Joe Clark

Political career

Joe Clark politically becomes active for the first time at the university level. He is president of the Young progressist-conservatives of the Université of Alberta. Clark crosses the sword with its future political rival Preston Manning in the forums of debate on the campus between the Young PC and the League of the young people of the Parti the social Credit of Alberta. Clark is very conscious of the Canadian policy as of very an young age. In its youth, he is an admiror of the progressist-conservative chief and Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker, and he launches out itself in policy, at the provincial level, for the first time at the 28 years age. Its first incursion in policy, as an official candidate for the Left progressist-conservative Alberta to the provincial elections of 1967, proves however a failure. Clark is then assistant-chief with the chief of the opposition provincial and future Prime Minister albertain Peter Lougheed.

He is elected for the first time at the House of Commons of Canada at the time of the federal election of 1972. After the resignation of the chief progressist-conservative Robert Stanfield, Clark presents its candidature for the direction of the party and gained the victory at the time of the congress of nomination of 1976. At the time of the first turn, Joe Clark occupies the third position behind Claude Wagner and Brian Mulroney. Quickly, he becomes the candidate of the compromise. The right wing of the party joins behind Wagner. Mulroney, a business man Québécois without political experiment as an elected official, is unable to widen its base of supports to a significant degree. Several delegates feel offended by his expensive countryside. As other candidates Red Tory are eliminated on the four first turns of vote, Clark catches up with Mulroney gradually and then Wagner to tear off finally the victory with the fifth turn.

The fulgurating rise of Clark, of almost unknown deputy albertain to chief of the opposition, takes Canada by surprise. The Ontarian daily newspaper Toronto Star announces the victory of Clark with the cuff: “ Joe Who? ” (Joe Which?), affublant it of a nickname which sticks to him with the skin during years with the English Canada. One makes good number of jokes on his left awkwardness and his manners. Large and thin, the caricaturists draw it like a kind of travelling love bite, with an enormous head and hanging ears like a dog. Initially, it appears not very probable that such a man, targets of so many mockeries, can never hope to make competition with the intellectual entrusting and immensely popular, Pierre Trudeau.

However, Clark is wild in its attacks against the government of Trudeau, disputing savagely with the Prime Minister with the House of Commons. The attempts at Trudeau not to attach importance to Clark are seen by many Canadian like an example of the pompeuse and arrogant attitude of a Prime Minister who gave a his opinion for asset.

Clark is the first Canadian politician to strongly give an opinion for the decriminalisation of the Marijuana in Canada, and for a guaranteed minimal income - two positions characteristic of the Red Tories . With many regards, its social progressionism was as daring in the Années 1970 as of Trudeau in the Années 1960 had been to it that.

Prime Minister

The efforts of Joe Clark bear fruit: the June 4th 1979, at the 39 years age, he becomes the youngest Prime Minister of Canada following the election of 1979, demolishing the liberal government of Trudeau. Clark is the first conservative to take the direction of the Canadian federal government since the defeat of John Diefenbaker with the election of 1963.

On the other hand, only a minority government with the House of Commons, Clark can take into account on the support either of the Parti social Credit with its 6 deputies, or of the Nouveau Democratic party with its 26 deputies. Without this support, it is vulnerable to the defeat with the hands of the liberals at any time.

The social Credit is below the necessary limit of 12 deputies to have the statute of official party to the House of Commons. However, these six seats would have been enough to give to Clark a parliamentary majority if it had agree to form a Coalition government with the creditists, or then if the two parties had agree to work together. However, Clark refuses to give the statute of official party to small the caucus creditist; he also refuses to negotiate a coalition or to cooperate in some way that it is with the party. This leads directly to the defeat in room of the government in December 1979. The liberals vote with the NPD on a motion of censure related to the budget of the government of Clark, presented by the deputy néo-democrat Bob Rae. The caucus creditist abstains from voting, thus ensuring the adoption of motion. Clark is criticized for its “ incapacity to make arithmétique ” while not being able to predict the result of the vote; but at the same time, the defeat is partially desired for its party. When a new election would be started, the progressist-conservatives think of easily being able to overcome the liberals, demoralized and without direction.

