Laurent Fabius

Biography

Laurent Fabius is the son of Andre Fabius, antique dealer, of a family of origin Jewish Ashkénaze, and of Louise Mortimer, American. Fabius belong to the upper middle classes.

He is pupil with the Janson-with-Sailly, street of the Pump, Paris XVI. After the baccalaureat, it is registered in hypokhâgne with the prestigious Louis-The-Large. It is allowed with the National university, where it passes the aggregation of letters and in parallel integrates the Institut of political studies of Paris.

At the time of its studies with Science-Po, it is responsible for the Conférence Olivaint. Raise National school of administration, promotion François Rabelais (1971 - 1973), it leaves in the three first and becomes listener with the Council of State. It is named Maître of the requests in 1981.

In 1970, it takes part in the emission the Head and the legs where it appears excellent a riding and candidate.

He, today, is divorced producing the Francoise Castro, social psychologist of formation, with which he had two children:

Thomas Fabius, born in 1982, head of undertaking;
Victor Fabius, born in 1983, raises with the National university.

Political career

Political beginnings (1974-1984)

Noticed by close relations of François Mitterrand, it is shortly after its exit of ENA, in 1974, which it adheres to the Socialist party and meets François Mitterrand of which it becomes the Principal private secretary in 1979. He works at his sides until his victory of 1981: thus it will vigorously defend it with the Congrès of Metz in April 1979, by affirming against Michel Rocard that: “between the Plan and the gone, there is the Socialisme”.

In parallel, he is elected first assistant of the mayor of the Grand-Quevilly in 1977, then appointed fourth district of the Seine-Maritime (Elbeuf, Grand-Quevilly). He poses the bases thus of what will become its electoral stronghold.

Following the victory of François Mitterrand in 1981, it is named Minister for the Budget, function at the time which it founds the Wealth tax, abolished in 1987 by the government of Jacques Chirac and ancestor of the Solidarity tax on fortune. The works of art being excluded from the plate of tax collection lately created, a polemic aiming it began: indeed, the family fortune of his/her parents is built on the trade of works of Article It disputes being at the origin of this measurement. According to the biography of Jean-Gabriel Fredet, it is Jack Lang, then Minister for the Culture, which would have obtained this exemption, against the opinion of Fabius. In 1983, he pleads for a faithful application of the program of the left, supporting an undulation of the franc and the industrial Protectionnisme. However, it finally adopts the “turning of the rigor” wanted by Pierre Mauroy and decided by the President to maintain France in the European Monetary System.

Then starting from 1983, he becomes Research and Minister of Industry, then Minister for the industrial Modernization of time when the most important industrial companies were in the bosom of the State. In this function, he undertook deep reorganizations which annoyed it with the Communist party and the CGT, especially after his famous exit on the “lame ducks”, but which acquired to him the regard of many managers of undertakings. Two former members of its cabinet, Louis Schweitzer and Serge Weinberg, have since fact career in industry.

Prime Minister (1984-1986)

A difficult arrival

Following the failure of the reform project of the education implemented by Alain Savary, François Mitterrand decides to change Prime Minister, and replaces Pierre Mauroy by Laurent Fabius on July 17th, 1984 at this station. At 37 years, he is the youngest Prime Minister for the Republic. Arrived in a crisis situation, it continues the “austerity measures” in order to control the national debt and the Inflation. Consequently, the Communist party refuses to take part in its government.

A new foreign politics

On the diplomatic level, Laurent Fabius encroaches sometimes on the field of François Mitterrand. Thus, in 1985, it takes makes and causes for the fight against the Apartheid in South Africa: it meets the bishop Anglican Desmond Tutu at a great meeting in Paris in May 1985 and obtains that France imposes sanctions on the mode of Pretoria: commercial Embargo, suspension of all new investment and recall of the ambassador of France. In July 1985, during an interview given to the quotiden the Morning , it is defined as follows: To the play of the definitions, I would say that I am a modern Socialist, pragmatic and in love with freedom .

