History of the French Communist party

Founded into 1920 of a scission of SFIO to the Congress of Turns, the French Communist party, called at its beginnings SFIC (French Section of the International Communist), then PCF starting from the Release, knows its maximum of influence the shortly after the Second world war.

1920-1939: Congress of Towers at the second world war

1920: The Congress of Turns, beginnings of the Communist party

In 1920 with the congress with Tours, a Socialist majority of the militants S of SFIO, taken along by Charles Rappoport and Boris Souvarine, decides to affiliate with the Third International, founded following the Révolution of October. The French Communist party, which one then calls French Section of International Communist (SFIC) is thus created: he proclaims Bolshevik and revolutionist, even if he does not vote the conditions formulated by the third international one, directed by Lénine. The SFIC was committed building a revolutionary party, which can use legal means, but which must obtain a clandestine apparatus and does not have to exclude the illegal action. The party made up was to be disciplined even militarized, according to the narrow rules of the democratic Centralisme: the minority ones must follow the line decided mainly, and do not have the right to organize itself to defend their tendency. Internationalist, finally, a national party, as the French Communist party (PCF) is initially a section of the Third International one, from where the name of SFIC.

One estimates at 120.000 the number of members who had joined the new party, whereas the old SFIO counted nothing any more but 40.000 of them, while preserving nevertheless the majority of its deputies and his town councilors. The scission within the SFIO was to involve one year later a scission of the trade union CGT, but this time, the partisans of the International Communist who founded CGTU were minority.

In January 1923, Ludovic-Oscar Frossard (the general secretary of the Party) resigns. In 1924, the influence of Zinoviev on the IC and the bolchevisation/stalinisation result in the exclusion of historic leaders located at the left of the party, like Boris Souvarine, Pierre Monatte and Alfred Rosmer, and by a control caporalist of the French party by Albert Treint and Suzanne Girault until 1926.

After Albert Treint, general secretary of 1924 to 1926, Pierre Sémard are the new general secretary in title of 1926 to 1928. Various founding members, become oppositional, are excluded or leave gradually the party: Fernand Oriole (1926), Amédée Dunois (1927), Albert Treint (1929).

1928: Classify against class

The first twelve years of PCF were animated and so much is not very confused. It was a revolutionary party, gauchist, as one will say usually later groups of extreme left which flowered in May 68. The action antimilitarist developed near the young people, in the barracks, at the time of the occupation of the the Ruhr in 1923 by the French troops and of the Guerre of Rif, in Morocco in 1925.

In Soviet Union, in 1927, Stalin évince his rivals, Zinoviev, Kamenev and Trotski which takes part in the collegial direction since the death of Lénine, in 1924. The IC (International Communist) impose a policy hard and sectarian, known as " classify against classe" , which in particular consists in refusing any alliance with the Socialists and it pushes JC ahead (Communist youths, then directed by Doriot, also appointed of Saint-Denis) to implement this sectarian ultra line. Henri Barbédevient secretary of the Party, after Pierre Sémard. SFIO is attacked as well as the middle-class parties. With the elections of 1928, PCF obtains 11% of the voices, but, because of its insulation, does not count that 14 elected officials against 25 outgoing. Jacques Duclos, victorious of Leon Blum in the 20th district of Paris, is one of the 14 survivors.

With Jacques Duclos, Benoit Frachon and Maurice Thorez are men who go up and who take more and more importance within the Party. Like Duclos, Maurice Thorez passed in clandestinity following actions antimilitarists. He already accomplished several stays in Moscow. Entered the Political office (BP) in 1926, it provides the function of secretary the organization. In 1929, at 36 years, Benoît Frachon becomes the senior of the secretariat, at the sides of the 2 leaders of the JC, Henri Barbé and Pierre Célor, both 27 years old, and of Thorez, 29 years.

1932: The beginning of the reign of Thorez

In 1931, Charles Tillon, member of the confederal office of the CGTU, carries out its first and besides single voyage to Moscow. It will be received there by the leaders of International, Manouïlsky and Piatnisky. Manouïlsky is an old knowledge of the Party. Lénine had clandestinely sent it on mission in France in 1921, and it could intervene with the congress of Paris, making a deep impression on all the delegates. Since, it is him which follows the PCF for the International one, of which he will become the principal leader until 1934. Manouïlsky tested doubts about the cogency of the ultra-gauchiste line and was on the point of unloading Barbé and Célor, the young leaders propelled to the head of the Party to apply the line " classify against classe".

It was necessary little of them that Maurice Thorez was not also isolated like Barbé and Célor, but it is him whom Manouïlsky installs with the head of the Party, with the congress of Paris in 1932. Duclos and Frachon count among the 10 other members of the political office. If one takes stock of the first 12 years of existence of the Party, the results are hardly époustouflants on the electoral level, or of the number of members, but from a Leninist point of view, the success is undeniable: the heteroclite unit anarchist-trade unionists, nebula of various revolutionary currents was metamorphosed in an authentic party Bolshevik. The executive team, young person, resulting from the working class, are made of professional revolutionists, profiting from a solid experiment of the confrontations with the police force, of clandestinity, but knowing also to play of the legal means, for example the mandates of deputies to profit from the parliamentary privilege. These leaders selected with " clairvoyance" by Manouïlsky, extremely brilliances at the beginning, received moreover a solid formal training with the liking of their passages in Moscow.

Very achieves itself according to the doctrines of Lénine: initially the construction of a revolutionary party, then the conquest of the working class. It is very important to include/understand confidence without terminal of the militants of this generation with respect to the “Marxisme-léninisme” and their faith in their party and the International one. Because in 1932, if PCF exerts an unquestionable seduction on the young combative workmen, the conquest of the working class is far from being acquired.

1936: Stalin, Hitler and the Popular front

In 1936, PCF is integrated into the device of the IC, leant with the Soviet Union dominated by Stalin. Nowadays, this name, with its derivatives, “Stalinism”, “Stalinist” (term which appears at the end of the years 1920), evokes a historical alternative of sanguinary tyranny and Totalitarisme, but for basic the PCF militant of 1936, thanks to lit direction a “, firm and stable”, the USSR affirms itself like the nation of the proletarians, consolidating the assets of the Revolution by a walk towards economic progress and technological. The French Party, with the image of the Soviet “big brother”, is equipped, him also, of a “stable and lit” direction. Its manpower increase month in month, it occupies a political space increasingly vaster.

In Moscow, starting from 1927 and more still with the assassination of Sergueï Kirov, in 1934, the purgings (assassinations and deportations) will become a current practice of “management of the party”. Of 1934 with 1939, one estimates at a million the number of its members who will be carried out or off-set. But in Paris, the delegate of International, the representative of Stalin, therefore, are elegant and refined Czech, Eugen Fried (" Clément" comrade;) who can control the Party with tact while being integrated in the trio of direction, Thorez, Frachon and Duclos, themselves resulting from the “enlightened” choice of Manouïlsky. Why the grass-roots militant worry would about what its chiefs are named by Moscow, if they are “good”? Moreover, isn't PCF the French Section of the International Communist, and the USSR, the country of the achieved revolution, the fatherland of all the workers?

Hitler had seized the power in Germany in January 1933. The Fascisme became even more with the day order in Europe (Italy had been fascistic for one decade). For as much, the IC, which had put an end to the phase “gauchist” of the PC by replacing Barbé by Thorez remained firm in its sectarian line. The union with the social democrats was not tolerated that at the base: the workmen of CGT, not Communist, were invited to take part in the actions of the CGTU, Communist. In France of 1934, in fact the leagues of extreme-right-hand side represented the fascistic danger. It is during the days of 1934 which transfer very violent one confrontations between the leagues, the police force and the Communists, that were essential the unit feelings of a left antifascist.

February 6th, 1934, the leagues invaded the place of the Harmony. The brawl with the police force was started when they wanted to cross the bridge of the Harmony to give the attack to the House of Commons. February 9th, the confrontations between the police force and the demonstrators antifascists made 9 dead among the demonstrators. This demonstration was qualified by part of the opinions of attempt at Coup d'etat. The CGTU and CGT called with the general strike on February 12th. This day, during a demonstration started in division, the socialist and communist processions amalgamated in enthusiasm, Place of the Nation to the cries of “Unit! Unit! ”. Until July 1934, this united demonstration remained without continuation. Doriot, in favor of an agreement with the SFIO against Fascism, is excluded on June 27th, 1934. It is Dimitrov, new person in charge of the IC, and Manouïlsky who succeeded in obtaining from Stalin a reversal of the IC, in favor of an alliance with the social democrats. Dimitrov transmitted the new instructions to Thorez, in Moscow. July 27th, 1934, a pact of unit of action PC and SFIO was concluded.

The new unit policy concretized herself in 1936, by the reunification of CGT and of the CGTU, initially in March, then in May, by the electoral victory of the left forces linked in the Popular front. PCF obtained 72 of the 336 seats of deputies of the left coalition. Leon Jouhaux, ex-CGT remained general secretary of CGT reunified, but Frachon entered to the Confederal office. The new statutes of CGT envisaging the incompatibility between trade-union and political mandates, it had to resign of the Political office of the Party. This resignation was purely formal. One always regarded it as member of the direction.

Following the electoral victory of the Popular front, a powerful spontaneous general strike started, with occupations. Disconcerted by this movement come from the base, the direction of PCF invited to resume work at the beginning of June. The rate/rhythm of the strikes was not everywhere the same one, local specificities remainder strong.

Statistics

These statistics are drawn from J.P. Brunet, Histoire of PCF (cf bibliography).

The organization of PCF in the years 36-39

In 1936, PCF reached the final stage of its evolution, a stable form which one could describe as Leninist-Stalinist, i.e. he still answers the criteria of the Bolchevism such as they were defined at the time of the congress of Turns, but which he now lays out of a supreme authority which makes it possible to possibly slice all the debates and to solve all the conflicts. It is a form of organization which has many advantages, since it avoids enliser the great number in sterile debates often turning around quarrels of people. Thus function the companies with their chairmen., the armies with their general-in-chiefs and the church with an infallible pope proclaimed for the life as of its election. If the Communists do not say that Stalin is inspired by the the Holy Spirit, they undoubtedly think it. In fact, very few leaders know Stalin personally. They receive the directives of the IC, and Stalin intervenes in the decisions of the IC when he wants, but he especially does it for the important things.

The maintenance of the Leninist principles implies the coexistence of 3 distinct apparatuses: the legal apparatus is that which appears at the conclusion of the congresses, with its Political office, its Central committee, its organization in cells, rays, persons in charge departmental, interregional, its elected officials, deputies or mayors. The illegal apparatus must make it possible the Party to support a prohibition, as a normally extinct generator is ready to start in the event of power cut. It thus consists of a clandestine device of cushy jobs, printing works, financial means safe from a seizure, with some leaders not having any official function. The apparatus of IC control on the French territory of the militants who are attached directly to the IC, without any structural relationship with the French section, i.e. with PCF. Thus, the foreigners are organized at the time in the immigrant Main-d'oeuvre (ME), attached to PCF for the practical problems, but in the facts, under the direct political control of the IC.

If the IC can delegate to foreigners, like Fried, of the responsibilities near the French Party, of the French leaders can also ensure of the functions which overflow the national framework. Thus, Jacques Duclos, member of the Political office and the secretariat of the Party, deputy of Montreuil and vice-president of the House of Commons in 1936 is also member of the executive committee of the IC and frequently put at contribution to represent the IC near the parties Belgian little brothers and Spanish.

In years 36-39, the party counts between 200.000 and 300.000 members, and essence of them have anything to see neither with the illegal apparatus, nor with the apparatus of the IC. But as soon as they take some responsabilities, which can arrive very quickly, in this young party, their career is managed by the section of the executives, which concerns at the same time the department of personnel and the internal police force. Each person in charge must fill a biography which relates to at the same time its clean last, but also some elements on his family entourage. As it climbs the levels, it will be able to have to fill several times of the increasingly precise biographies. Once these biographies gathered in Moscow, it becomes theoretically possible with a Soviet civil servant to manage this French revolutionary personnel.

1936-39: The War of Spain

In July 1936, Franco made against the Spanish Republic its attempt at putsch which says in Spanish “pronunciamiento”. The Spanish civil war started, and it lasted until February 1939. The first volunteers of the Communist party were sent at the beginning of September, but it is during a meeting with Ivry, at Thorez, on September 18th, where were invited, Fried, the delegate of the IC, Emile Dutilleul the treasurer of the Party, Maurice Tréand, the person in charge of the section of the executives, and Ceretti, an Italian at the same time member of the Central committee and directing ME. The broad outlines of the implication of PCF in the war of Spain were thrown, and the distributed roles: Tréand recruited the militants, Ceretti dealt with the supply out of weapons, and Dutilleul of the collections. The things will evolve/move thereafter a little differently.

In 1936, PCF was not within International party among others. Beside the Soviet party there remained the only Communist party of some importance after the prohibition of the parties in the fascistic countries, Italy in 1924 and Germany in 1933. The French Party was with the point for the support for republican Spain. Let us point out that in 1936, all the large countries, including the USSR, had officially decided for the non-intervention, which will quickly be violated by Germany and Italy. The Republicans accepted direct aid against payment of the only USSR, but as this one did not wish to intervene directly not to contravene the rules of non-intervention, and than in any case, it was necessary well to make forward the Soviet weapons by the French territory, the French Party, in addition to the action of support which it had initiated as of August 1936, an important role of intermediary between the USSR and the Spanish republican government played.

The government of Leon Blum remained on the line of non-intervention and refused direct aid with the republicans. In practice, the attitude of Blum and its successors was never that of a strict neutrality. In August 1936, Blum appointed the customs officer Gaston Cusin like the person in charge within the apparatus of State of the clandestine assistance in Spain. Cusin met Thorez and Duclos which, them, indicated Ceretti like interlocutor of the Communist party. Thus all was set up so that enormous quantities of weapons and various materials can forward by the ports and the French territory. PCF then had to obtain an adequate infrastructure to face completely new problems of logistics. On its side, Cusin could be pressed on three thousand customs officers sympathizers of which a hundred sure men could make smugglers of elite.

A maritime company, France-Navigation was created under the authority of Ceretti, in May 1937, for the greatest happiness of the impotent Spanish government to convince of other companies to have to face the blockade of its ports by the pro-Franco navy, for greatest happiness, also, of Stalin, who wanted to deliver weapons well to the Spaniards, but without engaging of Soviet buildings. The Spanish government had put the three quarters of its gold reserves at the shelter, in the USSR, so that Stalin did not have problems to be made pay. In complement of France-Navigation, the company of road transport of Pelayo ensured the crossing of the French territory with tens of Dodge, Ford, Latil. There were all those, also, which dealt with provisioning of all kinds of food products. Michel Feintuch, a Polish Jewish immigrant, that one will know better under the pseudonym of Jean Jerome, forwarded to republican Spain of the weapons, but also of the machines, copper, zinc. To conclude all these traffics, there was from now on place with the Party for the business man of a particular kind, beside the salesman of the Humanité , the powerful orator trade unionist and the normalien journalist.

For PCF, the last phase of the war of Spain was humane, to help the hundreds of thousands of refugees who stagnated in camps since January 1939. It was often said that the war of Spain had been an anticipation of the cataclysm which was to shake the world of 1939 to 1945. Completely mobilized in the support for Spain, the Party could not be unaware of the dark clouds which darkened the horizon. More than ever, it was necessary to prepare with clandestinity. Three men were distributed the search for cushy jobs: some were vast properties, extremely distant from Paris, as far as Belgium or in Sweden: by derision, the Communists spoke about their castles; it was the business of Ceretti. One entrusted to Rene Mourre the responsibility to find sluice-gate trusses in the Paris basin. The HLM of the boulevards of belt and the suburban houses were spring of Arthur Dallidet. It sacrificed with his partner Mounette Dutilleul many Sundays to furrow with bicycle all the Paris region and well beyond.

1938-44: The Second world war

1938-39: Agreements of Munich at the entry in war

The September 30th 1938, Daladier and Chamberlain signed with Hitler the agreements of Munich which devoted the dismemberment of the Czechoslovakia. On its return to the airport of Le Bourget, Daladier was acclaimed by the crowd which believed the isolated war. With the Room, with only three other deputies, the sixty twelve Communists rejected the agreements. Since the Anschluss, a few months earlier, the Communists well only felt to denounce the danger Nazi. The majority of the population thought that by yielding ground to Hitler, one would avoid a new war. This time, the Communists were persuaded that France and the the United Kingdom had wanted to divert towards the USSR the lightnings hitlériennes, and it is true that they were numerous, on the right, both in London and in Paris, those which thought that the least bad war would be that which would have opposed the Nazi to the Bolshevik. For the Communists, the things were still simple, the antifascism and the defense of the USSR was only one combat.

One includes/understands of as much better the distress of the Communists when, by the radio and the newspapers, they took note of the Pacte germano-Soviet on August 23rd, 1939. After the Austria and the Czechoslovakia, the Nazis lorgnaient now side of the Poland, taking advantage of rights on the Couloir of Dantzig. Negotiations crossed, between London, Paris and Moscow, for a military alliance likely to counter the German threat. But Stalin had decided that the hour had not come from confrontation with Hitler, and it made to the Westerners the blow Munich with back, it showed them that it would be always most cynical. As of the month of May 1939, the Soviet diplomats in Berlin had started to take language with their German counterparts. Secret talks were committed, which were to make it possible the USSR to remain well off a conflict considered to be inevitable. The pact was signed on August 23rd, of the secret agreements envisaged the division of Poland. September 3rd, France declared the war in Germany following the invasion of Poland.

It a few days ago during which the French Communists tried to reconcile their fidelity with the USSR and their convictions antifascists. Visceral Antifascism of these Communists who began in mass for Spain and blind fidelity in the USSR. Stalin could massacre well Russian Communists per tens of thousands, the French Communists regarded it as a alive God. They did not want to know. All could these delegates with the Komintern who made the shuttle between Paris and Moscow, be unaware of that on a manpower of 492 people entered with the Comintern, 112 were stopped in 1937 or 1938, and in the majority of the cases, shot?

Therefore, the Communists were disturbed, and at the base, there were some defections well, but as a whole they did not question the cogency of the pact, because Stalin was to have his reasons well. Not question of repudiating the pact, but no explanation, no instruction reached them by the usual channels of the International one. Then, they sent to Moscow, to receive explanations, Arthur Dallidet, which left accompanied by one its assistants, Georges Beaufils. While waiting for the explanations, they vote with the Parliament the appropriations of war on September 2nd and Thorez joined its unit.

September 39 - June 40: Dissolution of the Party at the entry of the Germans in Paris

But the rupture was already consumed with the Prime Minister for the time, Daladier. In August 1939, it attacks and prohibits the communist press dice on August 26th, and dissolves the Party on September 26th. Thus attacked, the party can it more easily make conceal the states of heart. One tightens the bolts and one defends the besieged fortress. Like any alive body, the Party fights for its survival. Perhaps the policy of oppression of Daladier it contributed to this survival.

It seems that Dallidet and Beaufils could meet in Moscow only minor figures. They will return to France without true explanations on the intentions of Soviet. It is at the end of September that Dimitrov forwards to Paris directives much more serious, transmitted by Raymond Guyot, in station in Moscow as a general secretary of youths of the IC. Order is given to cease the attacks against the Germans and not to denounce but the " more; war impérialiste" British and of the French. The Communists who will leave the Party due to dissension with the pact will be the exception more than the rule. In the parliamentary group where the defections are particularly numerous, one does not count finally on the 72 deputies of the group which 23 resignations, including 2 members of the Central committee.

For the daily life of the Communists, the major fact starting from September 26th, 1939 that one can be communist more only mobilized, clandestine or is imprisoned. This rule will remain in application until the Release, in August 44, with this close as from June 40, the choice will be reduced to the last alternative, clandestine or imprisoned, and one does not speak about not shot. In September 39, all the men up to 40 years are mobilized. Maurice Thorez, therefore, in is. Jacques Duclos, Benoit Frachon and Charles Tillon passed the age limit. For these persons in charge who are not mobilized, better is worth more not to sleep at home. Those which will not be able to apply this security instruction will make gather. Thus, half of the Central committee and three members of the Political office, Marcel Cachin, Pierre Sémard and François Billoux, will find themselves imprisoned.

In spite of the small number of defections within the apparatus, the Party, as a whole, is found completely disorganized. It seems well that the assumption of the mobilization was not considered in the installation of the clandestine apparatus. They was, one remembers, a condition of membership to International, to maintain in place a clandestine apparatus with cushy jobs, masks of replacement, printing works. Thus, even if the Party could carry out a legal life, which was the case before September 39, it were to be able to support the introduction of dictatorship of a fascistic type or to plunge itself in the illegal action. But the majority of the persons in charge were young men who went themselves from there to populate the casemates of the Maginot line. The conjunction of the mobilization and the dissolution of the Party caused this disorganization that the setting-up of a clandestine apparatus had precisely the role to avoid.

The International one had decided to gather the apparatus of the Comintern and the essence of the French direction in Belgium. Fried was already installed there on August 23rd, 39, Ceretti accepted the first the order it to join, and thereafter Maurice Thorez, Jacques Duclos, Arthur Ramette and Maurice Tréand. An official order of Dimitrov, transmitted by Mounette Dutilleul enjoignit to Thorez the order to desert. It passed the Belgian border, and, from there, gained Moscow.

The leaders who are not mobilized by the army and whom the IC do not transfer to Brussels are sent in the various areas. Thus, Charles Tillon will be regional boss in Bordeaux, Gaston Monmousseau in Marseilles and Auguste Havez in Brittany.

In Paris, the Party maintains an activity minimal: propaganda brochure distributions, episodical publication of clandestine Humanity. It is with Florimond Bonte that returns the frightening honor to defend the line of the Comintern before the assembly of the deputies. It does not have even time to leave its text which the president Herriot orders to the ushers to expel. 317 municipalities controlled by the PC are dissolved, and 2800 deposed elected officials their mandates. On the whole, there will be several thousands of arrests. Repression settled until in CGT, reunified since 1936, but always held in hand by Leon Jouhaux. As of on September 18th, the confederal office excluded from CGT all its members who would not subscribe to his judgment of the pact. In many basic trade unions, the Communists were majority: they will be dissolved by the Minister of Interior Department (620, on the whole).

The Communist militants available fight so that the Party survives; they reorganize their clandestine structures. The young girls of the Union of the young girls of France (UJFF) go up in first line to save their party: Claudine Chomat, Danielle Casanova, Georgette Tallied and so much of others make wonder to restick the pieces and to maintain the flame. They will be called liaison officers or women of connections, but they assume by interim of the considerable responsibilities.

The diving in clandestinity implies the disappearance of all the traditional structures, cells, rays, and the installation of triangles, or groups of three, basic principle of the clandestine organization. The Order in Council of April 9th, 1940, presented to the President of the Republic by minister SFIO Albert Sérol (OJ of April 10th, 1940), envisaging the capital punishment for communist propaganda, comparing it to propaganda Nazi, accentuates the dangers. Schematically, a member of the triangle for the contact upstream, another for the contact downstream, and the last to carry out the tasks which are reserved for the group, for example, propaganda brochure distribution. In addition to this organization by three, the Special Organization, more commonly called OS, is a service of a nature adapted to the new situation, which must ensure the safety of the militants at the time of the distributions at the risk. This installation of the clandestine organization will be made in a very unequal way, according to the areas, between the beginning and the end of the year 1940.

Danielle Casanova and Victor Michaut is charged to organize a pacifist propaganda in direction them soldiers without never calling with the desertion. the level of implication of the party in some businesses of sabotage attested in arms factories remains a subject of interrogation for the historians (See detailed article the question of sabotage)

In May 1940, the surge of the German columns on the country does not simplify an already difficult situation. Dark whole country, and the pieces of Party survive after a fashion on the tumultuous floods of the rout. The communist philosopher Politzer is used as intermediary to tie contacts between the minister Anatole de Monzie and Benoît Frachon to constitute a kind of sacred union for defense of Paris, but Paris is not defended and so much the government which the direction of the Party must take their provisions to fold up itself towards the South.

Whereas the deputy of Amiens, Jean Catelas remains in Paris the only one representing direction with Gabriel Péri, Frachon and its team finds itself in Fursanne, close to Limoges, in High-Vienna. Victor Michaut, Arthur Dallidet and Mounette Dutilleul is around Frachon.

June 40 in June 41 occupation before Barbarossa

First months of the occupation

June 15th, Duclos and Tréand, the person in charge with the executives, arrive at Paris. They put nearly 4 weeks before establishing a contact with the Frachon group in High-Vienna. A word should well be said here business of the talks for the republication of Humanity. It is a subject which was discussed since 1945 until 1990, but since the opening of the files of the Comintern, it is completely cleared up, except perhaps the detail of the relations between Duclos and Tréand.

Steps are made by Tréand and other militants near the authorities of occupation to negotiate the republication of Humanity. These steps are known of Duclos and of the correspondents of the French party in Moscow with which at least eight letters of which some make ten pages are exchanged between the end of June and the beginning of August. The line official of the party, emanating from Moscow and normally applied by the French Section of the International Communist, does not put in priority the fight against the Nazis. It is thus planned completely normally to leave a legal Humanity, which last with the filter of the censure would have adopted a neutrality with respect to the occupant. The talks concerning Huma fell through finally because of the Germans. Hitler repudiated Otto Abetz which finassait to transform Communists disorientated into good national-Socialists. On their side, the authorities of Vichy obtained win to prevent the legalization of the party.

As long as the negotiations last, that is to say until the end of August, one does not find in the clandestine numbers of the newspaper any explicit attack against the occupant. In exchange, note Peschanski, Abetz releases more than 300 Communists imprisoned since the autumn 1939. The term of fraternization appears in the numbers 59 and 61 of the clandestine Humanité which leave the 4 respectively and on July 13rd: " the friendly conversations multiply between Parisian workers and German soldiers: We are happy. Let us learn how to know us, and when one says to the German soldiers that the communist deputies were thrown in prison and that in 1923, the Communists drew up oneself against the occupation of the Ruhr, one works for Franco-German fraternity ".

At the same time with the confidential steps for the republication of Huma, the direction of the Party follows a policy of legalization. After nine months of clandestinity, it is a question of benefitting from the political vacuum to re-occupy the ground. The town councilors and the trade union officials are invited to leave their dens to take again the way of their permanences, to re-occupy the lost municipalities, to carry out speeches. This followed line, approximately, from June to September proves to be a complete disaster.

The negotiations with the Germans for the republication of Huma very quickly cause sharp debates at the Communists disseminated with the four corners of France within the communist movement. Thus, when the communications were restored, after a fashion, between Paris and High-Vienna, the team around Frachon, which had had wind of the talks, was somewhat traumatisée. For example, according to Mounette Dutilleul, the question was discussed in High-Vienna within the Frachon team:

" It is indeed with four, Frachon, Michaut, Cadras, Dallidet, that the meeting organized in wood is held of Saint-Priest-Taurion. Marie and me made " the pet". It was there all the service of order of which we could lay out then! What I knew, of this meeting of the four, it is that Michaut and Cadras did not include/understand, nor did not admit the official request with the authorities of occupation of the publication of Humanity. Frachon, less slicing in its expression, thought absolutely necessary to go to see more closely. It was decided that it would go back to Paris… "

Finally, the operation engaged with the full agreement of the IC was repudiated by the IC. A directive dated August 5th clarifies the line of the Party with respect to the occupants: " According to information arrived by various ways about situation to France, it is obvious that the Party is threatened of serious dangers on behalf of the operations of the occupant… Consequently, we propose the following code of conduct to you:

1. the Party must categorically push back and condemn like treason any demonstration of solidarity with the occupants."

2. To strictly limit all relationship with the authorities occupation to the purely formal questions and of administrative nature.

3. To continue the efforts to obtain the legalization of the working press and to use the least legal possibilities for the political activity and propaganda. 8. Let us warn the direction of the Party that Jacques is personally in charge of the responsibility for the unconditional realization for the indications present and invite all the members of the direction with maximum of firmness, responsibility and discipline of iron and to require of it as many all the members the party .

The consequence of item 8 of the directive of August 5th will be the setting well off Tréand, partial initially, then total and final starting from the end of 40. Its attributions will slip gradually on Dallidet and Cadras.

To be complete on the action of Duclos over this period, it is necessary to mention the diffusion of the leaflet known as the Appel of July 10th, 1940 and of which he was the principal writer. Beside completely orthodoxe analyzes where are blamed, in virulent terms, all the leaders of the Third Republic and the " plutocrats " from Vichy, beside the inevitable references to the USSR, emerge from the nationalist evocations which call with the rectification of people ravaged and humiliated by an enemy occupation

" … France still very bloody wants to live free and independent… Never people as ours will not be people of slaves and if, in spite of terror, these people knew, in the most various forms, to show its reprobation to see France connected with the tank of the British imperialism, it will be able to currently mean also with the band with capacity SA WILL TO BE FREE "

It is clear that this text where the simple words " vainly are scanned for; allemands" or " nazis" could not in no case to be regarded as an act of resistance to the occupant, but shows simply that parallel to the steps of legal republication of their press, the Communists were determined to preserve a technical device ensuring to them the diffusion of an expression independent of any censure.

Many heavier consequences than the talks for the republication of Huma, the confirmation of the policy of legalization of the Party have as a consequence the raids of October and November 40, which send a few militant thousands to join the comrades put under the bolts by Daladier.

The police force of Vichy launches her offensive in Paris region at the end of September. A first hecatomb touches three hundred militants among whom many political officials or trade-union. Other raids follow in province. While being added to the internees of 1939, they will be thus between ten and twenty thousand elected officials and militants to be piled up in various camps of which most known is that of Châteaubriant. As of October 1940 the period of total clandestinity starts which will last until 1944.

In province, the persons in charge are practically cut of any contact and are led consequently to improvise a political line according to their convictions. To Bordeaux, on June 17th in the morning, whereas the Germans sink on the city, a general colonel just promoted, Charles de Gaulle manages to fly away for London from where he will pronounce his famous Appel of June 18th. This same June 17th, with 12:30, Charles Tillon, after having listened to the broadcast message of the new Head of State Philippe Pétain, writes a leaflet entitled " People of France " , whose content is revealing feelings which could animate an independent Communist, but by no means marginal within the party:

" … But French people does not want slavery, misery and Fascism, not more than he did not want the war of the capitalists. It is the number, linked, it will be the force… - For a popular government, releasing the workers, restoring the legality of the Communist party, fighting against Fascism hitlérien Populate factories, fields, stores and offices, tradesmen, craftsmen and intellectuals, soldiers, sailors and aviators still under the weapons, you in the action link. " What distinguishes primarily the communist literature from Bordeaux of that diffused in Paris, it is an explicit call to the fight against the fascistic occupant. In Brittany, Auguste Havez will be even percussion, on June 22nd " … There will be no respite before to have pared the boots hitlériennes out of our country… "

Side of youth, the clandestine life is also set up. Communist youths are less directly touched by the instructions of the Comintern, which worries mainly about the organization of the Party. However, their apparatus, less organized, has great difficulty to resist the passage clandestiné. The first months of the occupation are marked by mainly individual and local actions, especially in the students: propaganda brochure distributions in the Latin Quarter and organization of a press (in particular the changing and the free university ). It is with the arrest of the professor Paul Langevin, on October 30th, 1940, that the young movement and student will start to set up themselves: communist students and gaullists, among whom François Lescure, national secretary of clandestine UEC, Danielle Casanova, general secretary of the UJFF or Francis Cohen, organizes a demonstration in front of the Collège de France, where Langevin taught, on November 8th: few tens of demonstrators are quickly scattered. But this first gathering creates the rumor in the Latin Quarter; thanks to clandestine propaganda brochure distributions and with the word of mount, the first public demonstration against the occupant proceeds on November 11th, 1940, on the Fields-Élysées: it gathers one or two thousands of young people and students. In reprisals, hundreds of arrests are made among the students, including François Lescure, and the Sorbonne will be closed during more than one month.

The reorganization of the party in clandestinity

At the beginning of September, Tillon refused to give to an envoy of Tréand the list of the principal leaders of the area and cushy jobs used for the material, because it was contrary with the rules of clandestinity. In the months which follow, in fact similar rules are essential on all the levels of the Party. The incartade of Tillon does not make obstacle with its advance. On proposal of Frachon it becomes with beginning of the year 41 the third of a secretariat whose chief is Duclos. Frachon wrote in Huma, in 1970, qu ' it had made go up Tillon of Bordeaux to deal with the armed struggle. But at the end of 1940 or even at the beginning of 1941, it is by no means question of armed struggle against the occupant. The groups of OS which were created here and there are primarily a service of a nature adapted to clandestinity, therefore armed, when there were weapons, intended to protect the militants and to punish the traitors. Tillon will be really integrated into the direction only in the month of May 41.

To the beginning of 41, Felix Cadras, that Frachon had left in Southern zone with Victor Michaut, is recalled to Paris, to take up the duties of person in charge to the organization, which releases Arthur Dallidet of part of its work. Huma clandestine appears rather regularly, but never again once by week, and of this fact of the intellectuals like the prestigious philosopher Georges Politzer or journalist Gabriel Péri is largely under-employed. Duclos is largely enough to fill the recto weekly back. Manpower of the Party at that time should not exceed a few thousands, which live chichement, but nevertheless touch their 2000 or 2300 francs per month. Thanks to Jean Jerome and in Tréand, the majority of the masks which shelter different the treasure from the Party are again under control. In Paris, the Special Brigades anticommunists of the Vichy government are made menaçantes more and more. In May 41, in Paris, following the interpellation of its liaison officer, Jean Catelas (one of the principal persons in charge of the organization with Dallidet and Cadras), then Gabriel Péri and Mounette Dutilleul are stopped. Two months earlier, it is in Southern zone that the Party was decapitated with the fall of Jean Chaintron and Victor Michaut. The first July 41, the person in charge of the area of Paris, André Bréchet falls with thirty comrades.

June 41 - August 44 engagement in the armed struggle and convergence with De Gaulle

June 22nd, 1941, at four o'clock in the morning, German armor-plated divisions break on the USSR. From the June 22nd, any growth Communists to fight the Germans, with the same logic which pushed De Gaulle, on June 18th, 40, to want to continue the combat at the sides of the Allies. The Communists quite naturally begin to fight at the sides of their ally to them, the USSR. So that the things are clear, it is necessary, as a declaration of war, to pose on the national scene the act more symbolic system which is: to kill out of the Germans. August 23rd, on the quay of the subway Barbs, Pierre Georges, future Colonel Fabien, discharge his 6.35 on an officer of Kriegsmarine, the Moser candidate. It is of use to take this event like starting point of the armed struggle carried out by the Communist party against the Germans. In fact there already had been an attack perpetrated by three buddies of Fabien, Maurice Berre, Manuel and Bourdarias but it passed unperceived, because the German officer killed by Berre had just left a prostitute, and the Germans did not make a point of assembling out of pin this business.

The wave of attacks was prolonged until November and started a process of reprisals consisting of the execution of Jewish or communist hostages. The climbing of the reprisals took a massive character, on October 22nd, with the setting with died of twenty-two internees of the camp of Chateaubriant, among which the trade unionist Jean-Pierre Timbaud and the young person Guy Môquet, 17 years, wire of a communist deputy. It was not the first time that the Germans shot in occupied France, but hitherto the victims had been recognized guilty in comparison with the German law, whereas certain internees of Chateaubriant were guilty only to have been communist during the funny one of war or during the time which followed the armistice.

The first commandos of shock of the Communists are made up starting from Communist youths (JC) under the name of " Battalion of Youth ". Slowly, starting from the end of 41, but especially at the beginning of 42, FTPF (Frank Gunners In favor French) were set up like a resistance movement armed structurally independent of the Party. Over all year 42 were spread out the long story of the approach of the Communists and the representatives of de Gaulle. It is undoubtedly not indifferent that the USSR released the way while engaging with De Gaulle of the talks which were to lead in September 42 to the recognition of the French National committee like legitimate representative of France. A Galician Jew Michel Feintuch, alias Jean Jerome, accent to be crossed to the knife, played a part of first importance so that of French other French meet: Jean Jerome learned that François Faure, wire of the historian of art Elie Faure had dependant part with Resistance gaullist. He met it in April 42 and asked him to inform the General that the direction of PCF was eager to discuss its form of collaboration to the organization of free France. Finally, the two negotiators, who met on several occasions were Gilbert Renault, alias Rémy for free France and, for PCF, Georges Beaufils, associated, to some extent, of Jean Jerome. These contacts lead initially to some exchanges between BCRA, intelligence service of free France and the ftp: Weapons against information. From August, the contacts become more political: Beaufils meets Pierre Brossolette, which, this time represents De Gaulle and who insists highly so that the Party is represented in London. It is Fernand Grenier, former deputy of Saint-Denis and escaped prisoner of the camp of Châteaubriand one year earlier which is indicated by Duclos to go to represent the Party in London at De Gaulle. It is in company of Rémy that Fernand Grenier embarks with Saint-Swallow-hole on a fishing vessel at the beginning of the month of January 43.

When the Americans unload in North Africa, in November 42, 500 Communist militants are interned in Algeria. Among them, twenty-seven former deputies, transferred in 1941 from the prison from Puy to Maison Carrée in 1941. They are released by the Général Giraud more than 2 months after the American unloading, and some of them will belong to the Consultative Assembly that de Gaulle will join together for the first time in November 43. Meanwhile, the Communists will have played a scientist play of rocker between Giraud and De Gaulle, because if Stalin supported De Gaulle unconditionally whereas Roosevelt tried to push Giraud ahead, the French Communists will take care well not to give too many being able to that of which they know well that it will become early or late a political adversary, and who intends well into 43 to remain the owner of the Fighting France. After long negotiations, in April 44 Andre Billoux, former member of the political office and Fernand Grenier with CFLN then ministers will be police chiefs when the CFLN becomes the provisional government. Meanwhile, De Gaulle in October 43 lets come André Marty from Moscow, but refuses the entry of Thorez considered as deserter.

When Jean Moulin is parachuted in France on January 1st, 1942, it has the role of unifying interior Resistance under the authority of De Gaulle. During more than one year, its action relates to almost only the noncommunist movements, but it is sufficiently political to know that it can approach the Communists only in strong position. It concentrates its action throughout year 42 on the union of the 3 main movements of resistance of the Southern zone: Combat , Release and Franc-tireur .

On their side, the Communists do not remain inactive. As from November 42, they reactivate the National front created spring 41. Pierre Villon, of his true name Roger Ginsburger, an Alsatian architect who had had responsibilities with the Comintern was the principal leader, but in the Southern zone, Georges Marrane and Madeleine Braun covered much ground to rejoin around the National front of the populations targeted in the groups of population which were not precisely famous to belong to the natural customers of the Party: Doctors, musicians, ecclesiastics. In a context of clandestinity, it is not very difficult for the Party to keep the full control of the National front, but recruitment largely exceeds the framework of the sympathizers of the Party. The ftp, resistance movement armed created by the Communists is then presented like the emanation of the National front. At the same time, under the impulse of Jean Moulin, the 3 movements of the Southern zone amalgamate to form the WALL (plain Mouvements of Resistance) whereas the military organizations of these movements formed the ACE (Secret Armée). During a few months, it is possible to defend the position according to which the National front had as much legitimacy than the WALL to federate interior Resistance. Finally, the National front, as well as PCF and CGT take part in the foundation of CNR on May 27th, 43, but the ftp remain independent of the Secret Army until December 29th, 1943, creation date of the FFI. In fact, the ftp will preserve their own structure until the Release.

The Communist militants played also a determining role in Resistance in annexed France. On specificities of the local situation, to see the acts of the conference " Annexation and nazification in Europe" (Metz, November 7th and 8th 2003), published under the direction of Sylvain Schirmann (University of Strasbourg), on Internet site of the Memorial of the Alsace-Moselle with Schirmeck, in particular the communications of Pierre Schill (p. 173 to 187) and Leon Tinelli (p. 163 to 172)

As from the moment when the Communists were integrated into the various authorities of interior Resistance, they tried, of course, to draw the cover with them. Their major cohesion, the years of experiment of clandestinity gives them an unquestionable advantage on all the other components of Resistance. However, one never should lose sight of the fact that some is the orientations taken by the Party, that they are decided in Moscow or in Hurepoix where the members of the secretariat resided, communist Resistance, just like noncommunist Resistance could existed only because of the French joined there in relatively massive form as from 1943. That one considers shot, the deportees, the holders of charts of combatants of Resistance, force is to note that the share of the Communists is important.

June 41 - August 44 direction of the Party in clandestinity

The Frachon-Duclos couple

It is necessary to insist on the fact that the Party is directed during the war by two men: Jacques Duclos and Benoit Frachon. Charles Tillon as from May 41 and Auguste Lecoeur as from May 42, also takes part in about monthly meetings of the secretariat. In August 40, Duclos was indicated by Moscow like the number one, but the natural authority of Frachon is such as one can wonder whether he were not the authentic inspirer of all the orientations of the executive team. This does not exclude the discipline with respect to the Internationale Communist or of the USSR.

Paris and its close relation crown having become too supervised by the police force, starting from the end of 41, the three members of the secretariat settled in Seine-et-Oise, in this part of the current Essonne which one calls the Hurepoix: Tillon, initially, with Palaiseau then with Limours, Duclos, with Villebon-sur-Yvette and Frachon with Forging mill-the-Baths

The Duclos-Frachon couple formed already part, with Maurice Thorez and Eugen Fried of the core directing since the beginning of the Thirties. Duclos is the chief, appointed by name by the secretariat of the International Communist on August 5th, 1940. Benoît Frachon probably intellectually dominated the couple throughout the years of occupation. As for Fried and Thorez, they are, in fact, put on the key: Fried, transferred to Brussels at the beginning of the hostilities to play a part of coordinator on all Western Europe, will not be useful, makes of it that of letter-box between Moscow and Paris. It is killed on August 17th, 1943 during a searching of Gestapo. Thorez, undoubtedly influence at Dimitrov to send directives to the French Party will see its role practically destroyed when in front of the advance of Wehrmacht on Moscow, in autumn 41, it had to take refuge at the fine bottom of the Caucasus.

Tillon, Lecoeur and others

It is not possible to quote here all the men who revolved around the direction. It is however that one cannot be unaware of: Charles Tillon, co-opted dice at the end of 40 to pack the secrétatriat, and which, after a few months of waiting will be charged to set up the armed struggle. It will be leading FTPF. Auguste Lecoeur which will become as from spring 42 the fourth musketeer of the direction, will attend the monthly meetings of the secretariat, and was essential like the large leader of all the apparatus of the Party. Arthur Dallidet, " person in charge of the cadres" until its arrest, in February 42, which built on the ground the clandestine Party. Pierre Villon, initially charged to supervise the National front, then to represent this one within the CNR and which were essential, after the disappearance of Jean Moulin, like the strong man of the permanent office of CNR and of its military emanation, the COMAC. Jean Jerome, finally, always near to Duclos until its arrest in April 43, which was not only the Minister of Finance of the Party, but which was implied as well in the creation of the National front as in the first contacts with free France. In Southern zone, Georges Marrane and Raymond Guyot as from January 42 played a part of first importance.

Five years of operation in clandestinity, without any loss with regard to the first circle of the secretariat, by maintaining beginning with the end a communication at the same time with Moscow and the various authorities regional and catégorielles of the Party, here which represents a single case in the history of Resistance.

A centralized and parcelled out clandestine apparatus

It is however advisable to raise the question about the effective capacity exerted by this direction. The answer is moderate: on a side, the Party remains centralized, the militants even more easily accept the discipline in the storm. On another side, clandestinity pushes towards a bulk-heading which induces local tendencies naturally separatists. For example, Duclos does not know large-thing of the life of the ftp, but Tillon does not know large-thing of the life of the ftp in Southern zone which is attached directly to Duclos. But the direction of the ftp in Southern zone does not know practically anything what passes in the largest maquis under communist control, that of the Limousin directed by Georges Guingouin. The ftp foreigners, on the ME (international Labor) depends also directly on Duclos.

The diffusion of the Press remains very centralized, in spite of the multiplication of specialized bulletins. Once per quarter, the executives of the Party receive " Life of Parti" , about thirty pages in which it is very easy for the local executives to draw matter to make several local leaflets of them. Clandestine Humanity is drawn, in the printing works of Gometz-the-City to a restricted number of specimens to be diffused on the areas there, where they will be reproduced in great number with the specific means of the areas. The majority of groups ftp hardly receive Center more than their technical press agency, France Initially, and booklets, bearing for example on the various types of weapons used by the armies German and French. It is out of the question that a maquis installed in the Jura or the Massif Central can be controlled directly by the National Military Commission (CMN) which meets regularly close to Palaiseau.

As from June 41 when it was not possible any more to communicate through the Soviet embassies of German Europe, Duclos was in about permanent radio operator liaison with Soviet. Initially (but until when June 41? May 43?), all the messages forwarded by Brussels, i.e. by Fried, they was comrades railwaymen who ensured transport. Thereafter, the radio contacts were never direct with Moscow, but forwarded by the Soviet embassy of London. The radio operator operators were often the old ones of France Navigation, this fleet created by the IC and PCF at the time of the war of Spain. It happened that they communicated between them, but generally, the radios were strictly reserved for the connections with the Soviets or the British. The interior links were made of man with man by the train, which implies times of at least a week between a question and an answer, with very frequent losses of contacts with such or such, which could last several weeks. From the fall of Trepper (See red Orchestra), at the beginning of 43, the same network of radios, that of PCF, was shared by the Party and the Soviet services.

And Thorez?

Not possible not to speak about the dissolution of the International Communist (IC or Comintern), in May 43, decided by Stalin to reassure his allies British and American. The practical repercussions were unimportant, but the news caused a certain shock on all the militants and leaders: PCF was called officially the SFIC, French Section of the International Communist, and it was a source of pride, for the Communists to be affiliated to international. When the Party built a history of this period, the occasion was seized to use this dissolution to remake the biography of Maurice Thorez which was in Moscow since end 39: According to the official version, Thorez would have left the national territory to go there at this time to the meeting of dissolution of the International one.

June 41 - August 44: Strikes, Maquis, Urban guerilla warfare

The strike of the field

The strike of the Collieries of North, in May - June 1941 is the greatest protest movement of the years of occupation. It is animated by the Communists in the forefront of which Auguste Lecoeur was. The near total of the effecifs of the field, approximately 100000 minors put themselves in strike on the basis of traditional claim of wage increase and improvement of the work conditions. The Germans themselves must organize repression to put an end to the strike. Tens of presumedly driving are off-set.