During the electoral campaign of 1979, Clark had promised to cut the taxes in order to stimulate the economy. However, once posts some, it presents a budget built with the intention to limit inflation slow down the economic activity of it, and it proposes a new tax of 18 hundreds per gallon on the gasoline with an aim of reducing the budget deficit. Clark had hoped that this policy change would gain supports to him, but it deserves to him on the contrary a great animosity on behalf of the voters, furious to see it unable to respect its promises even for such a short period.

Pierre Trudeau quickly cancels his resignation of the direction of the Liberal party, and gained 146 parliamentary seats against the 103 progressist-conservatives of Clark at the time of the federal election of February 1980, returning to the capacity after a short absence.

Attitude of Trudeau towards Clark

At the time of the funeral of Trudeau in 2000, his/her son Justin Trudeau tells an anecdote in which it, when he was child, had insulted one of the political rivals of his father; this one had corrected it, giving him a severe sermon to learn to him at which point it was badly of diaboliser or to insult somebody simply because it was in disagreement. At this time of the repeat broadcast of the ceremony, CBC had inserted a photograph of Clark, making accept several which it had been the man that Justin had insulted.

Trudeau comments in its memories that Clark had been beacoup more coriace and aggressive that the preceding conservative leader Robert Stanfield, noting that these qualities had been used for Clark in its electoral victory in 1979. However, Trudeau compliments also Clark by saying this one which he was a sizeable chief and which Trudeau personally preferred it in Mulroney when Clark east demolishes in the race with the direction in 1983. Contrary to Clark, Mulroney and Trudeau were sworn enemies, in spite of the fact that they never clashed at the time of an election.

Under Mulroney

In 1983, after having collected the supports from only 66% of delegated to the biennial congress of the party and considering that this is largely insufficient, Clark launches a race to the direction to decide question. After an impassioned campaign, it is in advance with the three first turns before losing with the fourth turn, preceded by its rival of always, Brian Mulroney. Mulroney gains an enormous victory in the election of 1984, and becomes Prime Minister. Many observers and political analysts wonder about the logic of the decision of Clark. A famous incident arrives in 1987 at the time of a dinner given in the honor of the visit of Charles, prince de Galles. The prince, sitted beside Clark, asks him why 66% were not enough. The woman of Clark, Maureen McTeer, explains the decision of her husband in her autobiography In My Own Name , published in 2003. She explains why for her husband, less than 75 pourcent did not constitute an enough clear mandate to advance with the members of the party. Clark was afraid that the 35% members progressist-conservatives who did not support it would become its criticisms more virulants at the time of the next electoral campaign, and which its continuity with the head of the party being given these circumstances would have led to the fragmentation of the party. Clark was convinced that he would manage to gain another race with the direction and that he would obtain a level of support clearly once his qualities compared with the handle of inexperienced rivals who coveted his station and who worked in slide to sabotage his leadership.

Secretary of State to the external businesses

In spite of their personal differences, Clark works skilfully within the Council of Ministers of Mulroney as a Secretary of State to the external businesses.

Some consider that it was one of the most qualified Foreign Ministers that Canada ever had, if not most qualified; it is sometimes compared with Lester B. Pearson, prize winner of the Nobel Prize of peace. Among the achievements and daring actions which it carries out in this role:

It convinces Mulroney to name Stephen Lewis at the post of ambassador to the UNO - which becomes later the special correspondent of UNO on the crisis of the AIDS; several believe that the nomination of Lewis was the asking price by Clark to be useful under Mulroney.

In 1984, he is the very first minister of foreign affairs of an industrialized country to put the feet in Ethiopia, country before isolated by the international community, and carries out the Western answer to the Ethiopian famine of 1984-1985; Clark goes to Addis-Abeba so quickly that he had not even seen the report of the CBC which had caused the strong initial public reaction; the Canadian answer is enormous and pleasing the the United States and the the United Kingdom to follow the step almost immediately - a situation without precedent at the time, since Ethiopia had before been a unit state Marxist and had been completely insulated by the Western governments.

It publicly reproaches the Canadian Jewish Congrès for supporting without limits the State of Israel without regard to the actions of this last.

It firmly gives an opinion against the Apartheid and in favor of economic sanctions against the South Africa, at one time when Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher is strongly opposed to such sanctions.