During this same year 1985, in December, he is opposed to the President who invites the general Jaruzelski, chief of the Popular republic of Poland, whereas this last represses the dispute of the trade union Solidarność, led by Lech Walesa. He announces his disorder to the platform of the National Assembly, which causes the dissatisfaction with Mitterrand.

Lastly, he denounces excesses of the dictatorship of Fidel Castro while at the same time the close relations of the President (Danielle Mitterrand and Jack Lang) are regularly invited by the Head of the State Cuba in.

Two scandals

Its passage to the Hôtel Matignon is also marked by two scandals:

In the night of the July 10th 1985, the Rainbow Warrior , boat of Greenpeace, is dynamited by a team of DGSE and a photographer finds death. The business of the '' Rainbow Warrior '' bursts and the authorities of New Zealand protest. The investigation for homicide blames the French secret services, and the Minister for the Defense Charles Hernu which had covered them. The 22 of the same month, Laurent Fabius never indicates not to be informed of the operation by Charles Hernu. After a fast investigation, he recognizes officially the responsibility for DGSE and France in the attack. Charles Hernu resigns on September 20th, 1985.

the scandal of the business of the Sang contaminated will also come to sully the assessment with the passage from Laurent Fabius in Matignon: according to its detractors, delays in the implementation of precautionary measures would have involved the contamination by the Virus of the AIDS of patients having undergone a blood Transfusion. Following the revelation of the business in 1991, and following the declaration of François Mitterrand of November 9th, 1992: The ministers must give an account of their acts , he asks for the lifting of parliamentary sound Privilege to be judged. Finally, it is released offense of “involuntary attack to the life” on March 9th, 1999 by the Court of justice of the Republic, which affirms, in its awaited, that Taking into account knowledge of the time, the action of Laurent Fabius contributed to accelerate the decision-making processes. In spite of this verdict clearing it, this scandal was regularly evoked in its opposition. Laurent Fabius had then denounced a plot carried out by a “heinous line” the same one according to him which had been caught some pre-war period with Roger Salengro, to Leon Blum and Jean Zay.

Between delegation and presidency of the National Assembly (1986-2000)

Following the defeat of the left to the legislative of 1986, it leaves Matignon the March 20th 1986. It finds its seat of deputy at the time of these elections. During the duel televised with Jacques Chirac, this one the rabroue curtly by treating it of “roquet”. Laurent Fabius takes it again in his terms: You speak to the Prime Minister about France .

He becomes president of the National Assembly in 1988 after the dissolution which follows the re-election of François Mitterrand. He leads the socialist list at the time of the European elections of June 18th, 1989: he is elected, but carries out a very bad score. the Duck connected will even titrate: “For Fabius, it is the shovel of June 18th” (in reference to the Appel of June 18th of De Gaulle).

It engages at the end of the Années 1980 and at the beginning of the Années 1990 in a competition with Lionel Jospin to make sure control of the Socialist party, and fails twice:

In May 1988, at the time which Pierre Mauroy carries it with the support of Lionel Jospin. According to the Nouvel Observateur , on November 22nd, 1988 take place in its office of the National Assembly, final rupture with Lionel Jospin
with the Congress of Rennes of March 1990, which marks the rupture of the current mitterrandien, a “collective suicide” according to socialist directors. After three days of debates and invectives, Pierre Mauroy is renewed with the head of the PS with always the support of Lionel Jospin.

Finally, Laurent Fabius is elected first secretary of the Socialist party in January 1992, and will remain it until the Congrès of Le Bourget, which follows the defeat of the left to the legislative of 1993. However, it undergoes a searching carried out by the judge Renaud Van Ruymbeke, the very same day of its installation to the seat of the party, on January 9th, 1992. In October 1993, the defeat of the left to legislative obliges it to yield the place to Michel Rocard.

Not being able to present itself to the presidential election because of the business of contaminated blood, it lines up behind Henri Emmanuelli against Lionel Jospin. Elected official mayor of the Grand-Quevilly in 1995, it obtains the presidency of the socialist group to the National Assembly the same year, posts that it leaves to find the presidency of the Parliament in 1997, following the victory of the Plural left to the legislative and the nomination of Lionel Jospin at the post of Prime Minister.

