Jean-Baptiste Roustain
Family origins
Aaron Jean-Baptiste Pierre Roustain of Barolière was born on December 21st, 1804 in Paris within a related easy family with Jacques Imbert-Colomès, which had been first alderman of Lyon in 1789. His/her father, Pierre Roustain of Barollière, had been lawyer with the Parliament and adviser of the king before the Revolution, then banking expeditionary Lyonese in court of Rome. By purchase of the field of Barolière close to Saint Paul in Jarrez, Pierre Roustain of Barollière had associated a particle with its name. Knight of the Legion of honor, doctor in Roman law, Jean-Baptiste Roustain died on August 8th, 1856 with Charenton after a strong engagement in the field of the right or in policy.
Studies and the teaching of Jean-Baptiste Roustain
Jean-Baptiste Roustain was distinguished at the school from Right of Paris by the speed and solidity of its progress. At 25 years, it already started to write in the legal collections. In 1831, it was accepted doctor, and it was made register on the table of lawyers, but it hardly approached the pleading; he preferred to continue to devote itself to strong studies. Hardly it had obtained the diploma of Doctor in right which it opened of the public and free courses, either in its residence, or in the institution of Mr. Barragon, in the center of the district of the schools. It is at that time (1831) which it Maria with Prudence-Dawn Desilles, 5 years its junior, girl of a captain to the regiment of Berry-Hussard, veteran of the battle of Leipzig, Pierre-Léonard Désilles.
In 1839, Jean-Baptiste Roustain obtained with the contest a pulpit of temporary professor (substitution of Blondeau) to the faculty of Paris, and it occupied this station a long time where it taught the origins of the Roman law, then, in multiple temporary functions, all branches of the right during twelve years. Towards the end of 1855, the pulpit of Roman law was entrusted to him, it carried in its teaching of the historical and philosophical appreciations which, spread for a long time in Germany, were new in France.
Activity and political ideas
Jean-Baptiste Roustain had taken part, as a guard national, with the Révolution of 1830, where it had made a point of ensuring the law and order in front of the Palais Bourbon. However, as of this time, it had expressed fears as for the " instigators of troubles" revolutionists.
The consequences of the Revolution of February 1848, during which it saved the life of a guard municipal pursued by rioters, made him fear a social revolution again, which involved it to enter in policy to support Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. It was, in 1849, secretary of the Central committee of the electoral Union (Bonapartist) granting the political nominations on more than 20 departments. It became one of the chiefs of the Electoral National association at the end of 1851, in particular in the department of the the Seine where it had founded a section; its articles in the Parisian Monitor of November 1851, supporting the president Bonaparte, made great noise.
Jean-Baptiste Roustain contributed to make amalgamate the electoral Union and electoral Association to constitute a force facilitating the recasting of the Napoleonean Empire, parking order and wanting to break the " carcan" constitution of the Second Republic. In 1849, it was named assistant of the mayor of the 11th district, and it fulfills these functions during 4 years. It undoubtedly had in front of him a bright future, promoting its ideas in assemblies joining together to 2500 people, but an untimely death removed it in 1856. This professor left few writings; articles in the Re-examined of French and foreign Right, of the notes inserted in the theoretical and practical Comment of the Civil code, are principal testimonys of extended from its knowledge.
Extracts of the political Legacy (new) of J-B Roustain: revolutions of 1830 and 1848
On the quay of Tileries grouillait an immense peat of men with sinister personage and Paris urchins, armed with rifles, sabers, and snap hooks, collected in the brawls, invading all the cars which were on their passage. The ones went up in carts, the others in slow trains; others happier were pavanaient in fit with body court, including in the cars of the sacring. So instead of fleeing in front of this bunch, Charles X had done it mitrailler, the purified Parisian population as an ebullient water mud which one drove out scum, had again received in these walls the victorious monarch of the rabble, and some concessions had made the remainder. But as for defending oneself in Paris, at the point where the things had come from there on July 29th, it is what was about impossible for him. The mass of the attackers, as well of with dimensions of the place German St the Resident of Auxerre as of with dimensions of the place of the Oratory, was so compact and the furia which animated it, so burning, that Louvre was out of state to hold. However Louvre invaded, it was to necessarily arrive, and it is also what arrived, that the insurrectionists gained Tileries by the galleries of the Museum, thus seizing, almost without blow to férir palate of the King while the Swiss ones continued to draw from the orangery on the Voltaire quay and that the place of the Carousel continued to be occupied by the troop. From there, it to say while passing, the headlong escape of the King and his family. It was necessary to flee or fall to the capacity insurrection, which came to the improvist, with a very French boldness, to plant its flag on a castle surrounded soldiers, while passing by galleries and corridors. Such was the situation of Charles X on July 29th.
