The Sionisme is a political ideology nationalist, appeared at the 19th century, and which intends to make it possible the Juifs to have a State.

This article is with being read in relation to a series of articles presented in the : Category: Zionism.

It does not aim at describing the history of the Palestine agent (1920-1948) or of the State of Israel (after 1948). It is interested primarily in three problems in the middle of the history of the Zionism:

• debates and practices around the construction of national institutions or pre-main roads: World organization Zionist, political parties, Arrange Jewish, armed groups, then the State itself.
• debates and practices around the constitution of an important Jewish population within the State.
• ideological debates between tendencies Zionists, in particular on the definition of the objectives. In this field, two questions particularly divided (and continue to divide) the Zionists:
• the place of the Jewish religion in the Zionism.
• the question of the localization of the Jewish State, then of its borders.

The historical facts which are quoted in the article below are thus very incomplete. They are especially the facts related to these three questions ( institutional constructions , demographic construction and divergences on the objectives of the Zionism ) which are analyzed. The events less directly related to these three questions (for example wars of 1956,1973, and Lebanon) are not approached, or right cities. The same applies to the Arab and Palestinian opposition to the Zionist project. The subject is vast and fundamental, but it is approached within the framework of this article only through its influence on the three above mentioned sets of themes.

Terminology

The terminology used is not politically neutral:

• Eretz Israel (the " ground of Israël" , with the biblical direction), ended up becoming synonymous policy of Large Israel (including the the West Bank and the Gaza Strip).
• Palestine was the term used by all, even the Zionists, until 1948. For the period after 1948, it has a connotation " pro-palestinienne".

More on the terminology used, to see the chapter Zionism: terminology.

In the article below, the " term; Palestine " will be used to indicate the territory between the second Jewish revolt (overcome in 135) and the proclamation of Israel (in 1948), without ideological connotation.

For the part of this article posterior to the creation of Israel, one will generally speak d'" Israël" , of the " Cisjordanie" and of the " bandage of Gaza" , terms the most used in French. Terms of " Eretz Israël" and of " Judaea-Samarie" will be used in reference to the ideologies which use them.

Before the Zionism

The appearance of a political claim to the creation of a Jewish State starting from the second part of the 19th century is explained by the existence of older bases.

Destruction of the Jewish kingdom in antiquity

The last independent Jewish State, the kingdom Hasmonéen of Judaea, became a Roman protectorate into 63 before the Christian era. This protectorate became simple a Roman Province after the death of the last king of the kingdom, Hérode, into 4 of the Christian era.

Jewish risings of 67-73 and 132-135 radically changed the population of Palestine: a part was killed, a part fled the destruction of the war, a part was sold like slave and a last part could remain in impoverished Palestine and having lost its independence.

It is difficult to know what these four groups represented, but the number of the survivors remained in Palestine seems to have been rather important, although in clear regression.

Thereafter, there were many conversions with the Christianisme (in particular under the Byzantine Empire not very tolerant), then with the Islam starting from the Moslem conquest towards 640.

As from the end of antiquity, the Jews living in Holy Land thus became very minority compared to the Jewish Diaspora (dispersion, in Greek). Indeed, much of Jewish communities continued to exist throughout the world, but little out of Holy Land, giving the feeling of dispersed people. The Hebraic term is Galout (Exil). It is this feeling of exile which will generate the religious hope of a “return”.

The religious hope

As from the second diaspora, the religious communities will maintain the dream of a return in Palestine to recreate a Jewish State. Really it is not a question of a political project, but rather of a Messianic and religious dream. It is symbolized by the famous prayer “the next year with Jerusalem” marked each year by all the Jewish families at the time of the Seder of Pessah.

With time, the majority of the Rabbin S developed an interpretation being opposed in practice to the re-creation of a Jewish State: God punished the Jews by destroying the State, only sound Messie can recreate it. Any human attempt on the matter is a revolt against God.

There will be several proclaimed Messiahs besides, like Sabbataï Tsevi or Jacob Franck.

Nationalism

With the 18th century, the spirit of the Lights gives rise to the concepts of people and nation, defined by their identity - in opposition to the concept of kingdom, defined by its sovereign and his borders (and often by its religion).

The French the first, that them Révolution of 1789 opposes to all monarchies of Europe, fight as French and not as subjects of King de France. It is the birth of modern nationalism.

This one is spread in all Europe during the 19th century. It particularly attracts the populations working by another State, or divided into several States.

Thus the national idea is spread in the populations divided between several States, in Germany and Italy, like in the occupied populations of the Poland, the Ireland or the Hungary.

Inevitably, the nationalist idea ends up touching another private European population of State, and even of territory: Jewish .

The idea of Jewish people is old and goes back to the Bible. Under the influence of nationalism, it is redefined in a less religious direction, and is centered on a historical, ethnic and cultural identity.

During the 19th century, the messianism, which predicted the re-creation of Israel by the Messiah moves back as the Jewish populations are laicized. This retreat leaves the place to ideologies " modernes": Socialism, Liberalism, Rationalism and Nationalism.

One of the first nationalist demonstrations is the drafting of the book “Rome and Jerusalem”, by Moses Hess in 1862: impressed by the success of the Italian unit, the author, in addition near to Karl Marx, calls there with the creation of a Jewish State.

In 1869, the Alliance Universal Jew creates the agricultural school of Mikvé-Israel close to Jaffa, at the instigation of Charles Netter, one of its founders. From this school will leave the generations of Jewish farmers. There will be some other initiatives in the years 1870, showing an interest under development for the Holy Land.

Anti-semitism

A hostile attitude with the Jews is not new. For the Christians, the Jews had made crucifier Jesus.

In 1873, a new terminology appears: the Anti-semitism. The word is due to a journalist of Hamburg, Wilhelm Marr. The anti-semitism wants to be a nationalist and laic ideology “modern”, rejecting the Jews either for religious reasons, but because they would be people inassimilable Sémite means-Eastern in Occident. Beyond this innovation, the traditional prejudices against the Jews are largely taken again.

The anti-semitism and the hostility with the Jews are spread largely around the great Jewish concentrations of Eastern Europe.

According to the thesis of Léo Pinsker, it would be the progressive integration of the Jews in the modern life which would have caused this reaction: the Jews were not loved but hardly obstructed when they lived separately. As from their progressive penetration in the modern world, they become direct competitors and much more visible.

In 1881, bloody Pogrom S occur in the empire tsarist against the Jews. Much of them concludes from it that there is no future for the Jews in Eastern Europe. It is the beginning of a great movement of emigration which will carry out 4 million Jews of Eastern Europe to leave this area between 1880 and 1920. The greatest mass will go to North America, but from others will go to Western Europe, South America, and even in Palestine.

Origins of the Zionism: synthesis

The Sionisme appears towards 1880 following the meeting of four conditions:

• the traditional definition of the Jewish people carried by the Bible and the Rabbi S. Beside a fundamental religious shutter, this traditional definition always insisted on the fact that the Jews were also people, laying out in right of a promised land per God.
• the laicization of part of the Jews. The Rabbi S being opposed to the creation of a new Jewish State before the arrival of the Messiah, the emancipation of part of the community of the authority of its rabbis was fundamental.
• the development of the Nationalism in Europe. This one gave the framework of the revision of the Jewish project. It is not accordingly any more a question of maintaining the old religion, but especially of obtaining a State, drank fundamental of any nationalism.
• anti-semitism. It is its development as from the years 1870 which gives the engine transforming a intellectual reflection into a starting project out of Europe, and constitution of a specific State where the Jews could live together and to protect itself.

First steps of the Zionism - 1880-1897

This period goes from the publication of “Car-emancipation” to the meeting of the first congress world Zionist.

Lovers of Sion and the first aliyah

After bloody the Pogrom S of 1881, a doctor of Odessa, Leon Pinsker, publishes in Berlin in September 1882 “Car-emancipation”, the first true proclamation Zionist (the term does not exist yet). It predicted there that the development of the Antisémitisme will be growing progressively of the modernization of the European companies, and as the Jews are in competition with their neighbors. He concludes from it that the Jews must leave the Europe and create their own State. It is it should be noted that it then does not assert it inevitably in Holy Land.

In parallel, organizations start to appear. Young people and students found the group “Bilou” (Beith Israel Lekhou Vena' ale). One will often speak about the pioneers of the first Aliyah as being the " Bilouïm".

Very quickly, Leon Pinsker takes the direction of Ahavat zion, or Ahavat Sion. It is about a network, moreover little structured, companies which gather " very son of Israel which admits that there is no safety for Israel as long as a Jewish government will not be installed out of ground of Israel ".

The first group was created in 1881 by students of Saint-Pétersbourg, before the publication of the book of Pinsker. There will be quickly a hundred companies, especially in the Russian empire , but also in Romania. The members are called “Amants of Sion” (Hovevei Sion or Hovevei Tzion). Their goal is to organize the emigration of Juifs towards the Palestine (then integral part of the Ottoman Empire).

The emigration of the “Lovers of Sion” and that of the “Bilouïm” proceed especially in the years 1880, in the traumatism according to the pogroms of 1881. It is called the “first Aliyah” (meaning word “assembled” in Hebrew, within the meaning of “rise towards Eretz Israel”). It touches only approximately 10.000 people. It faces a rather hostile Othoman administration, which slows down it.

Its militants, little organized, form the base of what one will call the “New Yichouv” (Yichouv means “Jewish community in Eretz Israel”). They meet in Palestine the members of “old Yichouv”, that is to say approximately 25.000 very religious Jews, rather Séfarade S (with a minority Ashkénaze). These pious Jews are primarily concentrated in the four Holy Cities of Jerusalem, Tibériade, Safed and Hebron.

Séfarades against Ashkénazes, traditionalists against modern, population directed by her old against young militants, monks against laic, Eastern against Europeans, Zionists against anti-Zionists (let us recall that the rabbis considered that only the Messiah could recreate the Jewish State): the relations will be sometimes complicated, even hostile.

This first wave of immigrants is historically important, in spite of its limited demographic influence:

• It creates villages on the coast of Palestine (Rishon LeZion in 1882, Rosh Pina, Petah Tikva, Zihron Yaakov, Gedera…), which will become for many the cities, and which explain still today part of the urban geography of Israel.
• It makes credible the idea of the emigration towards Eretz Israel.
• Through one of its members, Eliezer Ben Yéhouda, it creates the Hebrew modern.

The agricultural Jewish colonies of the first Aliyah will be strongly helped, as from 1883, by the financings of the baron Edmond de Rothschild, who thus seems one of the key men of this first Zionism. After 1899, the Jewish Colonization Association, rested by the baron Maurice de Hirsch in 1891, will take the financial relay, and will also take part in the purchase of ground in Palestine and in the assistance with the agricultural colonies.

Eliezer Ben Yéhouda and modern Hebrew

The Hebrew was not used more as spoken language by the Jews since good before the fall of the last Jewish kingdom. The Jews of Judaea had adopted the Araméen like vernacular language good before the birth of Jesus-Christ. Hebrew had become a purely religious language.

As from the beginning of the 19th century, one sees reappearing a laic Hebrew literature. It is obstructed by a religious and foreign vocabulary with the modern world. A certain modernization thus starts to come up.

Ben Yéhouda will systematize this company of modernization. He considers that Hebrew must become the spoken language by the Jews in Palestine. For this reason, he intends to make a modern language of it.

He takes again the pronunciation of the Jews séfarades, which he considers in conformity with the original one, and creates hundreds of new words, adapted to the needs for a modern and scientific society. It is the base of Hebrew currently spoken in Israel. It should be noted that the traditional Jewish monks strongly opposed this company: for them, Hebrew was to remain the language of the Bible.

First steps of the Zionism: synthesis

Institutional constructions remain weak, even marginal. The development of a " language nationale" modernized is however a fundamental event.

In the demographic plan, the " new Yishouv " Zionist remains numerically lower of number than the " old Yichouv" monk. But a whole of villages starts to appear, around whose will be structured the human landscape of the 20th century.

When with the ideological debates, they are almost absent from period.

But beyond its limits, this formative period created a dynamics which will develop during the decades to come.

The foundation of the world Organization Zionist and the second aliyah - 1897-1918

In the middle of the years 1890, an ideology Zionist already exists. The " term; sionisme" itself was created by Nathan Birnbaum in 1886. It is essential gradually in the years 1890.

This proto-Zionism has its organization, its territorial objective, its first militants. But its influence remains very marginal, and its organization is very limited.

The change will come from Theodor Herzl (1860-1904).

Theodor Herzl

In 1894, this journalist Hungarian attends Paris with the degradation of the Capitaine Dreyfus, under the cries of " Died in Juifs". It will state later that this situation had been a shock for him. The Austria was a country where the Antisémitisme was developed. But the France was supposed being immunized against the anti-semitism. In fact the country, the first in the world, had given a total civic equality to the Jews, in 1791. In fact also the country had given French nationality to the Juifs natives of Algeria in 1871 (Décret Crémieux). It represented Western modernity goes from there towards more equality.

Herzl had drawn as conclusion from its disappointment which it was illusory for the Jews to seek their safety in the assimilation, and which they were to have their own State, refuge for all the persecuted Jews.

In 1895, it adheres to the thesis Sionisme and on February 15th 1896, it publishes Der Judenstaat (the State of the Jews), a book in which it calls with the creation of a State for the Jews. Hoping supports it great powers, it does it while trying to place itself in the continuity of the ideology colonial of the time: “For Europe, we will form over there an element of the wall against Asia as well as the outpost of civilization against cruelty”.

Theodor Herzl is not a large theorist. Its theoretical work is modest. He on the other hand was a good organizer, federating and directing a more or less diffuse nationalist feeling, which pained to be organized.

The congresses Zionists - definition of the objectives and the means

The first congress and the foundation of the world Organization Zionist

In 1897, Herzl convenes with Basle (in Suisse) the first congress world Zionist. It would have wished that all the Jewish communities send representatives. In fact, the congress is a limited success. Herzl is known still little, and its capacity of attraction is thus too.

Two hundred and four deputy is presented however, especially coming from Central and Eastern Europe, and the congress of Basle east generally quoted as being the true beginning of the Zionism.

The congress will make several decisions: the purpose of

• the Zionism is creation of a Jewish national Foyer.
• the world Organization Zionist (OSM) is created to coordinate the political action Zionist on a world level. Theodor Herzl is named by it its first president.
• the OSM will act at the diplomatic level to make recognize the objectives of the Zionism by the great powers.
• Of the congresses will take place regularly to coordinate the actions.

Important fact, the OSM is not an exclusive organization requiring the monopoly of the political representation of the Zionism. The political parties which wish it will be able to be constituted and adhere to the movement world Zionist.

The structuring of the Zionism: institutions Zionists and political work

The congress of Basle had posed principles and projects. Remained to implement them. During the following years, Herzl and the first Zionists carry out an important propaganda within the communities, especially European.

They carry out also an intense diplomatic action near the great powers of the time.

The world Organization Zionist firstly tries to negotiate with the Othoman Sultan, to which the Palestine belongs, by the means of the German emperor Guillaume II, but without success.

The broad objective of Herzl then becomes to obtain that a colonial power agrees to establish a Jewish colony of settlement in Palestine. At the time, this idea of colony of settlement is a perfectly allowed aspect of the speech and colonial practice (South Africa, Algérie, New Zealand, Canada, Australia…).

In same time, one should not cause rupture between the Zionists and the Ottoman Empire, manager of the Palestine, which could feel threatened and prohibit any immigration. To the Othomans, Herzl thus puts forward that the Jews will bring technical skills and capital, pledges of a modernization of the country.

In 1898 and 1899, new congresses Zionists take place with Basle, each time with a little more success.

At the time of the third congress, in 1899, the launching of the Jewish colonial Banque is decided. It is in charge of the financing of the activities of purchases of grounds in Palestine.

In 1900, the fourth congress Zionist is held with London.

In 1901, the fifth congress Zionist decides with Basle creation:

• of the Funds Jewish national, in charge of the purchase of the grounds in Palestine. This policy is one of the sources of the Arab hostility, because good number of sold grounds are smallholdings whose farmers are expelled by the landowners (often notable Syrians).
• of the Keren Kayemeth LeIsrael (K.K.L.), in charge of the management of the grounds bought in the interest of the whole of the Jewish of Palestine. The KKL is still today the base of the Israeli public land field. The model of collective ownership of the bought grounds (which does not mean a collective management inevitably) will be the model dominating of appropriation of the ground by the Jews in Palestine.

In 1902, Theodor Herzl publishes a science fiction novel " Old ground, ground nouvelle" , in which it evokes the life in the future State and described the Zionism like “a advanced station of civilization, a rampart of Europe against Asia, being opposed to cruelty”.

The option territorialist - 1903-1905

See the detailed article Zionism territorialist.

Since the first steps of the Zionist, the Palestine was in the center of the project of a Jewish State. But the Palestinian assumption had a large weakness: Palestine belonged to the Ottoman Empire, and this one did not have any interest “to give” Palestine to the Jews.

1903 is the year of terrible the Pogroms of Kishinev. Those will be followed by a series of others Pogrom S until 1906. The emotion in the western world is large, so much the pogroms were bloody.

This emotion is one of the reasons for which the British government of Chamberlain proposes in 1903 in Theodor Herzl to give to the OSM part of the Uganda of the time (in current the Kenya), to create a " there; National hearth juif".

Hostile with the abandonment of Palestine, the sixth congress Zionist of 1903 strongly divides. A commission is however sent.

In 1905, the seventh congress Zionist is held with Basle. It is decided there definitively to push back the proposal of Uganda, like any alternative to the Palestine.

The “territorialists”, who wanted “a territory absolutely”, consider that to refuse a State, where that it is, is suicidal taking into account the attitude of the Othomans. The most decided territorialists (a small minority) operate a scission. They create the “Jewish Organization territorialist”, carried out by Israel Zangwill. The organization will hardly have success and will enter a rapid decline after the declaration Balfour of 1917, which makes it useless. It will be dissolved in 1925.

One can see in the question of the territorialism the beginnings of a debate which will agitate in a recurring way the movement Zionist until the beginning of the 21e century: is the main objective of the Zionism to create a State for the Jews (of which the borders are altogether of relative importance), or is it imperatively to create a State in the biblical borders of Eretz Israel?

The period 1903-1905 did not only beat about the bush territorialist:

• the year 1903 sees also the creation of Anglo-Palestine Bank (future Bank Leumi LeIsraël).
• Theodor Herzl dies in 1904. David Wolffsohn (1856-1914), takes the direction of the movement Zionist.
• Always in 1904, the Committee of the Hebraic language (Va' AD Halashon) is created to prolong the work of Ben Yehouda and to make the promotion of the Hebrew (and not of the Yiddish or the German , as some considered it) like language of the Jewish national Foyer.

Last congresses before the First World War

In 1907, the eighth congress Zionist is held in $the Hague. He sees to be opposed two tendencies, which had existed for several years, but whose debates harden at the time of this congress. Hitherto, the majority of the OSM had been reticent (like Herzl itself) vis-a-vis the colonization of Palestine (" Zionism pratique").
Elle estimated that a " was needed; charte" , i.e. an official legal status (Othoman or international) before beginning an Jewish establishment of mass. Of or priority given to the diplomatic action and the name given to this approach: " Zionism politique". Haïm Weizmann appears with the left like one holding of an action more decided on the ground. The opposition " pratique" in 1907 a reinforcement of the actions in Palestine, but the orientation " obtains; politique" fundamental of the OSM is not called into question.

In 1909, the ninth congress Zionist is held with Hamburg. Zionists " pratiques" and " politiques" continue to be opposed to it. The seconds remain dominant.

In 1911, the tenth congress Zionist is held with Basle. This congress is important, in what it modifies the policy of the organization. The factions " pratiques" and " politiques" arrive indeed at an agreement, and decide to work towards a Zionism " synthétique" , acting in the two directions. Concretely, more means are released to help the pioneers of the second Aliyah.

In 1913, the eleventh congress Zionist is held with Vienna.

The First World War

In 1914 the First World War begins. It will have a decisive impact on the success of the Zionism.

The Othomans enter in war to the sides of Germany and Austria, and thus against the France, the the United Kingdom, the Italy and the empire tsarist.

Each of the four powers opposed to the Ottoman Empire has territorial aimings on this one, in a more or less official way:

• the Italians aim certain Aegean Islands.
• the Russians aim at the Détroit of Dardanelles, the bolt of the Black Sea.
• the French aim at the Lebanon and the Syria, where they are recognized since the 19th century like protective power of the Chrétiens.
• the British aim at Palestine, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. It is amongst other things a question for them of making safe " the road of Indes" , which passes by the Suez Canal.

It is within this framework, that the action Zionist in favor of the creation of a colony of settlement in Palestine under mandate of a great power interests the United Kingdom. As of 1915, the British leader Zionist, Haïm (or Chaïm) Weizmann, undertakes to convince the British direction of the interest for it to support the Zionist cause, at the beginning without much success.

Into 1916, the secret agreements Sykes-Barb between France and the United Kingdom divide the Ottoman Empire in the event of victory, and grant to the United Kingdom the zones which she covets.

In 1917, Lord Balfour, representing the British government, address to Haïm Weizmann a letter, the " declaration Balfour " , by which it indicates that the United Kingdom is favorable to the establishment of a “Jewish national Hearth” in Palestine. This letter is not a juridically constraining engagement, but it represents a formidable encouragement for the Zionism. The letter seems to have had two objectives: to advance in the constitution of a colony of settlement pro-British close to the Suez Canal, and to join the American Jews, whereas the United Kingdom tried at all costs to convince the USA to return in war to its sides.

The Balfour declaration is on the other hand badly received in the Arab world. According to a famous expression, “ people gave to another people the ground of a third ”. It is as to note as the British had already promised with Hussein ibn Ali, Chérif of Mecque the creation of a large unit Arab kingdom on the Middle East. It was a question of obtaining the military contribution of the Arab nationalists to the weakening of the Ottoman Empire (see Lawrence of Arabia). The " Balfour" declaration; was thus in contradiction with this first promise.

At the end of 1917, continuing the Othoman troops reprocesses some, the British take possession of Palestine (taken of Jerusalem on December 11th). They will remain there until 1948.

The creation of the political parties

After the first congress Zionist of Basle, political parties Zionists, or at least of the currents of thought, quickly organized themselves.

Liberals

Although one is here in the part devoted to the political parties Zionists, the liberals will form a true party only in 1922. They existed however well before and had a determining influence on the birth of the Zionism.

The term of " general Zionists " start to be used time little after the creation of the OSM, to indicate a current of thought which remains very close to the world Organization Zionist which has been just created, and which refuses to be structured in a specific party, contrary with the currents of left of the time. " Zionists généraux" are independent, the not very interested ones by the plays of the parties and the great ideological debates. One however sees very early appearing associations or " factions" , through which they are expressed. They remain majority in the OSM until the years 1920. In 1922, various groups and factions establish the Organization of the general Zionists.

Though reticent in front of the ideological debates, they claim Libéralisme economic and political. They attract especially the Bourgeoisie and the middle-classes of the Jewish Diaspora, and later of the Yichouv (Jewish community in Palestine).

They are moderated, as well as regards Nationalisme as in political matters.

By many aspects (in particular its pragmatism, its middle-class social base, its economic choices and its insistence on the diplomatic action), the “general Zionism” is the current one of thought nearest to Herzl. Haïm Weizmann, which will obtain the Balfour declaration, was member of this current of thought.

On the face of the Zionism pioneer, in Palestine, the “general Zionism” misses militants. Those are dominated clearly not the representatives of the parties of the left Zionist. But in the congresses Zionists, the liberals will be dominant until about 1930.

Taking into account its rather middle-class social base, the capacity of the “general Zionism” to collect funds for the installation of the Jews in Palestine will be invaluable for the movement Zionist.

Marxist left

In 1905-1906, the Poale Zion ( the workman of Sion ) is founded on the basis of association “Poale Zion” which existed for some time in Eastern Europe and with the E. - U.. This Marxist party attracts with him the militants of the nationalist left disappointed by the rejection of the Zionism by the Bund (" General union of the workers juifs"), Marxist party of Eastern Europe, founded in 1897.

The leader of the new party is an intellectual born in Ukraine tsarist, Ber Dov Berochov (1881-1917). This one carries out the synthesis between the Marxisme and Jewish nationalism. In its optics, only oppression is not the oppression of classes, and the only engine of the history is thus not the class struggle. National oppression, and thus the liberation struggles main road, can be also of powerful engines of the historical evolution.

Poale Zion criticizes two aspects of the Zionism of Herzl:

• the insistence of this last on the diplomatic action. Without rejecting this one, Poale Zion considers that there must be a Zionism of the facts, centered on the Jewish colonization of Palestine, without awaiting the support or the agreement of the great powers.
• acceptance by Herzl of the established social order. Poale Zion intends to carry out national liberation struggle and fight of social emancipation on the same plan. They are the Jewish workers who will create the Jewish State, and not the diplomats nor the middle-class men.

In practice, Poale Zion is fully integrated into the world Organization Zionist (OSM). Between the class struggle and the national fight, it will make with final always passing in first the national fight, seeking for that the alliance of the other factions Zionists, including the “middle-class men” of the general Zionists. In fact, beyond its ideology, Poale Zion gradually seems a party reformist, at the origin of current the Israeli workers party.

David Ben Gourion joined a local group of Poale Zion in 1904. In 1906, branches of the party were formed in several countries, of which Austria and especially Palestine.

In the years following the foundation of the party, this one will know several scissions, primarily that of the Poale Zion Gauche, new party based on the same ideological principles, but claiming a practice more authentically revolutionary, less reformist.

Such an amount of Poale Zion which Poale Zion Gauche will take part in the revolution of 1917. Besides good number of members of Poale Zion Gauche will rejoin the left Bolshevik after this date. One will re-examine of them some in Palestine, like agents of IIe international.

Poale Zion Gauche is also one of the origins of the large future left the extreme-left Zionist, the Mapam, which will join later current the Meretz.

NonMarxist left

The party ha' poel Hatzaïr ( young worker ) is formed in 1905 by Aaron David Gordon. The ideology is largely inspired by Russian populist socialism and the work of Tolstoï. The objective is to create an agricultural socialism, very marked by anti-authoritarianism, even the Anarchisme. The class struggle is regarded as dangerous from the point of view of the construction of a Jewish national hearth.

The common points are however numerous with Poale Zion: it is a question of creating a State of the workers, from a point of view progressist, without cutting more preserving tendencies of the movement Zionist. The attachment with the Zionism pioneer, especially interested by the concrete achievements, is also particularly developed.

The ha' poel Hatzaïr will have to him also its dissidence of left, the Hachomer Hatzaïr, which will also play a big role in the future development of Mapam.

It should be noted that the Kibbutz im, communities rural collectivists and influenced by anarchism (not or few elections, direction by the general meeting) are, at the origin, a political project and social of the ha' poel Hatzaïr. The first pre-kibbutz will be founded in 1909.

Religious nationalism

One has indicated that rabbis orthodoxe were hostile with Zionism, because they considered mainly that God had decided dispersion of the Jewish people, in punishment of his sins. Only God, via the Messiah, could thus restore Israel. Any anticipated attempt was not only dedicated to the failure, but was likely to attract divine anger. To this theological hostility also a hostility was added to the sometimes aggressive laicism (especially on the left) of the Zionists.

However, as of the years 1840, a minority current appeared in the monks Ashkénazes of Eastern Europe. For this current, it is on the contrary a divine command for the Jews to settle out of Holy Land. The follow-up of this command could even accelerate the return of the Messiah.

In 1891, an association Zionist nun, the Mizrahi ( Eastern ), is formed on the basis of these idea. It will give birth in 1902 to a true political party bearing the same name. This party is more known in French under the name of " National Party Religious " , or PNR (MAFDAL, according to its Hebrew acronym).

The PNR is in the beginning moderated an enough party, the meeting of modernity and tradition. It is clearly very minority in a movement Zionist which is itself rather minority in the Western Jewish world, and more still in the Eastern Jewish world.

Not-Zionists

Although they leave the framework of this article, the other Jewish parties should be known, insofar as they have debates, conflicts and sometimes of the agreements with the Zionists.

• Agoudat Israel: it is a founded Jewish political party in 1912 with Katowice (current Poland, at the time Russian Empire) like political arm of the orthodoxe Judaïsme. There exists today as a political party in Israel. It was in the beginning very vigorously anti-Zionist.
• the Bund: founded in 1897, it defends the Jewish workers and aims at an autonomy cultural and political, but not-territorial, Jews in Eastern Europe, within the framework of a future socialist company. It practices a form of attenuated nationalism, but is not Zionist, because it considers that the Jews are entitled to a future within their country of origin.
• One finds finally militants Jewish in many parties in Europe, especially on the left.

The political parties Zionists: synthesis

Three big families are found:

• a Zionism of left, Marxist or not-Marxist, which will be dominating in Palestine then in Israel of the beginning of the century until in 1977, and which deeply marked the history of the Zionism and Israel.
• a Zionism of right-hand side moderated, liberal, at the time rather little influence out of Holy Land, but more important in the diaspora, and dominating in the world Organization Zionist.
• a religious Zionism, at the time little influence and rather moderate.

These parties are, at the time, still minority within the Western Judaïsme, but they influence thanks to their militants a growing number of Jews. They are (especially on the left) the fundamental actors of the Zionism on the ground (in Palestine and a diaspora), more than the world Organization Zionist which concentrates gradually on the diplomatic action and institutional.

Immigration

From 1903 to 1906, Russia tsarist knows a wave of pogroms particularly violent one and traumatisants, as well as important political disturbances due to the Guerre Russo-Japanese woman (lost by the Russia) and to the missed revolution which follows (known as “Russian Révolution of 1905”).

Just like the pogroms of 1881 had given birth to the “Lovers from Sion” and had caused a first Aliyah, the pogroms of 1903-1906 accelerate the birth of the political parties Zionists, and cause a large wave of emigration. It is nearly a million Jews which leave the empire tsarist between 1903 and 1914. 30.000 to 40.000 will go towards the Holy Land: it is the second Aliyah.

Young people, very marked on the left, organized very well, they will mark in-depth the Yichouv. The majority of the leaders Zionists of Palestine until years 1950 will result from their rows. One can thus quote David Ben Gourion (emigration in 1906) and Yitzhak Ben-Zvi.

Striking facts

In 1906, the first college Hebraic is founded with Jaffa, just like the School of Bezalel Arts to Jerusalem.

In 1909, a small Jewish borough near Jaffa is founded and will become the new city of Tel-Aviv. The Kibbutz Degania Alef, the “mother of the kibbutzes”, is founded the same year. One notes also incidents between Juifs and Arabs in Galileo, which end to the creation of the first Jewish militia, the Hashomer (“ the guard ”). In the town of Jerusalem, the relationship between Séfarades and Ashkénazes are reversed because of immigration Zionist, almost entirely ashkénaze.

In 1914, when the Ottoman Empire enters in war, Yichouv (Jewish community of Palestine) account approximately 85.000 people on a total population of 725.000 inhabitants: approximately 12% of the total population.

The First World War weakens Yichouv considerably. The citizens of the powers in war against the Ottoman Empire, in particular the Russian , are stopped or expelled. However, the Jewish immigrants are often of Russian origin. At the time of the arrival of the British, the Jewish population is not any more but of 56.000 hearts. But it goes back very quickly to 83  000 people at the end of 1918, thanks to the rapid return of expelled.

The period 1897-1918: synthesis

The period 1897-1918 was decisive for the movement Zionist. An worldwide organization (makes some especially European and North-American) was born. She has her banks, her diplomats and her political parties.

The opposition between a Zionism pioneer and a diplomatic Zionism remained with final primarily theoretical. The Zionism pioneer started to create an irrefutable fact on the ground, and the diplomatic Zionism (often called “political Zionism”) obtained an immense success by obtaining from the United Kingdom the promise of a “national Hearth for the Jews in Palestine”.

The Arab reaction is still not very important, but starts to be expressed. For the Arabs of Palestine, in particular, the opposition so that the ground where they live is given to others is very strong, and the fear of a dispossession grows.

The Jewish national Hearth - 1919-1947

This period precedes creation by the State of Israel.

In practice, the period 1919-1947 allows to the creation of a Jewish proto-State on the place of the israélo-Palestinian territories, with its government, its Parliament, its administration, its police force, its army, its diplomacy, its population, its economic system, its parties. In 1947, the decision by UNO to create the State of Israel will largely validate a preexistent irrefutable fact.

The mandate of the SDN

With the Declaration Balfour, the United Kingdom had promised a “Jewish national Foyer” in Palestine. But it was now necessary for the Zionists to make officialize this promise. In February 1919, the representatives Zionists with the conference of the peace of Paris thus request the granting of a mandate on Palestine from the United Kingdom, from which they seem the privileged allies. The allied powers line up with this choice at the time of the Conférence of San Remo, in April 1920. The British mandate is officialized by the Société of the Nations (SDN) in July 1922.

The mandate indicates that the United Kingdom must “ place the country under political conditions, administrative and economic which will allow the establishment of a Jewish hearth national and the development of institutions of car-government ”. It must also “ facilitate the Jewish immigration and encourage the compact installation of the Jews on the grounds ”.

The mandate precise in a way much vaguer than the agent must take care of the safeguarding of the civil laws and monks of the Arab population (one does not speak about “political rights”). This treatment difference will be strongly criticized by the Arab leaders Palestinians, that it is by the radicals gathered around the mufti, Haj Amin Al Husseini, or by the moderate ones gathered around the Nashashibi family.

Formation of the Jewish Agency

The mandate of the SDN envisages to create an “autonomous” political system in load of the Jews, the British reserving the military shutter and the fundamental decisions under the authority of a “High-Commissioner”. There will be seven between 1920 and 1948 of them. The first of them is Sir Herbert Samuel, a Jew but also a sympathizer Zionist.

The political system in the Jewish community will be organized around an elected assembly (Asefat ha-nivharim), with a restricted form of “legislative power”, and of a “Jewish Agence” in load of the executive power. The first elections with the Asefat ha-nivharim take place in 1920. The Jewish Agency is formed in 1922, as a simple branch of the OSM. One finds also a National council (Va' AD Leoumi) especially administrative, dealing of education, the local authorities, the social affairs and health.

The power of the Jewish Assembly is limited enough, and it will remain little of real influence until the creation of Israel in 1948, which signs its replacement by the Knesset. It is in fact the Jewish Agency which will concentrate the capacities within the Yichouv, particularly in new Yichouv Zionist. It will become gradually a genuine official apparatus.

The Jewish Agency will see its influence growing in 1929 when it takes its autonomy of the OSM and that the religious Jews not-Zionists agree to collaborate with it. It was not a question for the latter of creating a Jewish state, but of finding a land of welcome to the many Jews which tried to leave the Central and Eastern Europe in prey with the rise of the Antisémitisme. In spite of this limit, It is a change noticed in the very strong rejection of the Zionism which this current of thought carried. It is not a question of an ideological rallying, but of the beginning of a movement of acceptance of a Jewish State.

It is to be announced that the Jewish Agency quickly obtained an armed wing: the Haganah. This one is formed initially with Jerusalem in 1920, after of the anti-Jewish riots. It is generalized by the Jewish Agency with the beginning of the year 1920 as a militia charged to defend Yichouv against possible Arab attacks. Haganah is not recognized by the power agent, and the relations between this one and the Jewish militia will oscillate with the liking of the times, energy of the indifference to repression, while passing by alliance (during the “Grande Arab revolt”).

The Arab refusal of the institutional implication and the mandate

The British will propose to the representatives Arab community to also create a “Agency” to represent their community. But these leaders will refuse, considering that there would have been a recognition of the mandate pro-Zionist of the SDN and its validity.

This refusal undoubtedly limited the possibilities of action of the Arab nationalists in Palestine (specific Palestinian nationalism is still in formation). But it will result also in to worry the British direction.

Without disputing the British presence directly, the Arab leaders of Palestine vigorously dispute the terms of the mandate, which envisage the indefinite reinforcement of the Zionist presence in Palestine. This attitude is supported by the Arab nationalists of the the Middle East. As of the first riots of 1920, the British realize that their policy pro-Zionist is likely to carry reached to their means-Eastern interests. In 1922, a first “white paper” British (under the direction of Winston Churchill, then secretary with the colonies) proposes to limit Jewish immigration. There will be of them others progressively of the hardening of the oppositions. However, until in 1939, the United Kingdom will continue to authorize a broad Jewish immigration.

The growing opposition of the Arabs leads the British however to re-examine the territory of the “Jewish National Hearth”. This one was with the beginning to include/understand the territories of what one calls today: Israel (without the Golan), the Gaza Strip, the the West Bank and the Jordan.

But in 1922, it is decided to detach the territory which will form current the Jordan (at the time “Emirate of Transjordanie”. It is at the same time a decision intended to reassure the Arab nationalists, and a gesture in favor of the family of the Hachémites (of which one of wire, Abdallah, receives the emirate). Although reticent, the world Organization Zionist accepts this detachment.

Jewish immigration

The large majority of the Zionists (one notes some exceptions, as that of Ahad HaAm) considers after 1922 and obtaining the mandate which the Zionism has now two concrete objectives: to build national institutions and to encourage Jewish immigration.

The Jewish population passes from 83.000 at the end of 1918, to 164.000 in 1930, then to 463.000 in 1940 and 650.000 at the time of the vote of the creation of Israel in 1947. The growth comes from immigration, but also from a strong birthrate. For this period, the Arab population doubles, passing from 660.000 to 1.200.000.

As for the two first aliyah (1881-1902 and 1903-1914), in fact the disorders anti-semites in Europe have rate/rhythm the waves of emigration out of Europe, towards America, Western Europe, and more and more Palestine.

The third Aliyah (1919-1923) is related to the disorders and civil wars which follow to Eastern Europe the First World War and the revolution Bolshevik. She concerns 35.000 people, especially young people with the convictions Zionist-Socialists. They will be in the beginning, in 1921, of the first truth Kibboutz (Ein Harod, a firm collectivist) and first Moshav (Nahalal, a firm co-operative).

The fourth aliyah (1924-1928) brings in Palestine 80.000 rather different immigrants. It is mainly of the Poles members of the middle-classes, driven out by the anti-Jewish economic measures of the government of Warsaw. Even if much supports the left, others, more preserving, go towards the general Zionists, the revisionists of right-hand side (see below), even the religious Zionists. The fourth aliyah involves an urban development (these immigrants are not very interested by the rural communities of the pioneers Zionists - Socialists), of the trade, the craft industry. In 1924, the Technion ( technical university ) is founded with Haïfa then in 1925, the Hebraic Université of Jerusalem opens on the Mont Scopus. But this wave of immigration involves also an imbalance between the economic capacities of the country and the surge of new populations. This imbalance brings an important unemployment. The crisis is severe and hard of 1926 with 1929, involving a phenomenon of departure of some of the new immigrants.

The fifth aliyah (1929-1939) sees the immigration of 180.000 Jews. They come from Eastern Europe, where of the authoritative nationalist modes anti-semites structure themselves more or less. 40.000 come from Germany and Austria, where the Nazis have just seized the power. There is even an agreement called of Haavara (“transfer”) concluded between the Organization Zionist and Third Reich in 1933, and credit until in 1938. Besides this agreement causes confrontations between the “pragmatic ones” like Ben Gourion, which want to bring a maximum of Jews and capital (30 million dollars is thus transferred) in Palestine, and those which are opposed to any contact with the Nazis. The fifth aliyah is particularly important, not only because it is strongest from a demographic point of view, but also because it brings a relatively rich population, educated, which will allow a notable modernization of the economic structure of Yichouv. This immigration is also socially and economically more preserving than the third aliyah. One can finally note that on the 180.000 immigrants, approximately 15.000 are the illegal ones, brought in the country as from 1934 without passing by the Jewish Agency and British control. Indeed, the British quotas of immigration, though broad, become insufficient for the requests. This illegal immigration, which causes the reserves of the Jewish Agency which does not want a problem with the British, is at the same time organized by the left kibboutznik (inhabitants of the Kibboutz im) and by the activists of the right-hand side revisionist. In 1936, the operation “Homa Oumigdal” ( walls and turns ) starts. It is about a company of surprised establishments succeeding, of 1936 to 1939, to create 51 new localities, each one in only one night, in a context of confrontation with the Arabs.

As from 1939, the British strongly reduce the number of the visas granted to the Jews wanting to go to Palestine, while at the same time the pressure on the Jews of Europe becomes intolerable with the release of the Second world war, and especially with the beginning of the genocide of the Jews in 1941 - 1942.

The immigration of 1939 with 1947 is consequently largely illegal. It concerns approximately 80.000 people fleeing Europe. The majority come in the immediate future post-war period and are survivors of the genocide, trying to avoid the British blockade. Those which fail are placed in camps of retention, in Germany or with Cyprus, causing a feeling of solidarity in the western world. The Jewish Agency will use this feeling besides by organizing a double immigration: on a side a completely clandestine immigration, and other of the open attempts to force the British blockade. These last attempts, generally leading to a British boarding, aimed at raising the question of Jewish immigration publicly. Most known of these attempts at illegal immigration but not really clandestine is that of the cargo liner Exodus, a boat transporting 4.500 illegal immigrants, who was illegally hailed by the British navy in international water. It is partly this crisis of the refugees of 1946-1947 which explains the creation of the Jewish State by UNO in 1947.

With final, immigration was strong between 1918 and 1947. It especially concerned European Jews. So the Séfarades represent in 1947 only 20% of the Jews of Yichouv. Still this is especially an occidentalized minority. The Jewish masses of the Muslim world hardly take part in the movement Zionist.

The scission of the Zionists revisionists (1925-1935)

The line Zionist, moreover rather center, was dominated since the foundation of the OSM by the general Sionistes.

In the years 1920, one notes the toughening of a new nationalist right. This evolution is a translation in the Jewish mediums of one tendency to the nationalist toughening in much of European right parties of the time. This toughening is related on the disputes of the new borders resulting from the First World War and to the shock of the revolution Bolshevik.

As an ideology of European origin, the Sionisme was always influenced by the political evolutions of its medium of origin, one saw it for the liberal currents or of left. The same applies on the line of the political chessboard.

More specifically, the appearance of the party revisionist is related to two elements:

• the rejection of the Bolchevism and, beyond, of the ideologies of left which are essential in force in new Yichouv. The revisionists will show a long time the left Zionist to be made up crypto-Bolsheviks.
• the refusal of the division of Eretz Israel, i.e. the creation of the emirate of the Hachémites of Transjordanie (current Jordan).

In the Bible, certain areas in the East of the Jordan are the territory of Tribus of Israel. For the intransigent nationalists (moreover rather laic at the time), it is thus a ground having to be allocated to the Jews.

Zeev Vladimir Jabotinsky (1880-1940), a leader Zionist born with Odessa (empire tsarist), refuses this “division”. It disputes also acceptance by the OSM of the mandate of SDN. Indeed, the mandate speaks about a “Jewish Hearth National” but not about an independent State, which is insufficient for Jabotinsky. But at this stage of the Jewish presence in Palestine, the OSM and the Jewish Agency estimate awkward and premature of going further. Thus, in 1931, the seventeenth congress Zionist still refuses to position officially in favor of an independent Jewish State.

After the business Simon Petlioura, Jabotinsky resigns of its post office to the direction of the OSM at the beginning of 1923 and organizes an independent federation wanting “to revise” the Zionism. He claims a broader immigration, the constitution of a “Jewish brigade” charged to defend Eretz Israel and self-determination, i.e. independence.

In 1925, it formally creates the “world Union of the Zionists revisionists” having his seat with Paris.

The party revisionist then will position like the representative of an intransigent nationalist right. The party revisionist has an youth organization, the Betar, even more radical. This last regains certain shapes of the fascistic movements: uniform, worship of the chief, paramilitary drive, but without adhering officially to Fascism.

