after Marathon. The arguments which it advance are multiple. Such a fleet will allow Athens to be protected from Égine whose inhabitants have a certain propensity with the piracy which gene trade. There is of course the Persian danger whose Thémistocle estimates that it is far from being finished but which is undoubtedly less mobilizing than the argument on Égine, “closer” danger to the Athenians. There are also economic arguments. Vis-a-vis the rapid growth of the population, it is necessary to go to seek the supply more and more far, beyond the Hellespont or towards the Grande Greece (Sicily and Sud of the Italy). For that it is essential to have a fleet which will be able to control trade route. Finally a fleet represents work for a considerable part of the inhabitants of the city (oarsmen, construction and maintenance of the ships, etc).

There remains a problem of size, namely the financing of such a project in a city where the public purses are hardly flourishing. At this point in time in 483 are discovered the money mines of the Laurion in the south-east of Athens. Thémistocle obtains that the product of the farm of the mines, approximately 50 to 100 talents per annum, is devoted to the construction of this fleet. Its main adversary opposed to the project is exiled and Thémistocle, the freehands, orders the immediate construction of 100 trières. The hundred richest citizens receive each one a loan of a talent to build and arm a trière. Then hundred talents are offered to 50 naucraries (regrouping of citizens), to load for them to build and maintain two trières. It is time. In 480 Athens has approximately 200 trières ready to take the broad one.

Battle of Thermopyles

The congress of Corinth

The Persian preparations obviously did not pass unperceived and a congress of the various Greek cities meets in Corinthe at the end of the autumn 481. For once the immediate interests of Sparte and Athens merge. Athens fears the revenge on Persians for its former successes and Sparte notes that its large rival in the Peloponnese, Argos, is contacted by the envoys of Xerxès. All the large Greek cities, if one exclude Cyrène, Argos, Syracuse, Corcyre and Phocée, send representatives to the temple of Poséidon in Corinthe. Sparte, as more powerful of the cities, chairs the congress. A general reconciliation intervenes, such as for example between Athens and Égine, and 31 cities engage by oath in a defensive league against Persians and prepare quotas of soldiers. The command of the troops is entrusted to two Spartans, the king Léonidas I {{er}} for the infantrymen and Eurybiade for the Greek fleet. But during the winter 481/480 the Greeks tergiversate within countryside and cannot be opposed to the conquest Thessalie by the Persian troops in spring 480.

The Greeks choose in August then, while Persians invade Piérie, a very strong defensive position with the Thermopyles which orders the access to the Béotie and in central Greece. As for the fleet, it settles in the north of the Eubée in a place named the Artémision in order to prevent the Persian fleet from circumventing this position. Indeed Persians, to keep the contact with their fleet, must take the only important road which passes by Thermopyles (“Hot Doors”, because of the thermal springs which is there). There, between the gulf Maliaque and the mountain, the narrow roadway passes in a procession whose certain passages do not exceed 10 meters of width and who more is barred by the vestiges of a wall built in zigzag. Lastly, the marshes are numerous and form an additional obstacle.

Between the 7.000 with 10 000 men approximately available to Léonidas and the fleet of Eurybiade (with Thémistocle with the head of the quota of the Athenian ships, by far most) the connections are constant.

The storm of Artémision

With leaving Thessalie the troops of Xerxès make movement towards the south. The infantrymen leave the city of Therma and arrive thirteen days later in the plain trachinienne (between the valley of Asopos and the city of Anticyre). The Persian fleet springs ten days after so that the arrival of the terrestrial and naval troops is joint. Eurybiade, in front of the width of the Persian fleet, leaves Artémision and skirts the channel of Eubée to occupy the throttling of Chalcis, leaving Léonidas to the thank you of an unloading on its backs. But this operation, if it does not appear very daring, encourages Persians to progress more to the South that envisaged and to wet with the course Sépias, close to a rock and escarpée coast where they cannot tan their ships on the dry land and where the depth of water prevents many ships from firmly mooring. Violent a three days storm will destroy approximately 400 ships. Several thousands of men are drowned. The principal consequence is that Xerxès, although it keeps the numerical superiority, is not any more able to divide its naval forces so as to convoy the army while delivering combat to the Greek fleet. In Chalcis, Eurybiade takes again confidence and goes up to take its guard in Artémision. But in spite of the storm, the Persian numerical superiority appears so imposing that Eurybiade and its assistant, the Adimantos Corinthian, make half-turn.