February 24th, that of Louis-Philippe was very different. The countryside of the banquets had agitated the spirits, but this agitation was far from being as deep as that which the fifteen year old had produced comedy. The national guards, for the majority, were infatués of the reform but it was necessary much of it that they felt a similar irritation with that their predecessors (...). Louis-Philippe, it is true did not have royal guard, but the provisions of the army were much better in its connection than they had been it previously with regard to Charles X. the questions of reform electoral or parliamentary had catch on the spirit of the soldier rather indifferent of his nature to the composition of the deliberating assemblies Enfin one could not articulate against Louis-Philippe no objection like that which had to be born the famous ordinances from July. Obviously there was nothing commun run between the coup d'etat of 1830 and one simple measurement of police force, bearing prohibition of a banquet. It is thus out of doubt that the branch junior had, to defend oneself, much more facilities than had had of it the elder branch. (...)
But the drafts do not take the reins of a government that as much as one gives up them to them and it is what Louis-Philippe with an unexplainable carelessness did. I had of it my own eyes, the most conclusive evidence. In the day of February 24th, I made twice, outward journey and return, the way of the district of Luxembourg to the Roadway of Antin. I crossed between the Pont-neuf and the boulevards, a certain number of barricades built without method and occupied by kids. " Pass to Me sieur" , these beardless soldiers said to me. To insert similar cuttings off, it was enough to a corporal and four men. I saw them, all in agitation with a barricade established close to the quay of the School, at the entry of the street of tree-dryness, because a detachment drum at the head, arrived by the Pont-neuf; but the insurance their returned as soon as they had acquired the certainty which they dealt with troop of insurrectionists. I arrived street St-Honore at the moment when the apartments of the Palais Royal had just been invaded by the rabble (I make use intentionally of this word). One threw the pieces of furniture by the windows, with the applause of the street. One made more: one put front light at it to throw them on the place of the Palais Royal where the hearth of the fire was thus supplied by plundering. (...)
It was allowed to envisage, considering the incurie and the cowardice of the government, the fate which was reserved to him. I did not delay to learn it. Arrived at the district of Fitted of Antin, I met some armed men who appeared overheated, and I ventured myself to request from the one them news: I learned by him that Tileries had just been taken. It had taken share with forwarding and it showed me a fabric scrap which it reported of the throne room. I asked him then if the municipal guards were always defended on the place of the Palais Royal. The answer was short: " they grillent". I moved away with dislike. Thus I learned that the station of the water Tower, invested by the insurrectionists, had been set fire to by them, that its brave men defenders had been burned alives. Not being enough brave to seize the station of sharp force in spite of the superiority of their number, the attackers had not found a better means of putting an end to a heroic resistance. What a shame for a government which had troops available on the place of the Carousel, to let assassinate and roast, to a few hundreds of step, its devoted soldiers! After that, should it be astonished that such a government could not defend itself. All cowardices are interdependent.
The deputies orleanists were not braver than their leader. A guard national of my company, which cumulated with this function that of factor to the Valley and administrator of the welfare office, Mr. Bouquet, gave me on this subject details on facts of which it was pilot and in which he was actor. In the hurly-burly which announced the presence of the Duchess of Orleans to the room of Deputies, there was, among the royalist Deputies, a general stampede. The princess was it even compromised in this brawl of runaways. And the royal child ran the risk to be choked. Mr. Bouquet then made his service with the national Palate-Bourbon like guard. Though pertaining to a company of hunters, it had the size of a pomegranate, not of detail which had a great importance. It is thus, indeed that while taking the count of Paris in his arms, and while hoisting it with the top of the shoulders of crowd, he managed to withdraw it from the danger which threatened. Such is, at least, the account that it made me, at one time rather close to the event, and of which it was not besides possible to me to note the authenticity. (...)
It is the misfortune of the revolutions, which they throw the doubt about the duties to fill, and which they give to fidelity the name treason, as with the armed robbery that of heroism. In short, by a cause or by another, everyone gave up Louis-Philippe, as it gave up itself. Orléanistes, by fear of the Republicans, did not even know to concert their efforts to save at least the dynasty in the person of the count de Paris, and the Republicans of the National by fear of the socialist democrats, more did not know to spare the advent of their doctrines by constituting a regency. The socialist democrats only, knew to play their part, which was also easiest, that of lost children of the opposition, from there the waste of the provisional government.
Sources
- bibliographical Dictionary of the XIXe bibliographical century
- Bulletin of the Faculty of Law of Paris , 1856 (funeral praise)
- THEMIS , volume X, page 316
- the Parisian Monitor , numbers of, 6,8, November 9th, 12th and th 1851; December 3rd, 1851
- Private archives
-----
| Random links: | List fantastic creatures of Greek mythology | Hyperrealism | Adabas | Park of Auxerre-Saint-Gervais | Louis-Philippe style | Paul_Hogan |