It is opposed to the intervention with the Nicaragua under Reagan.

It accepts refugees coming from El El Salvador, of the Guatemala and other countries directly supported by Reagan.

Despite everything that, it manages to maintain bonds very strong with the the United States, and a great co-operation on the files where Canada and the United States are in agreement; it in particular helps to negotiate a final agreement on the Accord of free trade canado-American.

All in all, he arrives has to preserve a political voice independent for Canada at one time of economic integration increased with the United States.

Minister responsible for the constitutional deals

Perhaps partly because of the support of the Queen Elizabeth II - she is also opposed to the Apartheid - Clark is then president of the private Conseil of the Queen for Canada.

When the question of the constitutional statute of Quebec within Canada starts to take place more and more, he becomes minister responsible for the constitutional deals. In these new functions, he plays a central role in the drafting of the Accord of Charlottetown, which is however a failure. He withdraws himself from the policy in 1993, escaping the disastrous election from 1993, at the time which the Party progressist-conservative is practically destroyed under the direction of the successor of Mulroney, Kim Campbell.

At the time of the Referendum of 1995 in Quebec, the federalistic option gains the vote by only one point of percentage. Many estimates that it is partly because of the failures of Meech and Charlottetown that the result is so tight.

Second round with the direction of the party

One of only two deputies progressist-conservatives to survive the electoral massacre of 1993, Jean Charest becomes chief of party PC after the resignation of Campbell. After having led the party to modest successes with the federal election of 1997, gaining 20 districts, Charest yields with the great pressure of the public and leaves the federal policy to direct the Liberal party of Quebec (which is not affiliated any more with the federal Liberal party since 1962).

The party does not have any obvious candidate to replace Charest, and they turn to Clark once again. In 1998, Clark becomes chief of the progressist-conservatives again. He is elected appointed in the district Nova Scotian of Kings-Hants at the time of a by-election the September 11th 2000, and then in Calgary-Center, in Alberta, at the time of the general election two months later. Some expect that the party is destroyed; however, the performance of Clark at the time of the televised debates ensures a moderate success to them: the party succeeds in retaining the 12 seats necessary to the statute of official party recognized with the House of Commons, being qualified for funds of research, the participation in the committees, and rights to speak minimal. Put aside Clark with Calgary and one each one with the Manitoba and the Quebec, the deputies of the party come from districts concentrated in the Provinces of the Atlantic.

Clark never loses hope which the progressist-conservatives will take again possibly the Ontario and will form a federal government once again. It continues to support the Red Tories which work to take again the control of the Parti progressist-conservative Ontario, and strongly supports the promising candidates with the bys-election. The personal popularity of Clark is growing while, once again, a liberal mode under Chrétien is wrapped by the scandal. People trust Clark largely, but this tendency refuses to result in additional seats.

Quoting this precise problem, Clark announces its resignation of the direction of party PC the August 6th 2002. It is replaced by Peter MacKay the May 31st 2003, which gains the victory thanks to an agreement discussed with its rival David Orchard; Clark had always encouraged MacKay to keep Orchard in the conservative camp.

Attitude of Mulroney towards Clark

Although Clark and Mulroney were perceived a long time like eternal adversaries, Mulroney, in its speech with the congress of the party in 2003, described Clark like an honest and admirable chief who had the distinction to be the only Prime Minister of recent memory which, even when it failed, was always respected, and never haï, by the Canadian public. At the time of its retirement, the surveys indiqunt that indeed, it is the political personality to which people make more confidence.

Fusion of Party PC with Alliance

The December 8th 2003, the day of the fusion of the progressist-conservatives with the alliancists to form new the Conservative party of Canada, Clark is one of three deputies - the two others are André Bachand and John Herron - to announce that he do not unite with new the caucus. The deputy Scott Brison had already joined the liberal . The progressist-conservatives are not any more. The Red Tories disperse, the majority integrating the new party, others uniting with the Liberal party, NPD or the green Parti Canada. Others still found the Parti Canadian progressist.

Clark announces that it would continue to sit as a deputy progressist-conservative, and that it would take his retirement at the end of the parliamentary session.