At the time of this new crossing of the desert, it takes time to travel and measure the problems raised by the Mondialisation, planning even to postulate with the Fonds International currency. At the time, media rumors announced indeed its intention to take the direction of this great international financial institution. Far from praising itself not to have a SICAV and definitively rejoined without ulterior motive with the laws of the market, he from now on endeavoured to incarnate in the French left a rather liberal tendency, near to the positions of Tony Blair and Gerhard Schröder.

In a maintenance granted to the daily newspaper Le Monde of August 25th, 1999, he denounces the racing of the tax machine responsible for famous “the kitty” and prognostic: The left does not run much of risks to be beaten by the line, but it can the being by the taxes and the loads . February 3rd, 2000, in a maintenance granted to the daily newspaper the Platform , he declares: We must also reduce the income tax, in my opinion, for the whole of the scale: in bottom, in order to avoid the “trap doors of inactivity”, in the medium to reduce the load of the middle-classes, in top, in order to avoid the escape or the demotivation of the taxpayers to the highest incomes specifying on March 7th, 2000 in a maintenance granted to the Echoes : We must for 2002 bring back the taxes and social security deduction, which inflated considerably, to their level of 1995 .

The ministry for the Economy (2000-2002)

Not integrated in the first governments Jospin, it returns in grace following the resignation of the transitory successor of Dominique Strauss-Kahn, Christian Sautter, victim of a sling of the agents of its ministry, that of the economy, vis-a-vis a reform project interns of which the goal was to establish a bond “between remunerations and the way in which the tasks are achieved” and who were regarded as a provocation by the trade unions. It is the period of the great cabinet reshuffle where Lionel Jospin names in its government the principal “elephants” of the PS, until there isolated. It is named Minister for the Economy, Finances and Industry the March 27th 2000. However for équiliber politically its presence, the Prime Minister makes enter to the government Jean-Luc Mélenchon, Catherine Tasca, a representative of the greens Guy Hascoët and a Communist Michel Dufour.

Laurent Fabius buries the project of his predecessor and at Bercy, it implements the second phase of the reform of the 35 hours, tries to continue the policy of reduction of the Fiscalité and control of the expenditure carried out since 1997, preaching the application of the principle of sincerity in the accounts of the State following the example what is done in the companies, and tries a modification of the practices of recruitment in the public office. Its policy him is immediately reproached by its adversaries more on the left, estimating that it thus sacrifices the social one, which reinforces the criticism of its liberalism, often exerted to its opposition. However, even if the Prime Minister gives the impression to listen to his Minister for the economy while declaring: I thus retain the progressive idea by Laurent Fabius and some others which we must continue this policy of tax reduction. And the objective which I lay down at the government, it is that by the end of the legislature we returned ata rate of taking away which is that which existed in 1995 , he finally refuses to condition the fall of the taxes to that of the expenditure, and regards the tax gifts taking away on the surpluses released by the growth and not as the vectors of a basic tax reform. Moreover, in a logic of electoral effectiveness, it concentrates the fall of the taxes on the two lowest sections - “trap doors of inactivity” evoked by Laurent Fabuis and nothing for the average revenues and the highest sections - and authorizes a broad progression of the expenditure related by the investments in the hospitals, of new recruitments in State education and more generally in all the public office, contrary to its engagement to the freezing of manpower in the public office.

Laurent Fabius is also the Minister for the passage to the Euro, and was in favor of a tax on flows of capital. Prime Minister for the Economy to agree to dialog with the representatives of the anti-liberal organization ATTAC, it also takes part in the European Social forum at the sides of Jose Bove.

Trying to persuade the trade unions and to overcome the reserves of the plural majority, persuaded to be taken back in the businesses, Laurent Fabius remains in station until the defeat of Lionel Jospin to the presidential election of April-May 2002. A few months before the nomination of this last, Laurent Fabius had forecast: Lionel Jospin will have two hedges to cross. If it loses the legislative ones, the presidential one will be also lost and in December 1999 he declared To gain, one needs an assessment, but one needs also a project .