At this point in time Achéménès, one of the half-brothers of Xerxès and Admiral of the Persian fleet, detach a squadron of 200 ships and 40 000 men approximately to circumvent Eubée by the open sea however that the remainder of the fleet settles with the damping of Aphètes, damping surer than that of the course Sépias. Prevented this diversion, which prohibits to them the escape by the channel of Eubée in the south, and of this new damping, the Greeks try a takeover by force and launch an attack surprised on Ionian combined Persians and their run about thirty ships before regaining their point of fastener of Artémision. Lastly, a new storm bursts and makes again damage on a Persian fleet whose ships are on their anchors whereas in Artémision the Greeks, with their practice, draw the ships on the dry land, which puts them at the shelter. Especially, this new storm causes the total destruction of the squadron sent to circumvent Eubée.

The battle

Initially, on ground, the troops of Léonidas hold their position firmly and push back Persians, inflicting great losses, including in famous Immortels, the troops of elites of Xerxès. But Léonidas is betrayed by some Éphialtès, wire of Eurydémos, a citizen of Malia, which delivers to Persians the means of circumventing the Greek army, by the path of Anopée. Léonidas then decides to be sacrificed with the 300 Hoplite S Spartans, like 700 soldiers of the cities of Thèbes and Thespies, to leave the Greeks time to organize their defense and with the army to withdraw itself in good order. The Greeks resist heroically around the king Spartan and all are massacred on order of Xerxès. This battle became the emblem of Greek resistance to the invader and the spirit of sacrifice of the Spartans. At the top of Kolonós, theater of the ultimate resistance Spartan, on which a Mausolée was set up, an inscription of the poet Simonide de Céos (556 - 467), commemorates this action: “Busy, known as with the Spartans that here, for the law Spartan, we rest”.

The bag of Athens

. Xerxès takes again its progression on sea and ground by having with the spirit the catch of Athens. In the passing the towns of Béotie are forced with the capitulation and Thèbes tarnishes its reputation by a rendering without glory. Persians penetrate finally in Attique and advance towards Athens. For the Athenians, the situation is difficult. The city at the time does not have ramparts. Also under the impulse of Thémistocle, the population is evacuated in particular towards Égine, Trézène and Salamine while the outlaws are pointed out, such Aristide, with the cancellation of all the decrees of exile carried for political reasons. Cimon, the son of Miltiade, however one of the adversaries of Thémistocle, deposits its ex-voto on the Acropolis for meaning well that the time of the “Sacred union” came and that it is time to fight not with horse but on the vessels. The city is thus given up except for a few hundreds the irreducible ones which wish to defend the Acropole and which will pay this gesture of their life. Persians indeed take the town of Athens, then the Acropolis, and plunder it basic in roof, massacring the few Athenians still present who resist in a combat without exit.

Battle of Salamine

The situation the day before the battle and strategy of Thémistocle

The Greek fleet is with damping with the Artémision when starts the battle of the Thermopyles. It must push back besides an attack of the fleet of Xerxès at the time of an extremely undecided battle where several tens of ships are lost. Also the Greek chiefs decide unanimously to leave Artémision, the more so as Léonidas died and that the terrestrial army of the united Greek cities is withdrawn towards the south. In the night, surreptitiously, the fleet directed by Eurybiade borrows the channel of the Eubée and sails towards the south.