Later, Clark critiqueouvertement the new Conservative party with the approach of the federal election of 2004. It lukewarmly supports the liberal chief, Paul Martin, affirming that Canadian should trust more him than with Stephen Harper. It supports ED Broadbent, the former chief of the NPD, and other liberal candidates and conservatives as individuals, affirming that most important was to have the “ House of Commons Canadian the strongest possible ” since none of the two great parties offer truly hope. Clark is criticized even by several Red Tories for these comments, showing it to speak like a liberal and to reject the new Conservative party of the reverse of the hand instead of taking part to guide it on a moderate way. Clark qualifies the new party of annexation alliancist and that is country will never accept the new party or its more preserving policies on the social questions like the Homosexual marriage and the Avortement. To grip counterpart in invite “ Poor Joe ” and notes that Clark was disconnected from the Alberta, its native province, throughout its political career.

The amalgamated Conservative party succeeds in increasing its number of seats at the time of the poll; however, the total of the popular vote lower is on the whole combined vote alliancist and progressist-conservative at the time of the preceding election. Moreover, some seats of the east of Canada escape to them; they gain 7 of them, against the 10 assets with the progressist-conservatives before fusion. New the conservatives remain based mainly in the Western (like had been to it Alliance), making profits in Ontario, and are completely excluded from the Quebec in favor of the liberals and the Québécois Bloc.

Legacy

The departure of Clark of the policy, as an independent and isolated deputy, at all does not reflect the totality of its political career. Clark is the only politician to beat Pierre Trudeau at the time of an election. He remains also only Canadian to be elected at the post of Prime Minister under the forty years age. Although its government was unable to make adopt major bills, the merit their cost to have presented the first version of the Canadian Loi on the Access to the information, which was re-examined and finally adopted by the liberals of Trudeau. During its mandate of Minister for the external businesses, Clark proudly defends the disapproval of Canada vis-a-vis the mode of the Apartheid in South Africa. Canada was the only country of the G7 to adopt such a strong position against apartheid during the years 1980. It also attacked the difficult ministerial file of the Constitutional deals after the failure of the Accord of the lake Meech and continued the task vigorously.

Return to the direction of the party

Although the return of Clark to the policy in 1998 was accommodated by its opponents like a death warrant for the tories still under the traumatism of their defeat five years before, Clark managed to prevent the total destruction of the party to the election of 2000, and was regarded as the best speaker during the televised debates.

Clark was also acclaimed media and several deputies like the chief of a party of the most effective opposition between 2000 and 2002, continuing without slackening the liberal government on questions like the Scandale of the mixed liability companies. During its final mandate, Jean Chrétien often treated Clark as the chief of the opposition (it was not it), with the great sorrow of the politicians alliancists who occupied in fact the post of head of the opposition during this period. Indeed, Chrétien and Clark had sat together at the House of Commons since the years 1970 and they maintained a reciprocal respect, even if they occupied of the opposite benches.

The efforts of Clark to rebuild Party PC knew their apogee in May 2003 when the party exceeded NPD to occupy the place of the fourth left in room, after having gained bys-election with Newfoundland and in Ontario, and after the party had again become the most popular alternative to the liberals in the national surveys. Several people, as much its allies which its rivals, suggested that its actions supported party PC weakened during its most difficult years, whereas its statute of national alternative faced a serious compétiton populism of the meadows of Preston Manning and Parti reformist Canada, as well as social conservatism of Stockwell Day and Canadian Alliance.

Clark continues to use its experiment in foreign affairs. It was with Washington the January 20th 2005 at the time of the second ceremony of nomination of the US president George W. Bush. Before going to the Capitole, the Canadian ambassador in Washington of the time, Michael Kergin, and Clark discussed the celebrations of nomination with the senator of the Arizona John McCain in the embassy. Clark also made publish several articles of opinion in various newspapers of the country since its retirement. Clark, or his wife Maureen McTeer, is seen by certain like a candidate of future compromise being named with the Sénat of Canada. Recently, there were rumors wanting that it was under consideration for the station of Lieutenant-governor of the Alberta. If that arrived, it would become the first nobody to have been Prime Minister and representative of the queen in a province. In 1994, it is made Compagnon of the Ordre of Canada.

External bonds

federal political Experiment with the Library of the Parliament

Random links: