Massacre Sabred and Chatila

The massacre of Sabred and Chatila (two Palestinian camps of Réfugiés of Beirut - Western to the Lebanon) was perpetrated, of the 16 at September 17th, 1982, by the Lebanese Christian militia directed by Elie Hobeika, in a sector occupied by the Israeli Armée since the Opération Peace as a Galileo. The number of victims varies according to the sources between 700 and: 3500.

The Kahane Commission, charged by the Israeli government with inquiring into the massacre, established that if slaughters were not the fact that of Phalangistes, the control of the Israeli military countryside was faulty and that certain Israeli political personalities like the Minister for the Defense of the time, Ariel Sharon, had a “ personal liabilities ” in the events. Other observers and analysts criticized the role of “judge and part” of the Israeli commission and estimated that it had underestimated the Israeli responsibility.

Context

Palestinian presence with the Southern Lebanon

Palestinian refugee camps exist in Lebanon since the end of the first Israeli-Arab war in 1949, in particular two contiguous camps of Sabra and Chatila in suburbs of Beirut - Western. The poor population of these two districts grows bigger with the arrival of Palestinians and Chiite S fleeing the engagements in the South. The Liberation organization of Palestine was established in Lebanon after the episode of black September which led its leaders to leave the Jordan. The PLO uses the South of Lebanon as bases to conduct attacks against Israel which answers by bombarding positions of the PLO the Southern Lebanon. Tensions between populations Palestinian and Lebanese appear because of civil war.

Context of the War of Lebanon

Of 1975 with 1990, Lebanon knows a civil war which opposes groups armed various allies to foreign countries with the area. The Christian Maronites, initially combined with the Syria, are combined then with Israel, which provides them armament and formation to fight the factions of PLO. Israel also supports the Armée with Southern Lebanon of Saad Haddad since 1978. Massacres have place during the confrontations of these groups, in particular

the Massacre of Damour on January 20th, 1976 (750 Christians killed by the PLO),
the Massacre of Chekka
and the First massacre of Mount-Lebanon

directed by the PLO against populations Maronites,

while the Massacre of Karantina in January 1976

and the Massacre of Such Al-Zaatar in August 1976

are both directed by Phalangistes against Palestinian camps. The civil war as a whole made: 100000 victims in Lebanon.

Operation Peace as a Galileo

The attempted murder on the Israeli ambassador with London, Shlomo Argov, on June 4th, 1982, provides a Casus belli (although the attempted murder will appear later on as being organized by the group Abou Nidal) which transforms the hostilities between Israel and the PLO into a war with large scales. The June 6th, Israel sends: 60000 soldiers to invade Lebanon. This act is condemned by the Safety advice of UNO.

Cease-fire

A cease-fire is obtained by the American administration after two months of seat of the Lebanese capital. The Plan Habib is proposed on August 20th, 1982 by the American State Department and an agreement is signed at the end of August: international forces must supervise the evacuation of the city by the forces of the PLO and Israel agrees not to advance more towards Beirut while engagements continue to oppose the belligerents in the plain of the Bekaa.

August 23rd, 1982, Bachir Gemayel, supported by the Maronites, is elected President of Lebanon by the National Assembly. Israel perceives it like a counterweight with the PLO in Lebanon.

With the American request, the Palestinians hasten their departure, completed on September 1st. Two days later, Israel enfreint the agreements of cease-fire and is spread around the refugee camps. The free-italo-American international forces, which supervised the departure of the PLO and were guarantors of the safety of the civil populations of the evacuated zones, withdraw the September 11th.

The following day, the Israeli Minister for Defense Ariel Sharon communicates the estimate of the Israeli army according to which it would remain: 2,000 combatants of the PLO in Beirut. This declaration is disputed by the Palestinians.

Precipitation of the events

Israeli the Prime Minister Menahem Begin discusses with Bachir Gemayel with Nahariya and made pressure on him to sign a peace treaty. Gemayel, which must compose with the interests of rival factions in Lebanon, feels offended by Israeli insistence and refuses a treaty or to allow operations against the activists of the PLO remained in the camps of Beirut.

September 14th, 1982, Bachir Gemayel is assassinated at the time of an bomb attack which destroys the totality of its offices. The suspicion goes on a member of a Syrian party, member of the secret services Syria NS. The Moslem Palestinians and leaders deny any implication. The Israeli army answers the assassination by investing Beirut-West as of the following day, contrary to its agreement with the Americans who had committed themselves in writing protecting the Moslems from the west of the city. 88 died and 254 wounded are counted in these confrontations. Israel justifies this redeployment to maintain the order and the stability after the death of the Lebanese President. However, Ariel Sharon will declare later several days with the Knesset: our entry in Beirut-West was intended to destroy the infrastructure left by the terrorists .

The Israeli army then carried out the disarmament of the militia anti-Israelis of Beirut-West, while Phalangistes preserved their armament.

Chronology of the massacre

After two months of tended negotiations, an agreement is finally concluded between the PLO, Lebanon and Israel under American guarantee. The PLO is committed leaving Lebanon in exchange of guarantee that the safety of the civilians who are there, in particular the refugees of the camps, will be assured. Israel commits itself not to penetrate in western Beirut and protecting the camps, and Arafat receives the written promise of the Americans that the navy as well as a multinational force (800 French, 500 Italians and 800 Americans) will be the ultimate guarantors of Israeli engagement. The first quota - French - arrives the August 21st and must ensure the evacuation and the collection of the weapons. This force must remain about thirty days, prevent any skid and protect the Palestinian families. September first, the withdrawal of Arafat and the PLO is completed. But nobody will respect his word. To start with the US government. Mr. Caspar Weinberger, secretary with defense, will give the order to his navy to leave Lebanon while at the same time the Christian militia give an opinion, the September 3rd, in the district Bir Hassan, in edge of the camps of Sabred and Chatila. The departure of the Americans automatically involves that of the French and the Italians. The September 10th, the last soldier left Beirut, whereas the international force was to remain until the 21 or September 26th.

The September 14th, Bechir Gemayel, the new Lebanese president elected by the National Assembly and supported by the Israelis, is assassinated. Mr. Ariel Sharon takes this pretext to invade Beirut-West, to encircle the camps of Sabred and Chatila and to encourage the Lebanese militia to clean them. The first exactions begin Thursday evening of the September 16th. According to an article of Pierre Péan in Le Monde Diplomatique (seven 2002, P21), which referred with Alain Ménargues quoting itself of the not identified “witnesses”, the Israeli soldiers positioned near the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabred and Chatila attend passively throughout Friday the massacres made by of Phalangistes Christians which they let penetrate in the camps on Palestinian civilians. But, in the afternoon, the commander-in-chief of Tsahal, the general Rafael Eitan meets the officers phalangists who inform it that the operation in the camps is completed and that they will leave the places the following day at five o'clock in the morning. In the morning of Saturday September 18th, Phalangistes are always in Sabra and Chatila. The Israeli general Yaron requires then of the chief of Phalangistes Christians which it withdraws his men. Phalangistes obey, and the last of them leave the camps at eight o'clock in the morning. Women and children were gathered in a nearby stage, while the men were carried out on the spot or carried by truck. One discovers whereas Phalangistes killed, in addition to Palestinian combatants, civilians in great number. Employees of the Red Cross and journalists arrive on the spot and inform the whole world. When Ariel Sharon and Rafael Eitan announce that slaughters ceased and that Phalangistes were expelled of the camps, it is too late. There would have been 900 killed Palestinian refugees. The figures of died and missings remain in the greatest blur. They vary, according to the estimates, of 500 with: 5,000.

To date, only one official survey was carried out, that of the Israeli commission directed by judge Itzhak Kahane, president of the Supreme court, made public in February 1983. This reveals that the Christian organization of the Lebanese Forces takes only the direct responsibility for the massacre. Ariel Sharon, then Minister for defense, takes an indirect responsibility not to have envisaged the behavior of Lebanese Phalangistes. The report/ratio speaks about a serious error of this one, which “did not take any measurement to supervise and prevent the massacres”. The Israeli newspapers published articles confirming and amplifying these conclusions.

The French journalist Pierre Péan affirms, as for him, which the Israeli journalist Amir Oren would have in an article of Davar of July 1st, 1994 affirmed starting from official documents that the massacres belonged to a plan decided between Ariel Sharon and Béchir Gemayel (Lebanese Prime Minister and chief of the Christian Phalanges) which used the Israeli secret services which had received the order to exterminate all the terrorists; according to this thesis, although the Christian Lebanese militia (phalangists) take the direct responsibility for the massacres, they would have been simple pawns in the line of command which led, via the services, with the Israeli authorities. However, Pierre Péan not having never produced the text of the article of the Davar newspaper which he claims to quote and the allegation of Péan appears in any other text on these events, even most critical with regard to Israel. According to an article published by a French-speaking Israeli news agency, Amir Oren rejects the allegations of Pierre Péan. The Israeli journalist, who was in addition a virulent criticism of Ariel Sharon at the time of the war of 1982, declares categorically that it written forever what Péan allots to him, and that these allegations are deprived of any base.

International reactions

At the time of the 108e meeting of the General meeting of the Organization, the events were recognized as being a massacre with large scales and a act of genocide .
At the time, the Western delegations opposed nevertheless the characterizations facts as a genocide and the specialists see today the single will there to put at evil Israel.

Investigations into the facts

The Kahane commission

Following these events, Israel establishes an official commission of enquiry directed by Yitzhak Kahane, judge with the Supreme court. February 7th, 1983, the commission confirms the culpability of the Lebanese Christian militia, and admits indirectly responsible Ariel Sharon not to have envisaged the tragedy which would result from the entry of Phalangistes in the two Palestinian camps.

For the same reasons, the commission blames other Israeli persons in charge who would have owed, according to it, to envisage the fatal consequences of an entry of the Phalanges in the Palestinian camps, and which of this fact carry them also a share of “indirect responsibility” in the massacres (the “direct responsibility” being, underlines the commission, exclusively that of the authors of the crime, i.e. the members of the Lebanese Christian Phalanges). Are thus blamed by the commission, to differing degree, in addition to the Minister for defense Ariel Sharon: the Prime Minister Menahem Begin, the Foreign Minister Itzhak Shamir, the commander-in-chief of Tsahal Raphaël Eytan, the chief of the military informations Yehoshoua Saguy, the commander of the northern area Amir Drori, and the general Amos Yaron. The most severe recommendation is that aiming Ariel Sharon, which must leave its functions.

The commission indicates that, according to its investigation, other parts could be blamed, in particular the leaders Lebanese who refused (in spite of the request express of the Israeli soldiers) to insert the Lebanese army in the camps to put a term at the massacres, as well as the ambassador of the United States with Beirut, Morris Draper, which refused to make pressure in this direction. But, since it is about an Israeli investigation, only the failures of the Israelis are taken into account in the Commission Report. (No commission was founded in addition, within a Lebanese framework or an international framework, to establish the responsibilities for the nonIsraeli actors in this business.)

In its conclusion, the Kahane commission evokes the argument according to which “massacres took place before in Lebanon, with victims much more than in Sabra and Chatila, but the world public opinion was not moved any and no board of inquiry was established”. It rejects this argument, stressing that the objective of its investigation was to preserve “the moral integrity of Israel, and its operation as a democratic State scrupulously adhering to the basic principles of the civilized world”. And she adds: “We do not cherish the illusion which the results of our investigation will be enough to convince or to satisfy nourished people of prejudices and the selective consciences. But our investigation was not intended to them. ”

Israeli responsibility

Multiple testimonys report the presence of Israeli soldiers at the sides of the Lebanese Forces, suggesting that the Israeli commission underestimated the Israeli responsibility, on the one hand on the level of direct involvement, on the other hand on knowledge or ignorance of what was held. In addition, of the observers and witnesses affirm that the Israeli commission restricted its research at one exact moment of the massacre.

The journalist Alain Ménargues, in his late book, “in order to protect its sources” (not identified), said to reveal elements which were never presented to the public and which would leave think of a preliminary incursion Israeli soldiers into the Palestinian camps where they would have been devoted to summary executions.

Lebanese responsibility

The Commission Report Kahane shows directly the leader phalangist Elie Hobeika, chief of the intelligence services of the Lebanese forces, to have directed the massacre of Sabred and Chatila. Hobeika was at that time an operative Syrian agent within the Lebanese Christian forces.

Elie Hobeika will continue a political career in Lebanon thereafter, at one time when the country is placed under the strict control of Syria. He will be in particular member of the Lebanese Parliament, and member of the government. He will never be questioned by Lebanese justice.

Elie Hobeika dies in an car bomb attack in front of its residence of Beirut, on January 24th, 2002. The newspaper Humanity, quoting not identified Lebanese sources, affirms that Hobeika would have stated to be in possession of elements blaming the Armée with Southern Lebanon (Christian militia financed by Israel). However, according to testimonys of sources Lebanese, the elimination of Hobeika was decided in Damas, this agent Syrian having become too awkward; the most precise index in this direction would be that the investigation into its assassination was blocked by the services Lebanese of justice placed under the cut of the Syrians. In fact, this investigation succeeded forever and Elie Hobeika forever worried by Lebanese justice are engaged by 23 survivors of slaughters, under the terms of the law known as “of Scope universal” adopted in 1993 and extended in 1999 in this country to allow the continuation of authors of crimes against humanity, whatever their nationality or the place where the facts were made. In 2002, a legal decision qualifies the complaint of inadmissible within sight of immunities from which the defendants profited. But, on February 14th, 2003, the court of appeal, plus Belgian legal high authority, reopens the way with continuations. This legal episode strongly displeased and with the press and the diplomacy of the State of Israel. Sharon will never be judged on the bottom, the law of universal Competence being emptied of her substance on August 5th, 2003, before the end of her functions of minister.

" The complaint did not mention - for tactical reasons according to lawyers the role of Hobeika in the massacres of Sabred and Chatila" , which however had been easier to show. This one was said ready to testify in Belgium and having " evidence irréfutables" making it possible to clear it but he dies before in the circumstances which we already clarified.

Appendices

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