Li Peng (in Sinogramme 李鹏, born in October 1928) was the president of the Standing Committee of the Popular national assembly of the Popular republic of China (RPC) of 1998 with 2003 and was the number two of the Chinese Communist party (PCC) after Jiang Zemin within the Standing Committee of the political office until in 2002. It was Prime Minister between 1987 and 1998.

Obsessed by social and political stability, Li followed a careful policy of economic reforms in China. During its mandate of Prime Minister it supervised an economy which progressed coarsely at the rate/rhythm of 10  % the year in term of rough National product (GNP). Because he was the political official of the violent repression of the Manifestations of the place Tian' anmen in 1989, he was never very popular in China.

Origins

Li was born with Chengdu, in the province of Sichuan. He is the son of the writer Li Shouxun, one of the first revolutionary martyrs of the PCC. Li was orphan at the three years age when his/her father was carried out by the Guomindang. It was adopted by Zhou Enlai, perhaps the founder of the RPC more respected after Mao Zedong. In 1945, Li, still adolescent, joined the rows of the Chinese Communist party

Access to the capacity

Like other executives of the Communist party of the third generation, Li accepted a technical education. In 1941 it began studies at the Institute of the natural science of Yan' year which it continued with the college of Yan' year then at the vocational school of Zhangjiakou until 1946.

It was then employed as technician with the Company of the energy of the Shanxi - Chahar- Hebei, then as tallies and secretary of the party of the branch of this company Harbin Huile, in the province of the Heilongjiang.

In 1948, It was sent to continue its studies at the Institute of the energy of Moscow where it specialized and obtained its diploma for the occupation of engineer in hydroelectricity. During this period he was president of the association of the Chinese students in Soviet Union. One year later, Zhou Enlai became Prime Minister of the Popular republic of China lately created.

After its return in China in 1955, Li became assistant editor and chief engineer of the hydroelectric factory of Fengman in the North-East of China. Later on it was named assistant chief engineer of the administration of the energy of the China of the North-East, director of the department of the distribution of electricity, director of the powerplant of Fuxin and assistant secretary of the committee of the party of the factory.

Li avoided the difficulties of the Cultural revolution during the period 1966 - 1976. It occupied the posts of secretary by interim of the committee of the party of the office of Beijing of the power supply, chair revolutionary committee of the office, assistant secretary of the committee of the party of the administration of the energy of Beijing and president of the revolutionary committee and directing secretary of the group of the party of the administration.

Li progressed politically while becoming in 1979 minister associated of the ministry for the Industry of energies of State then minister in 1981. Between 1979 and 1983, he was also the secretary of the party within the ministry for the Industry of energies of State and vice-minister and assistant secretary of the party within the ministry for the Hydraulic resources and Energy.

After Li was elected member of the Central committee of the PCC to the twelfth national congress of the PCC in 1982, it was named with the Politburo and the Secrétariat of the party in 1985, then with the Standing Committee of Politburo in 1987, when he became Prime Minister by interim. Beginning 1983, Li Peng became Deputy Prime Minister for the Council of State of the Popular republic of China. Beginning 1985, it was also responsible for the commission of State on education.

Li, which concentrated on the problems of energy, communication and raw materials, was obliged, because of political oppositions, of social problems of Inflation, urban Migration and school overpopulation, to place itself at the avant-garde of the debates within the party engaged in economic reforms.

Whereas the students and the Intellectuel S asked for radical reform S, some old of the party was frightened that the instability created by the reforms do not threaten their bases, i.e. economic development, point central of the Li Peng career.

Prime Minister

Hu Yaobang, one protected from Deng Xiaoping and a fervent supporter of the reforms, was held for person in charge of series of demonstrations and was obliged to resign of the station of general secretary of the PCC in January 1987. The Prime Minister Zhao Ziyang was named general secretary and Li Peng left its functions of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Electricity and Water to become Prime Minister of the Popular republic of China.

After its nomination as general secretary, Zhao proposed in May 1988 to speed up the reform of the prices, which involved a general dissatisfaction against a crawling inflation and allowed to the opponents fast reforms to claim a more thorough centralization of the economy as well as a larger limitation of the Western influences. This involved a political debate which became more and more impassioned during the winter 1988 - 1989.

The death of Hu Yaobang the April 15th 1989 and the growing economic deprivations due to a strong inflation provided the backdrop for the protest movements of 1989 by students, intellectuals and other parts dissatisfied with the population.

The student demonstrators benefitted from a less constraining political atmosphere to react to various causes of dissatisfaction than they allotted to the step slow signal reforms. Li with some old, which kept a considerable influence, came to the opposed conclusion, regretting the too fast step of the reforms, causes frame of mind of confusion and frustration reigning among the students.

Nearer to old, in particular of its mentor Chen Yun, Li was more orthodoxe politically than some of its contemporaries, preferring a planned economic centralization larger and a weaker economic growth. Li preached that the economic growth and the transition to an market economy were to rest on social and political stability.

The students and other citizens of Beijing camped on the Place Tian' anmen to cry the death of Hu and to protest against those which wanted to slow down the reforms. Their claims, which grew in spite of the efforts of the government to contain them, required to put an end to the official Corruption and to defend the Liberté S guaranteed by the constitution of the RPC. The demonstrations extended to other cities, including Shanghai and Canton. These demonstrations intervened at the time when the communist governments of Europe of the East were crumbling. The conservative leaders of the RPC were afraid that the Manifestations of the place Tian' anmen can reverse the government, at one time when, they said, political stability was so important for the economic reforms and modernization. Li was those which wanted that the protests are subdued, by the force so necessary, and played a big role to put Deng Xiaoping on its side. Li declared the martial Loi in Beijing the May 20th 1989. In June, the general secretary Zhao Ziyang who had opposed Li was dislocated of his functions and was put under house arrest. The armed forces were sent to Beijing and there were hundreds of deaths.

After the crisis of Tian' anmen, Li was re-elected at the Standing Committee of Politburo during the first plenary session of the fifteenth central committee of the PCC. Li, with the support of the conservatives, like Chen Yun, tried to reconsider the reforms of the market and to increase the role of administrative planning. However Li was countered by the provincial governors and Deng Xiaoping. The famous voyage undertaken by Deng Xiaoping in the south of China in 1992 is often regarded as a rebuff against the conservatives.

In the decade which followed Li made many visits in foreign countries, contributing to the development of cooperative relations between the RPC and other countries.

President of the Popular national assembly

After two mandates of Prime Minister, limiting constitutional, Li president of the Popular national assembly was named. He devoted most of his time to supervise work of the Barrage of the Three-Throats which he regards as the project of his life.

During its mandate of president of the Popular national assembly, Li was a keen partisan of the rule of law and attempted to increase the institutional prerogatives of the Popular national assembly.

Heritage

Although withdrawn from the businesses and having more than seventy years, Li keeps a certain influence within the PCC. Luo Gan, member of the Standing Committee of the political office is regarded as its protected.

Li is one of the politicians most unpopular in China, because of its lack of charisma, its image of until - boutist and his role in the repression of the protests of Tian' anmen.

The economic success of the years which followed the protests of the place Tian' anmen perhaps modified the image of the Li heritage, which defended the concept of social stability to allow a transition successful to the market economy.

See too

• Political of China
• Prime Minister of the Popular republic of China

External bonds

• Procès Li Peng on the human rights
• Biographie of Li Peng on Clouded Vitae, Web source on the biographies of the Chinese leaders

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