Quickly, hatred dominates the relationships to the left Zionist, marked on both sides by an incredible verbal violence. Ben Gourion calls Jabotinsky in the years 1930 “Vladimir Hitler” and shows it to be a Fasciste. On their side, the revisionists regard readily the members of the Labor Party of the Mapaï (unified in 1930) as dangerous Communists, and the members of the Betar make sometimes the punch in the meetings of left.

In practice, the left Zionist is committed in a process of social-democratization rather fast, well far from the Communisme. The revisionism does not go on its side until Fascism. One can however note that among members of the Labor Party, a left wing anti-capitalist even pro-Soviet exists, and that proclaimed fascistic sympathizers operate on the right wing of the party revisionist (Brit Ha' birionim under the authority of Abba Ahiméir). While refusing to follow them, Jabotinsky also refuses to break with them. In 1933, one sees even Abba Ahiméir approving certain aspects of the Nazism (in particular “pulp anti-Marxist”, according to its expression), by anticommunism. This exit on the other hand causes the fury of Jabotinsky, very anxious in front of the rise of the Nazism.

In 1935, the revisionists take a step moreover in their criticism of the institutions Zionists, and decide to leave the OSM because of the refusal of this one to assert a Jewish State officially. Beyond the ideological divergence good real, the relationships to the left (which had taken the control of the OSM in 1933) had become so bad that a collaboration was very difficult.

The takeover by the members of the Labor Party (1931-1933)

In 1919, Poale Zion changed name and became the Achdut Ha' avoda. In 1930, it amalgamates with the Ha' poel Hatzaïr, the great party of the nonMarxist left, to form the workers party Mapaï (Left working Eretz Israel).

This fusion of the moderate left gives a particularly important political weight to the left Zionist, which is now the political fraction largest within the Jewish community in Palestine.

In 1931, the various currents Zionists - Socialists (especially Mapaï, but also small parts of the extreme-left Zionist) gain 42% of the votes.

In 1933, with the support of the liberals of Haïm Weizmann, the members of the Labor Party seize the power within the OSM.

The key man of the time is David Ben Gourion. He is the leader of the Mapaï, the president of the Jewish Agence (the executive Zionist in Palestine) and the general secretary of the Histadrout (until in 1935). Histadrout (General association of the workers of Eretz Israel) is much more than one trade union. It directs also a vast economic sector (Kibboutz im, Moshav im, undertaken co-operative), an important case of health insurance (Kupat Holim), deals with the schools of the “working” current, and intervenes in the sociocultural field (sports associations, cultural, edition, newspapers).

The capacity of Ben Gourion and his party is thus very important within Yichouv and of the OSM, which is worth to him to be treated of dictator by Jabotinsky.

As from the beginning of the year 1930 and until in 1977, the workers party will be the hegemonic party of the political life of Yichouv then of Israel, remaining with the capacity in a permanent way.

The great revolt Arabic 1935-1939

In 1929 and 1930, there were new Arab riots against Jewish colonization (150 died Jews, several tens of Arabs). They aim in practice all the Jews, which they belong to new Yichouv or old. Thus the old Jewish community of Hebron is driven out of its city. These riots are the sign which the situation tightens more and more. The Arabs of Palestine are more and more afraid to be dispossessed of their grounds. They mark also the rise to power of the mufti of Jerusalem and chief of the Moslem supreme council, Amin Al-Husseini, which is posed more and more as political leader and monk of the intransigent Palestinians, as well with regard to the Zionism as of the British occupant.

Of 1935 with 1939 is held what one will call “the Grande Arab revolt in Palestine”.

In November 1935 began, in Galileo, small a Guérilla carried out in the name of the Jihad by a Moslem preacher, Aldine Izz Al-Qassam, quickly killed by the British.

At the beginning of 1936, the the United Kingdom gives up, under the pressure Zionist, a project of legislative assembly representing all the population of Palestine, and in which the Arab would have inevitably been majority.

This abandonment and the events of Galileo cause in April 1936 a general strike which lasts six months and which are accompanied by actions of guerilla against the British forces, but also of violences against the Jewish civilians. The Arab High committee, directed by the mufti, is in the middle of the Arab mobilization. But this one, badly organized, remains however little centralized. Violence aims at the British (assassination of the governor of Galileo in September 1937), the Jews (415 died between 1937 and 1939) and even of the moderate Arabs.

The United Kingdom represses in a very hard way through military justice of exception, 20.000 soldier sending, the arrests and expulsions out of Palestine. Even the moderate ones are touched, and the Palestinian Arab company leaves durably weakened this showdown.

The Haganah supported the British troops, sometimes in a close co-operation, and leaves reinforced events.

However, the British are conscious that the solution perhaps exclusively military, the more so as the Arab Nationalisme grows in the Middle East and feels interdependent of the Arabs of Palestine. The British Empire thus has an interest, and not only for the Palestine, to find a solution acceptable by all.

The government studies in 1937 (Commission Peel) a project of division of Palestine, which allots to the Arabs the majority of the territory (85%), but which would create a Jewish State as a Galileo and on the coastal strip (15% of Palestine). On both sides, from large reserves emerge.

• David Ben Gourion and Haïm Weizmann (against good number of their partisans) accepts the plan with regret, considering that a Jewish State cannot be refused, in spite of its territorial limits. The OSM, on the other hand, rejects the borders proposed, while agreeing to discuss a plan of division. The Left Revisionist Jabotinsky, finally, is completely hostile with the project.
• moderate Arabic (around the powerful family of Nashashibi and Transjordaniens) also accepts with reserve, but the project is rejected by the partisans of the mufti.

The lack of enthusiasm of will finally do everything to fail the project (November 1938). But the British government continues to seek a solution.

The government then publishes in May 1939 a new “white paper”, which is a shock for the movement Zionist and which can make him fear the political success of the great revolt, while at the same time its failure on the ground is consumed. “White paper” indeed lays down a severe brake application to Jewish immigration and, under 10 years, a self-determination of Palestine as a whole, which will lead the Jews inevitably to be minority in the Arab State. It is about an in-depth reversal of the policy followed since 1917 consisting in supporting the movement Zionist to control this part of the Middle East. Obviously, the British government concluded that this policy creates more problems than it does not solve any, and it approaches the Arab nationalists thus.

The Great Arab Revolt thus manages to cause the rupture between the Zionism and the British capacity. The relations will consequently remain tended until the independence of Israel, which will be obtained by a policy of confrontation with the British empire, and either by a policy of co-operation.

Appearance of the Irgoun

After the Arab riots of 1929-1930, a debate appeared within the Haganah and of its Directorate of Political Affairs (the Jewish Agency): was it necessary to remain in a defensive policy, or to pass to the offensive while being devoted to reprisals against the rioters, even against the Arab population which supported them? The officially adopted position is that of the maintenance of a policy of reserve (“ Havlagah ”) in the use of violence, by refusing in particular blind violence against the Arab civilians. A group of activists, left and right-hand side, founds then Haganah Beth (Haganah “B”), in rupture with the official authorities of the Zionism and the Havlagah . Haganah Beth (then Haganah main road) is not an organization of right-hand side, even if the revisionists are numerous there. It will have a rather weak activity in practice.

After the release of the Great Arab Revolt, some of members of the organization (including the founder Avraham Tehomi), rather on the left, decided to join Haganah to form a common front against the Arabs.

The organization becomes then the Irgoun Tsvai Leumi ( national military Organization ), sometimes called IZL or Etzel. After the departure of the militants of left, Irgoun is now clearly the organization armed with the party revisionist, even if it is in practice almost independent. Jabotinsky (that the British expelled of Palestine) is recognized like supreme person in charge. But he does not exert operational responsibilities.

Irgoun specializes in operations of reprisals against the Arab militants, but also more and more against Arab civilians taken randomly. It uses in practice methods similar to those of the Arab armed groups, which target also the Jewish civilians, which is worth to him criticisms of the official authorities of Yichouv and the classification by the British like terrorist organization. It is estimated that approximately 200 to 250 Arab civilians will be killed in operations of Irgoun for this period.

One of the largest campaigns of Irgoun is carried out in 1938, after the execution by the British of a member of Irgoun (Ben Yosef). Jabotinsky orders in Irgoun “ invest heavily ” ( strike hard ). The assessment of the reprisals:

• 5 killed Arabs on July 4th, 1938 in several attacks,
• on July 6th, 2 bombs placed in milk cans explode in full Arab market of Haïfa. Crowd attacks the Jews, the police force draws: 21 Arabs and 6 Jews are killed in the attack and the riot.
• a bomb placed in the street kills 2 Arabs with Jerusalem on July 6th.
• a bomb placed in the street kills 3 Arabs in Jerusalem on July 8th.
• a bomb placed in the Souk of the hurdy-gurdy town of Jerusalem kills 10 Arabs on July 15th.
• a bomb placed in the Arab market of Haïfa on July 25th, 1938 makes 45 dead (British assessment - Irgoun thinks that the British reduced the assessment to calm Arab crowd. An internal survey in Irgoun gives 70 dead).
• the last large attack of the countryside of 1938 will be made on August 26th: a barrel of dynamite explodes in the souk of Jaffa and fact 24 dead.

In sedentary term, one notes that the attack campaign of 1938 increased the Arab reprisals, and the number of Jews killed for this period increases spectacularly: 50 per month between July and October, against 7 per month during the 9 previous months.

At the beginning of 1939, after information on a revision of the Palestinian policy of the United Kingdom (confirmed then by “White paper”), Irgoun starts again its actions. Thus 27 Arabs in the streets of Haïfa, Tel-Aviv are killed randomly and Jerusalem, on February 27th, 1939, which involves the congratulations of Jabotinsky (“your answer to the demonstrations of victory of the enemies of the Jewish State produced an enormous and positive effect” - letter of Jabotinsky with David Ratziel, chief of Irgoun - Jabotinsky files).

The political assessment of these actions seems with final rather negative. The use of violence against the Arab civilians is largely condemned by Yichouv, and isolates the nationalist right, Irgoun and Jabotinsky.

At the end of 1939, the Second world war causes the stop of the actions of Irgoun.

the source for the attacks above is the book of Marius Schattner: " History of the right-hand side israélienne" - Editions complexes - 1991.

See also the article detailed on the Irgoun, to have more detail on the actions of Irgoun, with in particular the exhaustive list of the attacks mortals made between 1936 and 1939.

The Second world war (1939-1945)

The Second world war begins in September 1939, and finishes with the defeat of the Nazi Germany (in May 1945) and of the Japan (in August 1945). As from 1939 and more still of 1941, the Nazi Germany seizes vast populated territories of million Jews. As from 1941-1942 a genocide starts which will see the death from 5 to 6 million Jews. The period is thus critical for the world Judaism, and this crisis comes to be added to that of the Zionism starting from the “White paper” of 1939.

The choice of the mufti

The " great revolt arabe" the Arab in Palestine had decapitated, and constrained nationalist movement the Mufti with the exile. Deprived of its Palestinian base, he seeks allies. In 1941, Haj Amin Al Husseini sign an alliance with the Axis, and pleads to solve the problem of the Jews in the Middle East “ according to the methods of the Axis ”.

Taken refuge in Nazi Germany, it will launch calls (without much success) to the Moslems of the Middle East so that those join in Germany against the British occupant.

But the majority of the Palestinian Arab population is under the shock of repression, and is also satisfied with the “White paper” of 1939. It does not move.

Cease-fire of Irgoun (1940)

In 1940, the Irgoun decides that the situation in Europe is more serious than that of the “Jewish National Hearth”, and decides to stop the conflict with the British. Irgoun concludes an agreement with the British to take part in offensive actions, in particular in the field of sabotage, and its chief David Ratziel will be killed with the combat in 1941.

Jabotinsky approved the agreement. He dies of an heart attack to the E. - U. on August 4th 1940. With him disappears the charismatic chief from the nationalist right Zionist.

The scission of the group Stern (1940)

The choice of the direction of Irgoun does not achieve the unanimity. Avraham (" Yair") Stern disputes it and considers on the contrary that the threat of disappearance of the “Jewish National Hearth” at the end of the 10 years period envisaged by the British is most serious. It creates with some radical nationalists, like Yitzhak Shamir, future Prime Minister of Israel, a scission which it initially calls “Irgoun Tsvai Leumi beIsraël”, then “Lohamei Herut Israel” ( Combattants for the freedom of Israel ) or Lehi. The British call it the “Stern gang” translated into French by “Stern group”. This scission is devoted to attacks against the British or of the “collaborator” Jews and even tries to contact the Germans, in the name of the difference between the “persecutor” (Germany), preferable with “the enemy” (British who prevent the Jewish State). Stern is finally dismantled at the end of 1941 - at the beginning of 1942, and enters in sleep. The persons in charge died (Stern) or in prison (Shamir).

Choices of Yichouv - collaboration and confrontation

Yichouv as a whole approves the choice of Irgoun and the Jewish Agency to take part in the effort of war against Germany. And this, as well by solidarity with the European Jews as by fear of an arrival of the troops Nazis in Palestine in the event of victory of Germany. Many Jews of Yichouv thus will engage in the British troops.

But in same time, concern on the British project of a Palestinian State with Arab majority continues to strongly mobilize the leaders Zionists. Those look at more and more towards the USA, and harden the tone with respect to the British. In 1942, at the time of the congress Zionist of Biltmore, in the USA, the movement Zionist announces officially that he asserts a Jewish State on the whole of Palestine. The Arabs would be citizens there, but minority thanks to a Jewish immigration of mass.

The resurgence of the armed struggle (1943-1944)

As from 1943, the imprisoned leaders of the Lehi escape and reorganize the group. This one gathers various factions ultra-nationalists partisanes armed struggle. One finds there revisionists traditional, a extreme-right-hand side resulting from the fascistic sympathizers of pre-war period, a radical left pro-Soviet (not very important) and “ Cananéens ”, a movement which is asserted of a “Hebrew” nationalism completely cut Judaïsme. The group takes again its actions anti-British quickly, but is largely condemned by Yichouv.

November 6th, 1944, Lehi assassinates the Minister-Resident British in Egypt, Lord Moyne. The two young militants cananéens who made the attack are condemned to died and are carried out by Egyptian justice.

In February 1944, Irgoun considers that the war is now gained by the allies, and that the priority problem becomes again the British project against the “Jewish National Hearth”. It takes again in its turn the armed actions against the British. Irgoun has also a new chief since 1943: Menahem Begin, from Poland. After the death of Jabotinsky in 1940, it was essential gradually like the natural leader of the nationalist right.

The collapse of the international mandate (1945-1947)

After the defeat of the Nazi Germany, two questions become priority for the movement Zionist:

• the question of the Jewish refugees of Europe, survivors of the genocide, of which much wants to leave Europe.
• the question of the creation of a Jewish State in Palestine.

The executive Zionist uses the confrontation with the British between 1945 and 1947. It uses also the Haganah, but it privileges the legal action (demonstrations, strikes), and limit its armed actions with sabotages which want to be not murderers. The attitude with respect to those which are officially regarded as terrorists evolves/moves between moments of confrontations (“the season”) and moments of alliance. But overall, the character strapping their actions is condemned. In same time, political contacts are maintained. More, to see the detailed article Irgoun.

In 1946-1947, the political pressure increases on the United Kingdom:

• Jewish Palestine is ungovernable, in spite of the deployment of 100.000 British soldiers.
• the Arabs criticize the United Kingdom.
• the policy of restriction of Jewish clandestine immigration leads to the imprisonment of thousands of survivors of the genocide, which causes a wave of sympathy in the international opinion, in particular in the USA and in France.
• Of the disorders anti-semites takes place in the United Kingdom in answer to the many British soldiers killed by the Irgoun and Stern (Lehi): there will be 338 British killed between 1944 and 1948.
• the British public opinion supports badly, two years after the end of the war, to see 100.000 soldiers risking their life far from on their premises.

In 1947, the United Kingdom decides to give the mandate that it was due of SDN to the United Nations, which are the successor. It seems that the British government hoped to obtain a greater international support for its role in Palestine, but UNO decides to put an end to the mandate.

The division of 1947

See the article detailed on the Plane of division of Palestine of UNO, and that on the Israeli-Arab War of 1948 .

UNO decides to return to the draft prepared by the Peel Commission of 1937 by dividing Palestine. The Jews see themselves allotting 55% of the territory (more than in the Peel project). Jerusalem becomes an international zone. The Arabs see themselves allotting the balance (a little more than 40% the territory).

The Arabs refused the division overall (there are exceptions, in particular at the Communists). The Jews accepted it overall (except Irgoun and Stern - those continued to assert Transjordanie).

The plan is voted in November 1947 thanks to the conjunction between an awaited support of the Westerners and the support more surprising of the Soviet Union. Stalin always showed a great hostility with the Zionism, even with the Jews. But it estimates that this project will drive out the British out of Palestine. Moreover, there exist factions pro-Soviet within the left Zionist which is at the time dominant.

After the division, one 6 months period extends until the British withdrawal, in May 1948. For this period, the British are supposed to maintain the order, but they are confined in fact in a passive neutrality.

As of the vote of the division by UNO (November 1947), of the incidents occur, which are transformed quickly into civil war. The Arabs attack the Jews. The Haganah is maintained at the beginning in a defensive attitude, but Stern and Irgoun, which had ceased the attacks anti-Arabic since 1939, take again the attacks against the civilians, without obtaining political or military result notable. Arab violence and Jewish violence strike the civilians of the two camps.

As from at the end of March 1948, Haganah reorganized passes to the offensive. In 6 weeks, the Arab bands are overcome, the Jewish armed groups take the top. Arab villages start to be emptied of their population in the zones of the hardest conflicts.

May 15th, 1948, Israel proclaims its independence while the last British leave the country. The Palestinian Arabs are militarily overcome and they will hardly any more be present on the front of the political scene until in the years 1960.

The period of the mandate (1920-1947) - Synthesis

This period saw the construction of the Jewish national Hearth. The independent State does not exist yet, but an autonomous structure which has of them almost all the attributes is made up.

In the demographic plan, the Jewish population exploded, passing from 85.000 people in 1919 with 650  000. But this Jewish population remains to 80% Ashkénaze, and thus represents only imperfectly the diversity of the world Judaism. Especially, this population represents always only one third of the total population of Palestine.

With the political plan, the confrontations between right-hand side and left were tightened considerably, without however reaching the rupture and the civil war. They oppose " réalistes" acceptor (without enthusiasm) a territorial division and nationalist intransigents asserting all the Palestine more Transjordanie (current Jordan).

Zionism after the creation of Israel - 1948-2005

Before 1948 (less and less with the years, however), the Zionism was an international structure, and the American or French Zionists did not have normally less weight than the Zionists living in Palestine.
But after 1948, the State of Israel asserts a role dominating. The international organizations Zionists lose their weights, the debates concentrate there especially on the support for Israel.
In practice, the three problems of this article (institutional Constructions Zionists, demographic construction of the Jewish state and debates on the goals of the Zionism) become almost exclusively Israeli.

This part does not aim however at describing the history of the State of Israel. It is interested only in the evolution of the debate and the practice Zionist after creation of the State. The historical facts Israéliens are quoted only accordingly.

The problems of the period remain the same one as during the time 1918-1947: to build national institutions (or rather to reinforce them), and to develop the Jewish settlement. The implementations are on the other hand different, and the debates on these questions evolve/move.

Consolidation of the State 1948-1967

The army

As of independence, the Arab armies of Lebanon, of Transjordanie, from Egypt, from Iraq and Syria enter to Israel. The disproportion of the forces is not as important as it seems it. The Haganah aligns 20.000 men, the Irgoun 4.000 and the Groupe Stern 1.000. The Arab armies align some on this date approximately 25.000. They do not have central command, and cannot make pass from troops of a face to another to concentrate. They have a better heavy armament on the other hand. ( See Israeli-Arab War of 1948 )

Ben Gourion, become the Prime Minister, organizes Tsahal, by amalgamating Haganah, Irgoun and the Stern group in only one army. He even makes shoot at the militants from Irgoun at the summer 1948, when those try to get weapons by themselves. There are 18 died: 16 members of Irgoun and 2 soldiers of Tsahal.

Heavy weapons are imported clandestinely (there is an embargo on the deliveries of weapons bound for the belligerents). The sources are numerous, but the principal one will be the Soviet Union, which wants the defeat of the Arab, allied armies of France or especially of the United Kingdom.

At the summer 1948, the Israeli army is well structured, correctly armed, and answers the Arab offensive. The Arab armies are overcome and must sign a cease-fire. But all the Arab States remain officially in war against Israel, and promise a revenge.

Until 1967, the Israeli army thus will not cease developing, and becomes the first army of the area. To compensate for numerical inferiority, two solutions are adopted:

• an extremely broad system of Conscription: each citizen makes a military service, then military periods several weeks (according to the times) each year. He is thus involved perfectly, and mobilizable constantly.
• the choice of a great power of fire by the adoption of weapons of high technologies (in particular tanks and aviation).

Borders

The consolidation also passes by that of the borders. Completed in March 1949, the definition of the Israeli territory is advantageous compared to the plan of division: 77% of the territory of the Palestine agent (21.000 km square) against 55% envisaged by the plan of division. UNO does not condemn nor does not approve this modification born of the war. In practice, the great powers accept it.

But the Israeli attitude after independence is heavy consequences for the future: Ben Gourion and the Arab leaders refuse to fix the borders. Ben Gourion states clearly that those can be increased according to the situations, to extend to the borders from Palestine agent, Eretz Israel, which belongs in right to the Jews. The position is thus at the same time pragmatic: the borders of 1949 are accepted in the state, and potentially maximalist: on the principle, the 27% remained out of Israel should return to him.

The departure of the Arabs

See the detailed article Taken refuge Palestinian

During the creation of the State, the Arabs are almost twice more numerous than the Jews. The demographic question is thus in the middle of the problem of the existence of the Jewish State. The answer of Ben Gourion is double: the division and expulsion.

• Even if he considers that any Eretz Israel belongs to the Jews, Ben Gourion accepts also the borders of 1949 because they exclude from Israel the great Arab masses of the West Bank (Judaea-Samarie for the Zionists) and of Gaza.
• But in the borders of 1949, where approximately 800 to 900.000 Arabs live, it is clear that a maintenance of the Arab population is not acceptable for the government. During engagements or immediately afterwards, 600 to 700.000 leave the territory of Israel. They denounce an expulsion, the government affirms that they left voluntarily, but that they will not be able to return.

From a historical point of view, the debate is with not very ready closed since the Israeli historian Benny Morris published in 1987 “the birth of the problem of the Palestinian refugees”. He worked village by village, and showed that there had been four types of departures:

• before the arrival of the Israeli troops. It is the fear of the engagements, even massacres, which pushes then at the beginning. The massacre of Deir-Yassin (Palestinian village whose population was massacred by the militants of Irgoun and Lehi in 1948) seems to have played a big role, which explains why in its memories, Menahem Begin, former chief of Irgoun, regards the consequences of the massacre as a “decisive victory”.
• during the engagements. Benny Morris shows (thanks to interviews of former soldiers) that in certain cases (but not in the majority of the cases), these engagements in fact factitious and were intended to make flee the Arab civilians: bombardments of not defended villages, for example.
• after the arrival of the Israeli troops. There will be many expulsions, the populations being charged in trucks and conduits at the border.
• in some cases (6 villages), the departures are due to the Arab leaders themselves.

The departures were thus done in a differentiated way: expulsions, escapes in front of the approach of the engagements, evacuations voluntary and organized.

To final, Benny Morris indicates that there was not of official policy laid down by the government, but a rather broad consensus of the military and civil decision makers to make leave a maximum of Arabs, and especially to prevent them from returning. The aspect not structured of this policy explains the maintenance of Arab blocks in Galileo or with Haïfa (where the mayor encouraged the Arab population to remain). The case of the zone known as of the “triangle” (northern of Tel-Aviv), one of the principal Arab concentrations, is particular: this zone was obtained by negotiation in 1949, without engagements, and of expulsions would have been difficult there.

In 1948, he remains approximately 150.000 Arabs in Israel.

The constant policy of the Israeli governments, of 1949 at our days, will be to prohibit any return of the refugees and of expelled.

Colonization of the old Arab grounds

With the creation of Israel, the Jewish zones were at the bottom not very wide: the narrow coastal strip, western Jerusalem, the valley of Jezréel and the high valley of the the Jordan (Safed and Tibériade).

The widening of Jewish establishments will be thus a strategic priority of Israel until today, often presented like a " owe sioniste". For that, the territory left by the departure/the expulsion of the Palestinian Arabs offers important possibilities. The grounds of “absent” are confiscated, and of the new cities are created there, as well as Kibboutz im or Moshav im.

To increase the grounds available for the Jews, good number of grounds of the Arabs remained on the spot are also confiscated and redistributed, which creates important conflicts with the Arab population.

The desert of the Negev (more than 50% of the Israeli territory) is also colonized. But its extreme aridity limits the possibilities. It is thus especially the north (Beer-Sheva or Dimona), and the south (Eilat) which are populated.

The immigration of mass

See the table of Jewish immigration after 1948.

The objective of the Zionism is of course to bring a maximum of Jews in Israel.

From 1948 to 1967, there go to be two large waves of immigrations. As always in the history of the Zionism, these waves are related to serious problems in the countries of origin.

From 1948 to 1952, nearly 700.000 Jews unload. Population of the double State. There are 2 origins with this immigration:

• Environ half is made up of survivors of the Jewish genocide in Europe. They all are almost ashkénazes (there exist séfarades in Balkans and in Western Europe, however).
• Another half comes from the Arab countries: especially the Iraq, the Yemen, the Syria, the Lebanon and the Egypt. They really do not come by Zionism to the political direction from the term: the organizations Zionists exist there, but their influence is often limited. They come especially by religious messianism, and because the situation with the populations and the local governments was very strongly degraded following the Israeli-Arab war of 1947-1949. There are anti-Jewish riots, or at least a feeling of hostility in much of Arab countries. See the article detailed on the Jewish Taken refuge of the Arab countries .
• One finds also the small community of the Juifs of cochin, in India.

The integration of these enormous masses is a problem important Zionist: the Jewish State must prove that it can make a success of the “gathering of exiled”. And it is in any event a condition of survival for Israel which to increase its Jewish population.

The newcomers for certain are well educated (especially at the Westerners) and can be rather easily integrated in a modern economy. Others (especially at the Eastern ones) have very low education levels. It is also necessary to teach the Hebrew with all, to find residences and work to them. Camps of tents (ma' abarot), which will become cities, are made up in the urgency. Villages are established on emptied arable lands of their Arab population. But Israel will cross one period economically very difficult at the time of this first wave of newcomers, and the living conditions of those are hard.

One second wave of 500  000 people arrives between 1956 and 1966. It consists of a minority of Westerners leaving communist Eastern Europe, and of a majority of Eastern Jews. Those flee a anti-Jewish new wave related to the Israeli-Arab war of 1956. 250  000 North-African Jews (approximately half of the Jews of this area) also arrive of the the Maghreb French after the independence of the Tunisia, the Morocco and the Algérie. The most francized Jews (generally the most educated) came to France. The least francized Jews (generally poorer and less educated) made the choice of Israel. Among them, the Morrocans are particularly numerous.

Frustrations Séfarades

The integration of the Western Jews was not always simple, but with the final good proceeded. The integration of the Eastern Jews was much more problematic, and this for two essential reasons:

• a very low education level, which confines the immigrant populations in little qualified employment and badly paids. Israel, even dominated by socialist parties, fails largely in front of the problem of the poverty of the Séfarades, which remain rather largely with the door of economic modernity.
• the perception of Séfarades by the elite Zionist. This one is of European origin. It in common does not have culturally almost anything with the Eastern Jews, if it is not the feeling to be Jewish. Even the religion is only partially a factor of integration: Ashkénazes are little practitioners, even for some aggressively atheistic. One will note an unquestionable contempt, or at least a complete lack of comprehension. The fear of the “levantinisation” (orientalisation) of Israel is openly evoked by leaders of the left Zionist. Séfarades indeed constituted 20% of the Jews of Palestine in 1947. Their immigration and their high birthrate make them potentially majority as of the years 1960.

Even if adhesion in Israel is never called into question by the Eastern Jews, they have period a memory of humiliation and misery, which will be turned over finally against those that they will make responsible from there: socialist directors. As from the years 1970, Séfarades will be the electoral Israeli line base.

Western alignment

The period 1948-1967 is marked by the cold war. Some fear at the beginning (the American State Department, for example) that the orientation of left of the State of Israel brings it on positions pro-Soviet. In fact, tendencies pro-Soviet exist in the left Zionist (Mapam, in particular).

But Ben Gourion makes the choice of the occident quickly, which degrades the relations with the Soviet ex-ally. The emigration of the Jews of Eastern Europe becomes more difficult.

At the time (especially in the years 1950), France appears then, more than the USA, as being the large ally of Israel.

The period 1948-1967: synthesis

For this period, the State created for itself, developed a powerful army, attracted many immigrants, saw hatching a modern industrial economy, consolidated its democracy and increased the Jewish points of settlement through the country.

It is thus about a period marked by many institutional and demographic successes. But of the points are not regulated:

• the bad integration of Séfarades.
• the maintenance of the state of war with the Arab countries, and threatens it of destruction which perdure thus.
• the question of the borders, disputed (enough theoretically) by the Israeli government itself, and in a way much more aggressive by the Herout of Menahem Begin. This one reorganized behind him the revisionists of Jabotinsky, and was slowly reinforced, in particular by attracting towards him the liberals, allied old men of the members of the Labor Party, but tired of their hegemony. It also starts to attract of Séfarades disappointed by the Labor policy in their connection.

The question of Large Israel 1967-2005

This period is marked by an increasing polarization on the question of “Large Israel”, and on a swing towards the line of the Israeli population.

As much the previous period (1948-1967) had been marked by the demographic stakes (the " Zionism of the faits" , that of the " gathering of the exilés"), as much the new period largely will beat about the bush of the borders and the religion, and thus of the objectives even of the Zionism.

Immigration continues in an important way, but if it is always an important component of the debate and practice Zionist, it is not in the center of conflicts between Zionists, who harden.

the war of 1967

In 1967, Egypt and Syria mass troops at the border, and announce their will to stripe Israel of the chart. The Israelis launch a preventive attack and invade the peninsula of the Egyptian Sinai and the plate of Syrian Golan. Jordan attacks Israel then, but is overcome in its turn. In six days, Israel beats these three armies Arab and double the size of the territory which it controls while seizing the Sinai and Golan, and of the 27% of Palestine agent which had escaped in Israel in 1948-1949. After the fear, enthusiasm is indescribable, with the height of the relief.

The question which arises then for the Zionism is: what to make conquered territories?

Large sedentary Israel and Large religious Israel

On the right, the position is unanimous: it is necessary all to keep, and especially the “released” portions of Eretz Israel (Golan and the Sinai are symbolically less important).

But as of the time, one notes two currents which will diverge gradually.

The first current is a current monk. It is resulting from the current religious Zionist which one saw to organize at the beginning of the century within the religious national Party. For this current, originally moderated, the victory is a religious sign: God with given the victory to Its People. This one has the duty of judaïser now any Eretz Israel. It is not only one right, it is a duty. And that must make it possible to the Jewish people to obey God, to gain his safety, and to obtain the arrival of the Messiah. This religious speech has also an influence on the ultra-orthodoxe , theoretically not-Zionists. Without adopting the Zionism officially (too much political and not religious enough according to them), they show an interest growing for the religious slope of the speech on Large Israel. The religious Sionisme of after-1967 becomes more powerful, more militant, on the right.
It passes into 1977 of an alliance with the members of the Labor Party to an alliance with Likoud. It launches out as of the years 1970 (especially the faction " jeunes" , more radical) in an activity of colonization intensive, sometimes illegal, through groups of militants, like those of the " block of the foi" (Goush Emounim). Currents extremists in margin of the Parti National Monk appear, of which certain are tried by violence (like the Kach).

The second current attached to large Israel is current more historical and sedentary. It is incarnated especially in the Likoud. For him, Eretz Israel belongs to Jews (it in what it hardly differs from the left), and to preserve all the Ground of Israel is in the interest of the people of Israel. The confrontation with the Arabs forces to have the most territories possible.

For the first current, Eretz Israel is a right AND an obligation imposed by Dieu.
For the second current, Eretz Israel is a right AND an advantage.

These two currents leave very reinforced war 1967. The idea to return the ground of Israel to the Arabs passes badly in the population.

In 1977, the Likoud of Menahem Begin arrives at the capacity, in alliance with the religious nationalists. Likoud was formed in 1973 by the unification of the Hérout (resulting from the movement revisionist and the Irgoun) and of the liberals. The ideological base of this fusion is in fact that of Hérout. The project of annexation of the Jordan, defended since the years 1920, is abandoned, but the annexation of the the West Bank and the Gaza Strip is required like a duty Zionist.

Christian Zionism

There exist Christian groups favorable to the Zionism. But there exists also current a fundamentalist specific Protestant whom one calls the " Christian Zionism ". This current of thought, powerful with the E. - U., goes beyond from a sympathy to the Zionism. Its vision is Messianic: the judaisation of the Holy Land is a biblical command which must allow the return of Jesus and the conversion of humanity.

This current profited also from the Israeli victory in 1967, and put its increasing influence in favor of the Jewish colonization of the Palestinian territories.

Although the objective of the " Zionists chrétiens" is not the same one as that of the Jews Zionists (since it in the long term implies the conversion of the latter), this current of thought represents an enthusiastic support for the most radical Zionists as regards " Large Israël" (Israel in its biblical borders, including the Palestinian territories). He partly explains the very passive attitude of the US governments (at least republican, he influences certain elected officials) vis-a-vis the Israeli colonization and to the set of themes of Large Israel.

Refusal of Large Israel by the left

On the left, the victory of 1967 poses problem. Since the program of Biltmore in 1942, the left had as a project a Jewish State on the whole of Palestine. The project had been put in sleep after the plan of division of 1947, but the refusal to recognize the borders of 1949 as final maintained it officially.

After 1967, the left wonders about what it must do. A minority remains faithful to Large Israel. The great majority adopts a position which will not vary much any more in its principles, but which will give place to innumerable interpretations. These principles are:

• Israel must remain a Jewish State and it is not question of giving Israeli nationality to many Palestinians and in demographic explosion (the Arabs officially became more numerous than the Jews on the territory of old Palestine agent in 2005).
• Israel must remain a democratic State, and one cannot set up a system of Apartheid refusing nationality at part of the population on ethnic bases.
• Eretz Israel is in right the property of the Jewish people. He has the right all to take, but the will to maintain a State Jewish AND democratic does not allow it: Israel must annex all the grounds possible (those little or not populated Arabs), and return the remainder in the event of peace agreement. Shortly after the war, the project presented by Ygal Allon thus envisages the annexation of 30% of the the West Bank.

The line condemns this position.

Colonization

See also Israeli Colony .

The left with the government created Jewish establishments in the occupied territories as of 1968. It targets zones with weak Palestinian populations, which are intended to be annexed according to the Allon plan. These establishments remain however very few.

One also sees appearing, as of first half of the years 1970, the illegal colonies, often organized by the religious nationalist current (but not inevitably by the PNR itself). This policy of illegal establishments remains very widespread until 2005 at the militants of Large Israel, vis-a-vis often passive authorities.

After 1977 and its come to power, the line launches out in a program much more ambitious: 50.000 colonists in 1987, before the the First Intifada, 100.000 colonists in 1993, before the Agreements of Oslo, 200.000 colonists in 2000 before the the Second Intifada, 245.000 at the end of 2005. The strongly populated zones Palestinians are also aimed, not only the empty zones. The Palestinian grounds are largely confiscated, to build military colonies, roads, stations, or simply to avoid Arab constructions.

Two great types of colonies appear:

• large blocks of colony: strongly populated, generally enough close to the borders of 1949 (renamed “borders of 1967” or “green line”). They are populated commuters of Tel-Aviv or Jerusalem, generally rather on the right, but seldom extremists.
• small ideological colonies, in the depth of the Palestinian territories. They are generally populated very ideological colonists, often of the religious nationalist current, increasingly radical.

For these colonies, it is necessary to add the Jewish districts of Jerusalem-Is. After 1967, Israel reunified Jerusalem, against the liking of the inhabitants of the Arab part. Jewish districts were built in the not-populated zones. They count in 2005 approximately 200.000 Jewish inhabitants.

It should be noted that from the point of view of UNO, the territories of the West Bank, Gaza, Jerusalem-Is and of the Golan are " territories occupés" , and thus subjected to the Geneva Convention, which prohibits any establishment of conquering populations. Moreover, at the end of the conflict, they must be evacuated, since article 35 of the charter of the United Nations prohibits any conquest by the force.

For Israel, left and right-hand side confused (especially for the line), they are territories on which the Jews have a historical right (even religious). The convention of Geneva and the charter of the United Nations thus do not apply. Annexations are possible, as well as colonization.

One notes also a small colonization in the Egyptian Sinai (Yamit). But the Sinai is restored by the Begin government between 1979 and 1982 after the agreements of Washington (March 1979). The restitution of the the Sinai, which is generally not regarded as belonging to Eretz Israel (there are adverse opinions), raised moderate reprobations.

One notes finally a colonization of the plate of Golan, taken to the Syrians in 1967. The justification of this colonization is primarily sedentary, without strong historical value or nun. Golan is generally not regarded either as belonging to Eretz Israel.

Immigrations Russian, Ethiopian and Western

See the table of Jewish immigration after 1948.

As for the previous periods, from the waves of immigrants come to Israel. As previously, these waves are mainly related to the problems in Diaspora.

A aliyah takes place in 1967-1968. She is relatively not very important. She concerns the last Arab Jews and Polish driven out by environment “antisionist” who follows the war of 1967. She relates to also a few thousands of Westerners (American, Britanniques and French, especially) who trembled for Israel during the war.

A aliyah brings 400.000 Jews in the years 1970. They come especially from Russia, following negotiations between the USA and the USSR. This aliyah is accompanied by an immigration more restricted, but ideologically very active: that of the religious nationalists of extreme-right-hand side, often American, who frequently settles in the “ideological” colonies.

In 1982-1985, it is the first immigration of the Jews of Ethiopia (Falashas).

In the years 1990, a last wave brings a million Jews (or “half-Jews”) of the old USSR after collapse this one. It is accompanied by an immigration of Jews of Ethiopia, and always by a small immigration coming from the Western countries, rather dominated by very motivated religious nationalists. It is the largest wave of immigration of the Histoire of Israel. However, integration occurred much better than at the time of the massive waves of creation of Israel: the economy was much stronger and the population formed much better (except Ethiopian immigration).

In 2005, the estimated Jewish population of Eretz Israel, colonists included/understood, includes/understands a little less than 5.300.000 of Jews (estimate: The CIA world factbook).

The first Intifada

In December 1987, the first Intifada or revolt of the stones starts. Three evolutions cause it:

• the development of Palestinian nationalism, in full revival since a score of years.
• the level of education of the young Palestinians, in big rise, and which facilitates a strong politization.
• the feeling to become a foreigner on his own ground, feeling accelerated by the fast colonization of the West Bank (Judaea-Samarie for the Zionists).

The weapons are excluded by the Palestinian direction, and in 1988, for the first time, the PLO recognizes the right to the existence of Israel. The Palestinian Political violence reappears however with the beginning of the year 1990, because of islamist organizations which reject the “realistic” evolution of majority Palestinian nationalism.

Rising becomes exhausted about 1992 because of a very hard Israeli repression (approximately 1.000 died, tens of thousands of imprisonments without judgment), but it produced several consequences:

• development of Palestinian nationalism;
• realistic evolution of this nationalism in favor of the division of old the Palestine agent, on the basis of border of 1949 (or of 1967, according to their new name);
• appearance in reaction of radical groups (Hamas and Islamic Jihad Palestinian);
• awakening of part of the Israelis that Arab demography and a growing nationalism make difficult Large Israel and even the maintenance of the status quo.

The Agreements of Oslo

In 1992, the left returns to the capacity under the direction of Yitzhak Rabin. At the summer 1993, the government recognizes the PLO. At the beginning of 1994, the agreements of Oslo are signed. They envisage:

• recognition of Israel by the Palestinians.
• recognition of the PLO (but not of a Palestinian State) by the Israelis.
• opening of negotiations on the final borders in 1996.
• the implementation of a final status (nondefinite) in 1999.
• In waiting, the two parts are committed not making unilateral decisions. For the Israelis, it is a question of avoiding the proclamation of an independent Palestinian State. For the Palestinians, it is a question of stopping colonization, unilateral act par excellence.
• In waiting, the Israelis also commit themselves setting up a mode of autonomy in the occupied territories.

The Palestinians accepted negotiations on the borders. Implicitly, they give up the borders of 1949-1967 more or less. That, and the recognition even of Israel, is unacceptable for the islamist ones.

The Israelis give up in exchange Large Israel. From the point of view of the left, this concession is not very important: it gave up it semi-officially since 1947. From the point of view of the right-hand side, it is unacceptable.

At the end of 1995, Yitzhak Rabin is assassinated by a religious Zionist radical (condemned by the PNR). The islamist ones make a wave of Attack-suicides in March 1996 (an about sixty dead). Weakened by these two blows, the left loses the elections, and the line (Benjamin Netanyahou) returns to the capacity in the name of Large Israel. However, the new capacity does not cancel the agreements of Oslo. He interprets them in a narrow way, but he nevertheless agrees to evacuate part of Hebron. One can read there the beginning of the acceptance of the Palestinian national fact.

The second Intifada

The left returns to the capacity in 1999. It however spends a year to start the negotiations with the Palestinians (be 2000). Those start in a rather broad lack of confidence.

• on the Israeli side, one notes the slow development of the islamist blind attacks. The autonomous Palestinian authority created by the agreements of Oslo does not repress these violences rather hard (there are arrests, but often followed releases).
• On the Palestinian side, one notes that the promise of autonomy is rather little followed effect: 7% of the West Bank only are in full autonomy, and 60% of the Gaza Strip. It is necessary to add there 35% of the West Bank under Israeli military occupation but with a Palestinian civil administration. Colonization was massive: the agreements of Oslo are the strongest period of colonization since the war of the 1967 (100.000 additional colonists). And the final negotiations which were to begin into 1996 are four years old of delay.

In fact, the negotiation fails. The Israelis (Ehoud Barak) claimed the annexation of 10-12% of the West Bank and of Jerusalem-Is Arab. The Palestinians refused. ( See Summit of Camp David II and Summit of Taba ).

In September 2000, of the Palestinian demonstrations start in Jerusalem, then extend. Tens of Palestinians are killed by the army. The Palestinian groups which refused violence since 1987 (approximately, PLO) decide to return to the armed struggle, and join the islamist radicals. The left government falls at the end of January 2001 and the line returns to the capacity (Ariel Sharon).

From 2000 to 2005,1.000 Israelis and 4.000 Palestinians die.

The second Intifada is the product of a Palestinian report: of left or right-hand side, the Israelis consider that any Eretz Israel belongs to the Jews. The will of agreement with the Palestinians does not prevent a will of maximum annexation: little not populated territories or Palestinians for the left, totality for the line. In a case as in the other, it is not acceptable for the Palestinians, same moderate. The latter want to accept well the borders of 1949-1967, but not of new annexations (or then marginal).

The debate between Zionists, open in 1922 by the detachment of Transjordanie, did not evolve/move much: if Eretz Israel is of right a Jewish property (there agreement is on this point) which is necessary to take, and that should be yielded?

Demographic inversion

Beyond the questions of borders, the progression of the Palestinian population continues. The Palestinians have one of the strongest population growths of the world.

In 2005, there are approximately 5.235.000 of Jews on the territory of old Palestine agent, and about as many Arabs. They would have even become slightly majority in 2005. And it is necessary to add the many Palestinians of the diaspora there.

The problems of the left Zionist on the Arab demographic danger, posed since 1967 (and even since 1947) are esse