A political new line (2002-2007)

Number two of the Socialist party

Lionel Jospin having announced at the evening of the first turn of the presidential election, the April 21st 2002, which it withdrew from the political life, Laurent Fabius is the principal head of poster to carry out the legislative elections which follow, difficult for the left. Consequently, it posts its presidential ambitions. It is François Holland which is re-elected first secretary of the Socialist party while Laurent Fabius becomes his second with the Congrès of Dijon. It then posts a marked line with left and by the rejection of the liberalism: it estimates that it is the massive rejection of the liberalism which explains the socialist defeat with the elections of 2002. He also preaches what he names a “head-on opposition” with the right-hand side, and excludes any future alliance with the UDF which, after the re-election of Jacques Chirac, starts to take its autonomy.

The constitutional referendum

During the year 2004, it is pointed out while becoming the most important socialist leader to be opposed to the treated establishing a Constitution for Europe. As of the end of 2003, it evokes its hesitation with regard to the project which takes form, evolving/moving then of “nonsafe if” in June 2004 with nonfinal which it defends within the socialist party. By doing this, it starts a sharp polemic within the whole of the European socialist parties, whose majority are acquired with “yes”. By internal referendum, the socialist militants decide however the December 2nd 2004 to support “yes” by 55% of the voices. Contrary to other opponents with the TCE within the socialist party, its current decides nevertheless to make countryside for “not”. At the time of the national referendum of May 29th, 2005, “not” carries it. “Yes” is ratified by 16 country out of 25 (including 14 by procedure Parlement surface without consultation of the population) and is rejected by the last 2 direct polls in France and with the Netherlands, the other direct polls envisaged (of which that of the Great Britain) being then cancelled.

Its positioning against the European Constitutional treaty was the criticism object many, particularly among the Socialists and part of the left. He is shown of lack of sincerity and coherence in his rejection of liberalism: this one would be in contradiction with the economic policy which it followed, of 1984 to 1986 and 2000 to 2002, qualified social-liberal . Its detractors see in this decision an opportunist operation of positioning for the presidential of 2007. According to its partisans, it is in conformity with its evolution as of the shortly after the historical defeat of the PS on April 21st, 2002.

Exclusion of the direction of the Socialist party

The June 4th 2005, the National council votes his exclusion, like that of his/her friends, of the authorities of direction of the party. By doing this, the Socialist party wants to clarify its political line, while taking the risk of division, in-house and with its electorate.

At the time of the Congress of Mans, Laurent Fabius deposits a motion against the outgoing majority, to which it had belonged, with the support of Jean-Luc Mélenchon, André Laignel, Alain Vidalies and Marie-Noëlle Lienemann. With the score of 21,21%, it arrives in third position behind the motion defended by outgoing management (53,6%) and that of the Nouveau Socialist party (23,6%). With the congress of Mans, it agrees to vote for a text intended to make the synthesis between motions, text which includes some of its amendments. It thus avoids belonging to a minority of the Socialist party. It however chooses not to reinstate the direction of the party, leaving this care to other members of his current.

Presidential election of 2007

The January 10th 2006, Laurent Fabius declares candidate with the nomination of the Socialist party for the presidential election of 2007. Its candidature was officialized on October 1st 2006 at the time of a speech made for Fleurance in margin of a congress of researchers. Were in string for the nomination with him, Ségolène Royal and Dominique Strauss-Kahn. At the conclusion of the primary educations of the November 16th 2006, winner in his department of the Seine-Maritime, in Haute-Corse and at Mayotte, it arrives however in third position with 18,66% of the voices of the militants and announces as of the following day its support for Ségolène Royal, indicated candidate of the Socialist party as of the first turn with 60,65% of the voices. During the countryside of 2007, whereas it had auparavent hard criticized Ségolène Royal, it took its defense at the time when she encountered the first difficulties. He resigns of the national office of the PS in June 2007

The current of Fabiusiens

Within the Socialist party, Laurent Fabius has a current and many supports attached to his person. The close relations of Laurent Fabius or those sharing his ideas Politique S are called “fabiusiens”; its principal “lieutenants” are Claude Bartolone, appointed Seine-Saint-Denis and Alain Claeys, appointed of Vienna.

