Insurrection of Budapest

This article treats insurrection of Budapest , the movement most known of the Hungarian protests against the Stalinist mode in 1956.

The Hungarian movement of October 1956 was an insurrection, even a Révolution. It was a spontaneous rising, without leaders, authenticates movement of mass linked by the hatred of the Stalinist mode and by a will to improve the social situation. The survey carried out by the special Committee of UNO into Hungary in 1957 concludes his report/ratio by saying that “Hungarian rising was not only national, but also spontaneous”. The agitation of the writers, the students and the journalists proves a progressive emancipation with respect to the Parti the Hungarian workers (the sole party), as well as a disintegration of the totalitarian system.

The Intellectuel S which fought for the reform ever imagined such a cataclysm, such a violent upheaval, a handing-over in question of totality of the institutions and even less to one opposition armed to the domination with the Soviet Union. In October 1956, the Hungarian people is raised against the Soviet Despotisme. During ten days, it felt free and exerted this freedom; the workmen in particular formed of the councils which took in hand the business management. It is a hundred working councils which were created in all the country. The programs differ, but have common points: the abolition of ÁVH (secret police), withdrawal of the Russians, freedoms trade-union policy and, the working management of the factories and the Amnesty.

But is the Hungarian insurrection quickly crushed by the Soviet tanks in the indifference (??) Western governments, too occupied by the Crisis of Suez Canal.

Hungary: euphoria with the explosion

Sling and revolt of the intellectuals

The death of Stalin, the March 5th 1953 will cause a series of events in Poland, which will lead to the Hungarian revolt. The revelations of the XX {{E}} Congress of the Soviet Communist party at the end of February 1956, on the denunciation by Khrouchtchev of the crimes of Stalin, opens the way of a broader political dispute, at the great day. The Poland is liberalized gradually, following a series of revolts in the country. The Central committee integrates in the Political office several personalities wanting more freedom. The October 23rd, Gomulka, new leader of Poland moving towards liberalization, makes a speech explaining with 300.000 people gathered on the place of the Culture the reforms which will be installation.

The October 23rd Polish will have repercussions in Hungary. The Hungarians claim the same thing as the Poles, namely the final rejection of the Stalinisme, the withdrawal of the Russian troops, the democratization of the country, a resequencing of the economy and the independence of the country.

Following the example Gomulka, Imre Nagy claims the right for Hungary to choose its own way leading to the Socialisme. Imre Nagy is a central figure of the insurrection. It becomes at the end of the Second world war Minister for the land reform, then some time Minister of Interior Department. He was Prime Minister of 1953 with 1955, but is isolated capacity in 1955 by Rákosi which denounces its positions “droitists”. Nagy is thus revoked of its position of president of the Council and is expelled of the Political office and the Central committee. Imre Nagy seizes the agitation of the capital to announce an economic program of rebuilding which would take account of the claims of the workmen, the peasants and the intellectuals. He also announces the decision to ask accounts to the tyrant, Rákosi, returned in July, like with the other persons in charge of the terror of 1949-1952.

The turning: sixteen claims of the students and ten points of the Petöfi Circle

But the agitation of the students, opened with more radical ideas, is begun as of the October 19th. The Minister for Education states to consider the suppression of the obligatory study of the Russian and a series of other reforms. This declaration is followed demonstrations coeds in all Hungary, in particular with Szeged where, the October 20th, 200 students create an organization independent under the name of “Hungarian Federation of associations of students of the universities and the colleges”. The movement extends to Budapest or the students meet and affirm their solidarity with the Polish youth and workers.

The decisive meeting is that which is held at the technical University on October 22nd. The purpose of it was to define a series of claims in purely university matter such as the reduction in course on the Marxisme, the Léninisme, the teaching of the German , the English, the French and not only of the Russian ; 5.000 people assist to with it. The students formulate and adopt a program aiming restoring the Démocratie in Hungary in the spirit of the Révolution of 1848, and at guaranteeing the respect of the human rights in accordance with the Charte of the United Nations and with the Universal declaration of the human rights. This program would be subjected to the government. The participants request moreover the accession from the capacity of Imre Nagy.

At the beginning of evening of October 22nd, the objectives of the Hungarian revolution are more or less formulated by the students and are joined together in the shape of a list: 16 claims of the students. During this meeting, a representative of the Union of the writers proposes to organize a commemorative ceremony in front of the statue of the Général Bem, national hero of Polish origin, which fought at the sides of the Hungarians in 1848-1849. They thus went to deposit a crown in the honor of the fight of Poland for its independence. The students of the technical University decide to invite the other students and the workmen of the factories. “We want a demonstration quiet, because only the quiet, peaceful and ordered demonstrations will enable us to achieve our goals”.

The declaration of the students went much further that formulated simultaneously by the leaders from another hearth of opposition, the “Cercle Petöfi” (founded in April 1956 by students of Communist youths, centers important diffusion of criticisms and debates: clandestine lampoons, literary reviews…), in a resolution in 10 points. The Circle Petöfi is named according to the large poet of the 19th century, promoter of the revolution of 1848. This circle gathered the young intellectuals won over to the reform and who prepare with the political career. Work of this circle was supervised by the Central committee whose representatives governed the debates.

Vis-a-vis the claims formulated with the advertisement of the demonstration, Ernest Gerö, the first secretary hesitates to authorize the manifestation of October 23rd.

At 11 o'clock in the morning, an advertisement is made with the radio: “in order to maintain the law and order, the Minister of Interior Department does not authorize until new order any meeting, nor public demonstration”. To 1 p.m., the government yields, the radio advertisement the lifting of prohibition.

The demonstration left the statue of Petöfi to go to the statue of the Bem general. Ten thousands of people take part, mainly of the students, the workmen, of the soldiers, the Hungarian flags float without the symbol of the sickle and the hammer.

Arrived at the statue of the Bem General, crowd does not disperse and advances towards the Parliament. At 6 p.m., 200.000 to 300.000 people pile up before the Parliament and claim the extinction of red star on the Parliament as well as the return of Imre Nagy to the capacity.

At 2 hours 30 of the morning, the statue of Stalin falls. Gerö makes a speech to try to alleviate crowd but he only manages to exasperate it. Into the night of the 23 to the 24, the demonstration slips towards rising.

The Central committee meets and makes two decisions. It indicates Imre Nagy like president of the Council and fact call using the Russian troops quartered close to the capital, to restore the order, and proclaims the state of siege and the martial law.

Ten days of blood and hope

Imre Nagy: the hope of the intellectuals

“ the work of the intellectuals and the intellectuals in general, but especially the old ones, do not enjoy the regard which returns to them. The intellectuals are often surrounded by an atmosphere of mistrust, which leads to a setting well off some of them, whereas, in almost all the fields of our economic life, cultural and scientist we miss intellectuals having the experiment and of the necessary formation ” declared Imre Nagy in its keynote speech of the July 4th 1953.

Imre Nagy employs the term of intellectuals in a very broad direction, which includes/understands the whole of the cultivated middle-class, of people having a university formation. The mode did not grant any confidence to this class and Rákosi stressed the need for replacing old intelligentsia by a new layer of intellectuals and technicians taken in the rows of working and country youth. The intellectuals who do not take refuge abroad are dismissed, “purified”, imprisoned and interned as of 1951.

After the XXe Congress, a friend of Imre Nagy, Géza Losonczy, was made the spokesperson, during the meetings of the Circle of Petöfi and in the newspaper of the Party ( Szabad Nép ), of this persecuted intelligentsia of which he claimed the rehabilitation as a social layer.

This will to renew intelligentsia pushes with the intensive training of new frameworks for industry, the trade, the administration and teaching. The party in record time creates professional secondary schools as well as new universities and technical faculties. The agitation of 1956 showed the failure of the system with endoctriner and embrigader youth, the demonstrations having left these technical universities precisely.

Imre Nagy appears with the eyes of the Hungarians like the only one with being able to democratize the mode says “socialist”.

After its nomination as president of the Council, Imre Nagy tries to negotiate with the the USSR. It will obtain the withdrawal of the Soviet troops on October 28th, and this one will be completed the 31. October 30th, it abolishes the system of the sole party and wishes to return to a coalition government such as it existed in the country in 1945. November 1st, Hungary withdraws Warsaw Pact and Imre Nagy proclaims the Neutralité country.

The Soviet intervention

“ the intervention of the Soviet tanks désacralisé the fatherland of socialism, and relativized Communism. ” Michel Winock

The November 4th the tanks of the Red Army penetrate again in Budapest, and the Soviet troops open fire. Nagy takes refuge with the Yugoslav embassy . János Kádár, that Nagy had named to replace Gerö, announces the creation of a revolutionary, working and country government Hungarian. It joins again with the USSR. Thoroughly prepared, the second Russian intervention was differently more effective than the first, 200.000 men and 2.000 tanks enter the country.

Fleeing the arrest or the deportation, 200.000 people seek refuge in Occident through the Austria or in Yugoslavia while passing the Iron curtain.

Imre Nagy is removed by the KGB, off-set in Romania, he will be judged under Kádár and will be condemned to died and will be carried out the June 16th 1958 in Budapest.

The assessment of the second Soviet intervention in Budapest will make between 2.500 and 3.000 dead died Hungarian (majority of young people often weapons with the hand) and 720 on the side of the Russian soldiers.

The second and massive Russian intervention an immense wave of protest raised through all Europe. “The monstrous fixed price of Budapest put Communism at the round of applause of humanity” declared the Congrès for the freedom of the culture which counted among its members Raymond Aron and Albert Camus. French intellectuals took the initiative of a declaration “condemning the use of the guns and the tanks to break the will of independence of the Hungarian people”. It was signed by Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Jacques Prévert and Claude Roy. The case of Sartre is rather interesting. Indeed, it was interested of very close in the Communisme at the time when Stalinism, terror, the lies had reached their apogee in 1952. It was named with the presidency of the France-USSR of which it resigned in 1956. November 8th, he declared with the Express train , “to break with regret but entirely its relationship with the Soviet writers who did not denounce or could not denounce the massacre in Hungary. ”.

In Great Britain also, the revolution of 1956 caused movements. 10.000 members, more than one third of manpower, left the PC.

In Italy, the major political effect of 1956, will have been the divorce between the Italian Communist party and the Socialist party. However, the leaders of the PC estimate that the Soviet intervention was inevitable if one wanted “to save socialism”, and to prevent the dissidence of all the Hungarian people. The current Italian President, Giorgio Napolitano belonged to the group having written this declaration. After 1990 and the fall of the USSR, then once again before its election, it was excused some.

In Poland, the signs of solidarity were expressed with regard to the Hungarian people by the means of demonstrations. The Poles were not unaware of that the departure of the Hungarian insurrection had been the agitation of Warsaw.

To Rome, the Pie XII pope gave a message of peace in his encyclical Luctuosissimi Eventus.

Conclusion

As a conclusion, the words exchanged between Rene Coty then President of the French Republic and Paul Mathias, correspondent of Paris Match in Budapest at the time of the second intervention of the Soviet troops in Budapest, are revealing environment which reigned at this time in the capital.

“Say to me what occurred over there. Mathias answered: The two million inhabitants of Budapest quite simply forgot the fear. And which is their frame of mind today? It would be false to speak about a collapse, Mr. President; it is rather a rising. They quite simply became insane furious. A whole city, a whole country become insane of aggravation! ”

The insurrection of Budapest, carried out by the intellectuals and the workmen brought together in democratic councils, failed vis-a-vis the military force of the USSR.

This episode also proved in the world that what occurred in the satellite countries from the USSR did not look at anybody. The Occident was however said ready to help these countries, but its non-intervention made it possible the Soviet army to subdue in an extremely violent way the attempt of democratization of Hungary. The intellectuals tried several ways in order to democratize the mode, but the USSR was not ready to accept it.

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