The situation for the Greeks is not encouraging, as brings it back Diodore of Sicily. The defeat of Thermopyles, the tender of the Béotie, the catch of Athens sow the discouragement in the spirits. Cléombrote Ier, the brother of Léonidas and king of the Spartans, only thinks of protecting the Peloponnese by construction from a wall towards the Isthme of Corinth. As for the fleet, it settles with Salamine at the request of Thémistocle. This plan, to hold the Isthmus of Corinth and the gulf of Salamine, implies the total abandonment of the Attique, which explains also the catch of Athens, given up by its inhabitants on the councils of Thémistocle.

Thémistocle has a precise plan which it imposes against the opinion of Eurybiade. It is a question of fighting in the narrow roads of Salamine because it is persuaded, rightly, that Persians will not be able to undertake the encircling movement by the wings outlined in Artémision. Moreover it is persuaded that in this narrow master key the enemy ships will be obstructed mutually and will be as many preys for a boarding or a éperonnage by the solids Greek trières. Finally it is persuaded that while cutting the Persian army of its fleet it will make half-turn. It makes the following remarks, brought back by Plutarque:

“You will never manage to stop on ground the flood of this immense army. What it is necessary, it is him to cut the vivres by destroying its fleet of transport. Reduced to the famine, it will not have any more an other choice but to make half-turn. It is your only chance of hello. ”

Eurybiade prefers to defend another point of view of, more circumspect. Now that the Greek fleet ensured the evacuation of the Attique, it is necessary to turn over near the terrestrial forces in order to undertake combined actions. This point of view is shared by the Corinthians, second fleet of the coalition. Thémistocle however receives the support of Égine and of Mégare, he true is directly threatened in the event of return to the Isthmus of Corinth of the Greek fleet. At this point in time Thémistocle, according to Plutarque and Hérodote, uses the trick and forwards a message in Xerxès, via a Greek probably originating in Ionie named Sicinnos, informing it of the desire of escape of part of the Greek generals by the Western master key of bay of still free Éleusis. This operation, we would say “misinformation today”, functions fully and part of the Persian fleet finishes the surrounding of the Greeks while the small island of Psyttalie is occupied by a detachment with for objective collecting the Persian crews and completing the Greeks when the battle bursts.

Manpower

Which are the manpower engaged in the battle of Salamine? Difficult to answer precisely.

For the Greek forces we can consider that the figure of 350/380 Trière S is credible, which represents the near total of the Greek fleet. In addition to the ships of Athens, more half of the fleet, we have 40 ships of Corinthe, about thirty Égine, between 15 and 20 for cities like Mégare, Sicyone… the remainder being negligible.

It is for manpower of the fleet of Xerxès that it is more difficult to slice. The ancient historians, such Hérodote, Diodore of Sicily or the Panégyrique of Athens of Isocrate give the figure of 1200 ships. These figures are whimsical and do not seem to take account of the losses undergone at the time of the storms and of the battle of Artémision. Moreover, it is necessary to consider that the Persian fleet must ensure the supply of the army, to keep neuralgic points (straits, deposits,…). It is probably necessary to at least admit a figure from 500 to 600 ships, which makes it possible Xerxès to keep the numerical superiority and to compensate for inferiority with the combat (material and drive less sophisticated) of its troops.

Taken care of weapons

While the Persian fleet finishes in the night the surrounding of the island of Salamine, the Greek generals always tergiversate. However Aristide arrives of Égine, having succeeded in passing through the Persian blockade, and informs Eurybiade and Thémistocle that the blockade is total and that the fleet hardly any more has the choice. From now on, any possibility of retirement being crossed, it is necessary to fight. The trick of Thémistocle has just succeeded. The tactics used are simple. The narrowness of the strait makes that only the first lines of ships will fight, which destroys the numerical superiority of Persians. The preceding combat terrestrial showed that the value with the combat of the Greeks as well as the armament are higher, which in the case of boarding of the enemy ships is an advantage. Finally the Persian crews, makes of it especially Phéniciens or Ionian, will be tired because having traversed an average distance of ten kilometers for some since their dampings of Phalère.

Two requirements are binding to the Greeks. First of all to settle slightly in on this side strait so that the Persian mass settles in the bottleneck, but also not too much not to move back so that the Persian ships cannot draw advantage from their numerical superiority. It is also necessary to avoid a Persian unloading with Salamine or took refuge a big number of Athenians, protected by a detachment of hoplites ordered by Aristide.

Persians also prepare with the battle with in particular this incredible installation of the throne of Xerxès on the slopes of the Aegalée mount which dominate the strait. Little before the paddle the September 29th 480 Xerxès is installed on its throne with its ministers and officers, its secretaries charged to note the brilliant deeds and the faults to punish, and its guard of the Immortal ones. In same time the fleet is put in position. With the right-hand side are Phéniciens of the fleets of Tyr, Sidon directed by the Persian generals Mégabaze and Préxaspe. In the center the body of battle is directed by Achéménès, half-brother of Xerxès, which holds the role of Lord High Admiral and more precisely directs the fleets of Cilicie and Lycie. Finally with the left wing the fleets of Ionie are, of the Pont and Carie directed by a prince achéménide, Ariabignès and where combat Artémise I {{Re}}, queen of Halicarnasse, only having dared to say to Xerxès, a few days before, that it was to better avoid the combat.

The battle

Upon the departure Persians make a wrong movement described thus by Diodore of Sicily:

“ the Persian ships kept their row as long as they sailed with the broad one, but while engaging in the channel they were obliged to make leave the line some their ships, which involved a great confusion. ”

Persians make an upward bias of confidence and are disorganized at the beginning of the battle. At this point in time the Greek fleet appears and, without breaking its lines, melts on the Persian ships. There remains a point on which the historians are still in disagreement, it is of knowing which was the axis of the two lines of ships at the time of the impact. For some it is acquired that the Greek fleet is leant in the island of Salamine and that the Persian fleet is aligned more or less parallel to the shore of the Attique. For others on the contrary the Greek fleet entirely bars the strait what gives then an axis of battle perpendicular to the axis of the strait. This second assumption seems most commonly allowed at present. In any event, whatever was the alignment of the fleets at the beginning of the battle, the principal action proceeds in the throttling of the strait of Salamine and in the two channels spared by the small island of Psyttalie between Salamine and the Attic.

The Greek right wing, directed by Eurybiade, and consisted of the ships lacédémoniens, Corinthians and éginètes, flanche at the beginning and moves back temporarily, under the probable hootings of the civilians massed on the shores of the island of Salamine. Thémistocle directs, him, all the remainder of the fleet, namely in the center the fleets of Mégare, Chalcis and of the Athenian ships, and especially on the left wing a homogeneous fleet of approximately 120 Athenian trières. Vis-a-vis them their old adversaries, Phéniciens are held.

Hérodote thus tells the release of this battle:

“ the Athenian Aminias de Pallène, sailing apart from the line, ran up against a Persian vessel and could not get clear; the remainder of the fleet going to its help, the fray started. But, in addition, Éginètes claim that it was the vessel sent to Égine which engaged the fight. ”

This competition of glory is the translation of an old conflict between the two cities but also the translation of an established fact: Athenians and Éginètes were burning of the Greek at the time of the battle. It should not be believed besides that bravery is only side of the Athenians and their allies. The presence of Xerxès Ier which supervises the battle, its severity in the repression of the cowards or the incompetents, the competitions between Greeks, make that the Greeks of Ionie serve very honestly the Perses and fight with eagerness. Sailors of Samos like Théomestor or Phylacos, the son of Histiée, run Greek ships and will receive later many rewards of Xerxès. One needs all the skill of the sailors of Égine to contain the attack of the ships of Ariabignès.

However the combativeness of the Greeks of Ionie, or the Phéniciens vis-a-vis Thémistocle on the left wing, is not enough to counterbalance the initial error which had been the disorder introduced into their lines as of before the attack. The scuffle, panic result many Persian ships in presenting the side instead of the prow what in a combat with the spur is crippling especially vis-a-vis Greeks who succeed in holding their alignment. The Athenians apply a particularly effective operation of sawing - an attack ahead then retreat to take dash and to set out again forwards without deviating of the axis of attack - which sows devastation in the rows phenicians.

The battle is already committed when a breeze marinades rises - according to Plutarque - which gene not the Greek ships whose superstructures are relatively low but disadvantage clearly the boats in particular phenicians whose poop is high and the elevated tillac. If it is not very plausible that Thémistocle awaited this breeze to approach the Persian fleet, the more so as it did not have the choice of the hour of engagement, he is on the other hand extremely possible which he waited this favourable moment to engage his reserves which, the breeze helping, complete to sow the distress in the unfavourable rows.

The disaster proves to be irremediable as for the course of the combat the fleet of Xerxès Ier loses one of its commanders admirals Ariabignès, the brother of the Large King, killed by a javelin while going up to the boarding of a Greek trière. Its body is fished out by the Artémise queen of Halicarnasse which will carry it to Xerxès. This woman, who had disadvised the battle, realizes that all is lost. But it is full with resources, in the absence of scruples, and does not hesitate to get clear to run the ship of Damasithymos, king de Calynda (in Lycie). More surprising is that it accepted praises of Xerxès Ier for this feat of arms because in confusion it appeared that she had just run an enemy ship. It is not very probable that much Calydiens survived to show it. It is in connection with this episode that one lends to Xerxès Ier the famous sentence:

“ My men became women and my wives of the men. ”

At the evening of the battle

The stampede becomes general but the problem is to be able to leave the bow net which the tangle of ships in the narrow narrow part of Salamine constitutes to join the damping of Phalère. The backward flow of the Persian boats is carried out in the most complete disorder at the end of the day, the battle having lasted approximately twelve hours. Aristide, with the head of a detachment of Hoplites, unloads on the small island of Psyttalie and destroys the troops there that Xerxès had made install the night before. As for Xerxès itself it had to undoubtedly leave in a rather fast way its observatory because the Athenians seized in the evening its throne, that many years later one showed with pride with the pilgrims in the Parthenon.

However Thémistocle does not wish to continue the Persian fleet in open sea because in spite of the disaster it probably preserves its numerical superiority. It seems that the Greeks immediately do not include/understand the range of their victory and that they expect a new attack the following day. The Persian fleet quite unable, is demoralized of it by this disaster. The crews take refuge with Phalère under the protection of the Army while the Egyptian ships which had sailed round the island of Salamine by the south to block the western entry of the strait return without being to them-also worried. The come evening silence reconsiders the place of this battle like writes it Eschyle in Persians :

“ a complaint interfered sobs only reigns on the sea with broad until the hour when the night with the dark face comes all to stop. ”

At the time of this battle, Persians lost at least 200 trières, without counting those fallen to the hands winners, and the Greeks forty…

Shortly after Salamine

The situation after the defeat cuisante of Salamine is not therefore desperate for the Perses. Their Army intact if the troops are excluded, not very important, is massacred on the small island of Psyttalie by the hoplites of Aristide. The Persian fleet remains, in spite of its losses, higher in tonnage and the immense resources of the empire can allow the construction of many ships whereas for the Greek , the destruction of the building sites of the Attique is an irreplaceable loss. This is why the attitude of Xerxès I {{er}} after the battle poses many interrogations and that as of the Antiquité where one speaks about the pusillanimity of the Large King. Indeed, leaving the command of its army with Mardonios, his/her brother-in-law, that which directed already the forwarding of 492, Xerxès gives up his troops to turn over towards its capitals Suse and Persépolis.

It takes in that the advice of Mardonios and about the queen Artémise I {{er}} of Halicarnasse, namely to leave in Greece an important army, Hérodote speaks about 300 000 men what is undoubtedly excessive, which will winter in continental Greece, to attack the Peloponnese in spring. As for Xerxès its presence is not useful any more, since its main objective is achieved, namely the destruction of Athens. This presentation of the facts makes it possible to the Persian king to save appearances and not to turn over in its empire in overcome. Xerxès passes the Hellespont in the last days of the year 480 not without difficulty because Thraces, made furious by the requisitions of the summer, launch many raids on the Persian troops.

As for the winners they are surprised by the inaction of the Perses and do not seem to initially include/understand the width of their success. When it appears that Persians make retirement, Thémistocle in the euphoria of the victory proposes to cut the road of the Asia in Xerxès while crossing the Égée. But Aristide and Eurybiade objects prudence. Moreover Greeks lost in Salamine more than 40 ships and only their adversaries can replace them also quickly. Lastly, to also send all the fleet far from Greece whereas the refugees of Athens are still on the island of Salamine and that the Greek coasts are not protected is rather hazardous. The season finally becomes dangerous for navigation. For Aristide a possible defeat of Athens would make the play of Sparte, the more so as Sparte is finishing the wall which bars the isthmus of the Peloponnese and thus any more the Persian threat with same acuity does not feel.

Battle of Foundations

Negotiations

Mardonios new the généralissime Persian declares after Salamine: “The Cypriot , the men of Phénicie, Cnide and Egypt, only were overcome, not Persians which could not fight. ” This frame of mind is revealing will of the Perses to continue the combat in spite of the departure of Xerxès I {{er}}. However Mardonios considers impossible the continuation of the operations with the approach of the bad season and takes its winter quarters in Thessalie. It benefits from it for launching intense diplomatic operations near Athens which it hopes to detach from the remainder of its allies. But the embassy sent in the capital attic, under the direction of a prince of Macedonia, Alexandre, is seen answering that “ as long as the sun would go on its usual way ” the Athenians would not make alliance with the Persian sovereign. Anxious the Spartans send to them-also an embassy in order to counter the argumentation of Persians. It is received rather coldly by the furious Athenians who one can doubt their determination. They specify that “ the fact of being Greek, of dividing same blood and the same language, to have common sanctuaries and sacrifices as well as similar manners ” prohibits treason to them.

Resumption of the hostilities

In spring Mardonios then invades again the Attique, which is once more evacuated by its inhabitants, re-occupies Athens and settles in Béotie. A coalition of the forces of the Peloponnese is created, in spring 479 av. J. - C. directed by Pausanias, regent of Sparte and nephew of Léonidas I {{er}}. It includes/understands troops of Sparte, undoubtedly 10 000 Hoplites and 30 000 with 35 000 back-up troops, plus 8.000 Athenians and a few thousands of men coming from the other cities of Greece, such Corinth, Épidaure, Mégare, Foundations, Trézène, Chalcis, Phlionte, Égine, etc the Greeks align approximately 110 on the whole; 000 soldiers is 3 times less than Persians, but we already saw that it was not a handicap. That however constitutes the Greek troop most considerable ever joined together, even if it is undoubtedly necessary to there too undervalue strongly real manpower.

The Greeks cross the Isthme of Corinth, are able close to Éleusis in order to pass in Béotie. Mardonios chooses a site, in the south of Thèbes close to Foundations, which must support its cavalry. Opposite, the Spartans hold the right wing and the Athenians the left wing.

The battle

Pausanias passes for a warned general, ready to detect the weak points of the adversary, but Mardonios is regarded him-also as an excellent tactician and the best Persian general. Moreover the departure of Xerxès I {{er}} leaves him the freehands to lead the battle to its own way. Each of the two generals wishes, in Platées, to lead the adversary to launch out against its own positions.

Initially Pausanias discusses the buttresses of the Cithère mount while Mardonios installs its camp strengthened on other bank of the Asopus river. An attack of the Persian cavalry on the Greek positions fails but Mardonios made badger the lines with supply of its adversaries and the water points. Pausanias changes position then and settles in the plain where a small solid mass of hills protects its army from a frontal attack of the enemy riders. But at the end of ten days lack of water and living the constrained one to withdraw itself, in middle of the night, towards a position closer as of its old lines, where the supply is easier. This retirement is done in a certain confusion and the various Greek units lose the contact.

At this point in time Mardonios makes an error of fatal appreciation. It estimates that the disorganization among Greeks enables him to launch an attack, the August 27th 479 av. J. - C., instead of waiting until the quarrels between the various Greek quotas do not divide its adversaries. The Persian attack especially encounters a savage resistance on behalf of the Spartiates which, although crossed remainder of the army, occupy a position of overhang protecting them from the unfavourable cavalry. It is in this combat that Mardonios is killed. The death of their chief, then the attack given against their fortified camp and the arrival from the other Greek units which had just overcome the Philistines, allied with the Perses, involve the defeat of the troops of Xerxès I {{er}} and their massacre in great number. Well little, seems it, manage to flee and join another Persian army corps whose chief, Artabaze in conflict with Mardonios, made already half-turn towards the Hellespont with approximately 40.000 men. As for Thèbes which had collaborated with Persians it is taken quickly and its chiefs are carried out. The Greek losses are considered at approximately 3000 died, it is on the other hand impossible to evaluate those of the Persian camp. Enormous spoils are taken in the camp of Mardonios.

the course Mycale

The Greek victory is completed by the naval victory of the course Mycale, with the autumn 479, where the Persian fleet, at least not destroyed ships with Salamine, which had been drawn with ground close to the course Mycale is completely destroyed by a fire during an attack conducted by the Greeks. This victory completes the victory of the Greek and is traditionally regarded by the historians as the end of the second medic war. Actually as from spring 478 the Greeks, and in particular the Athenians led by the strategist Cimon, launch out to the conquest of the various Perses positions in Chersonèse, on the Hellespont and in the islands of the Aegean Sea. The catch of Sestos in 478, city from where Xerxès I {{er}} had left to the conquest the Greece three years earlier, is the symbol. It does not matter that peace - said Paix of Callias - is officially signed only in 449 av. J. - C., it does not matter that the Hellenic unit of the congress of Corinthe in 481 does not survive, because the Greek triumph in these medic wars is total and inaugurates the most glorious period of the ancient Greece in particular for Athens.

Conclusion

The Athenians will exploit the victories of the Greeks in their propaganda, by raising the combat between Perses and Greeks like Homeric duel . On the vases, this representation multiplies. The victory brings not only glory but also prosperity. The Athenian fleet becomes for nearly one century, until the disaster of Aigos Potamos, the great power of the Aegean Sea and the Black Sea. Salamine is indeed more one victory over the Phéniciens, large competitors of the Greeks, that on the Perses. The victory under dramatic and difficult conditions gives the Greeks, and singularly the Athenians, energy so that the Greek miracle is achieved.

The war of Alexandre

Although a priori crossed context of the preceding medic wars, the invasion of the Persian empire by Alexandre was presented by this one as a revenge which the Greeks were to obtain, one century and half afterwards. He exploited a long-lived resentment among Greeks, to which at some the memory of the financial interventions of the king of Persians was added which often decided on the winner in the conflicts during the IV E This resentment had in any case justified several Greek forwardings against the Persian empire, in particular that of Naucratis.

Sources

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( Thémistocle ).

See too

Armed Persian under Darius III

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Medic Wars

The revolt of Ionie

Origins of the revolt

The role of Millet and seeks it of a help of Greece d' Europe

Stages of the conflict

Consequences of the Ionian defeat

First medic war (Marathon)

The countryside of 492

The Persian forwarding of 490

The battle of Marathon

Second medic war

Persian preparations

Manpower

Reaction of the Greeks

Battle of Thermopyles

The congress of Corinth

The storm of Artémision

The battle

The bag of Athens

Battle of Salamine

The situation the day before the battle and strategy of Thémistocle

Manpower

Taken care of weapons

The battle

At the evening of the battle

Shortly after Salamine

Battle of Foundations

Negotiations

Resumption of the hostilities

The battle

the course Mycale

Conclusion

The war of Alexandre

Sources

See too

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