Historically, the fabiusiens were opposed to the “rocardien S”, then with the “jospinist S”, and more recently with the “Dutch” and even more recently with Ségolène Royal.

At the time of the referendum on the European Constitutional treaty of 2005, the current of the fabiusiens defended “not”, in spite of the vote of the militants of the PS in favor of this text. Fabiusiens as Jack Lang on this occasion broke with Laurent Fabius.

At the time of the candidate PS nomination for the presidential ones of 2007, of new militants, resulting in particular from the current Nouveau Socialist party join in Laurent Fabius, as the group Nouvelle Left of Benoit Hamon and part of the old supports of Arnaud Montebourg.

Affiliations

He is member of the Trilateral Commission since 1998, of the club the Century, and takes part, in 1994, with the meeting of the group Bilderberg. He was elected administrator of the Institut François Mitterrand.

Political career

Electoral mandates

Local mandates

; Town hall

21/03/1977 - 13/03/1983: assistant of the Mayor of the Grand-Quevilly (Seine-Maritime)
14/03/1983 - 19/03/1989: assistant of the mayor of the Grand-Quevilly (Seine-Maritime)
20/03/1989 - 18/06/1995: assistant of the mayor of the Grand-Quevilly (Seine-Maritime)

1989 - 2000: SIVOM (Intercommunity association with multiple vocation) of Rouen chairs, then district of the agglomeration of Rouen

19/06/1995 - 18/03/2001: member of the municipal council of the Grand-Quevilly (Seine-Maritime)
19/06/1995 - 30/03/2000: mayor of the Grand-Quevilly (Seine-Maritime)
31/03/2000 - 18/03/2001: assistant of the mayor of the Grand-Quevilly (Seine-Maritime)
18/03/2001 - in progress: assistant of the mayor of the Grand-Quevilly (Seine-Maritime)
Since 2001: vice-president of the Community of agglomeration of Rouen

; General advice

01/06/2000 - 01/08/2002: member of the general advice of the Seine-Maritime

; District council

17/03/1986 - 17/05/1989: member of the district council of High-Normandy
23/03/1992 - 29/06/1995: member of the district council of High-Normandy

National mandates

; Delegation

03/04/1978 - 22/05/1981: deputy of the 4th district of Seine-Maritime
02/07/1981 - 23/07/1981: deputy of the 4th district of Seine-Maritime
02/04/1986 - 14/05/1988: deputy of the 4th district of Seine-Maritime
06/06/1988 - 01/04/1993: deputy of the 4th district of Seine-Maritime
02/04/1993 - 21/04/1997: deputy of the 4th district of Seine-Maritime
01/06/1997 - 27/04/2000: deputy of the 4th district of Seine-Maritime
01/06/2002 - 18/06/2007: deputy of the 4th district of Seine-Maritime
19/06/2007 - in progress: deputy of the 4th district of Seine-Maritime

European mandates

; European delegation

25/07/1989 - 02/04/1992: European Deputy

Ministerial functions

22/05/1981 - 22/06/1981: deputy secretary near the Minister for the Economy and finances, in charge of the budget
23/06/1981 - 22/03/1983: deputy secretary near the Minister for the Economy and Finances, in charge of the budget
22/03/1983 - 17/07/1984: Minister of Industry and for research
19/07/1984 - 19/03/1986: Prime Minister (Government Fabius)
27/03/2000 - 05/05/2002: Minister for the Economy, finances and the industry of the government of Lionel Jospin

Political office

National secretary of the PS 1979
National secretary of the PS, charged with the elected officials and the territory 2002 - 2005

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