Guingouin and the maquis of the Limousin

The maquis of High-Vienna, directed by Georges Guingouin is more the good example of the development of the Party in certain French provinces. 27 year old teacher in 1940, Guingouin as soon as demobilized reorganizes his old " ray communiste" and becomes responsible for High-Vienna in the clandestine party. It takes the maquis towards beginning of the year 41 to one time when this practice is current, neither at the Communists, nor at any mobility of stammering Resistance. Guingouin is called the " prefect of the maquis" , because he manages to control partially certain zones of his sector. In 1944, High-Vienna will be the department which will count the greatest number of resistant armed, that is to say approximately 8000 men. Little disciplined with respect to the communist direction in Southern zone represented by Leon Bad, Guingouin accepted the unconditional surrender of the German forces occupying Limoges on August 21st, 44. Promoted with the rank of Lieutenant-colonel FFI, Guingouin was seriously wounded in an car accident in November 44. Across the particular case of the maquis of the Limousin, never let us forget that the direction of the Party was in North, but that the Party especially developed in the South.

The engagement of the ME

The foreigners played a central role in the history of the Party during the war. Many foreigners immigrant in France before the war for political reasons or economic, were communist, which hardly posed problem for a party internationalist where the French section was only one among others depend on the IC (International Communist or Comintern). The various sections from EGO (Immigrant Labor) were gathered by nationalities and did not depend directly on the French party. There were foreigners who had responsibilities at PCF, like Eugen Fried, which was its tutor, but also Allard-Cerreti, Italian, or Jean Jerome, Jewish Polish immigrant in that one regards as the Minister of Finance of the Party between 1939 and end of the year 60. Of the French, like Jacques Duclos or André Marty also had responsibilities in the International one and were brought to frame sister parties. Because they did not await any leniency on behalf of the Germans, because the mode of Vichy hardly left them choice apart from clandestinity or of the internment, the various groups ME were particularly given in the fight against the occupant. Because they depended directly on the Comintern, via Duclos, one often thought that it was them that one sent in first line when came the order from Moscow to intensify the combat, whereas the French groups were inserted much in a national dynamics. In Paris, Joseph Epstein, alias colonel Gilles is a person in charge of ftp ME. One also entrusts the responsibility for combatants to him ftp of the whole of the Paris region where the training of true commandos of fifteen combatants makes it possible to carry out a certain number of spectacular actions, which would not have been possible with the groups of three which were the rule in the clandestine organization since 1940. From July in October 43, there is thus in Paris a series of direct attacks against German soldiers or officers. These commandos consist more and more of foreigners of EGO. The group of Missak Manouchian is most famous. Maquis ME also played a part of first importance in the Southern zone, for example for the release of the towns of Lyon and Toulouse.

Fabien and Release of Paris

Let us finish by the release of Paris and the figure of Fabien: August 24th, 1944 in Paris still occupied, but risen, whereas the song of joy of all the bells of the city covers for one moment the deaf slappings of the grapeshot, Fabien, the same one which earlier killed three years a German officer at the subway station Barbès, now directs the attack of the Palate of Luxembourg which shelters the staff of Luftwaffe, protected by enormous blockhouses. Three years when he will have known all of the universe of the ftp: the urban guerilla warfare in Paris, maquis in Doubs, derailments of trains in the Pas-de-Calais; wounded of a ball sunken in the head by the right-sided and brought out by the left side, decree, tortured, captive, escaped prisoner. His/her father and his father-in-law were shot, but Fabien is always alive. It took gallon. Colonel Fabien is 25 years old. The Palate of Luxembourg is too well defended for the attackers, who do not have that light weapons. The news comes from in Fabien which three tanks of Leclerc arrived as scouts at Notre-Dame. Informed about the means of joining Leclerc, it sends an emissary to Thiais, and Leclerc places seven tanks at the disposal of his/her comrade FFI. The army has this of commun run with the Party that one has comrades there. The following day, Fabien takes the Palate of Luxembourg with companies ftp of 5th, 6th, 13th and 15th districts and the seven tanks of Leclerc. At the same time, another old of the brigades, Tanguy, known as Rol, chief of the FFI of the Ile-de-France, receives with Leclerc the rendering of the general Von Choltitz.

Paris will not have known the fate of Warsaw, will have shaved and crushed before being released. Three thousand FFI will die nevertheless during the insurrection of the capital. Let us enjoy still a little with the ftp of Fabien, become FFI, the bells which resound, waiting of the night, the arrival of the seven tanks at the end of the morning. The junction between the soldiers of the shade and those of the desert is one of the most beautiful pages of the French history. De Gaulle was not mistaken there, who, in 1950, wrote in her memories:

" … the tragedy where the fate of the fatherland was played offered to these French, isolated of the nation by the injustice which raised them and the error which canted them, the historical occasion to return in the national unit, was this only for the time of the combat… " Live France" thus this time will have still shouted, at the time of dying, all those which, anyhow, anywhere, will have given their life for it… Communism will pass, but France will not pass. I am sure that, in its destiny, will finally count for much the fact that in spite of all it will not have been during its release, fugitive, but decisive moment of its history, that only one people gathered. " (Memories of War, Volume 1, the Call, p.287)

To finish its evening, Fabien goes to the 44 of the street the Furrier, old seat of the Party, reconquered the previous days by Camphin and Ballanger, and when converge all the persons in charge of the Party, their barbs clandestine the coldly shaven ones, Jacques, Benoît, Charles and the others.

1944-64 Of the Release with died of Thorez

1944-47 Communists with the Release

PCF with its apogee

The Party leaves the war stronger than it forever be, it has the wheel in motion, it still climbs. The curve of adhesions flies away towards tops ever reached, 370000 members in December 44, 800000 at the end of 46. In the electoral plan, second behind MRP with the elections of June 46, it takes the first place in November of the same year, with 28,6% of the votes, to compare with 15,3% obtained with legislative from 36. De Gaulle resigned in January 46. The Communists will take part in the various governments until May 47, by obtaining a participation more substantial than their two unhappy armchairs of the provisional government. Tillon will have been minister, without interruption, of September 44 in May 47, initially Minister for the Air, then of the Armament, finally of the Rebuilding. Thorez, initially Minister for the public office, will finish its governmental career as vice-president of the Council after having missed by little the nomination for the first place.

In fact, if one looks closely there, there is not only one quantitative progress, but a major change of the Party. Primarily working pre-war period, it leaves the period of occupation with a national establishment. The new place which it takes in the French political scene will hardly any more vary in the 40 years which followed the Release.

Changes of the Party

One carries out the sociological changes operated by the Party by considering the charts of establishment of the members and results to the elections into 1938,1947 and 1981. In 1938, the zones of strong establishment correspond, approximately with the strong working establishments, whereas in 1947, one sees an establishment in certain rural areas. The zones of influence of PCF after the war draw, in hollow, the chart of religious practices (established by the Chanoine Boulard, in the years according to war) which one knows that they are revealing greater political invariant of the French political scene. The zones of influence of PCF remained more stable between 1945 and 1981 qu ' they were not it between 1938 and 1945.

The rural areas in which PCF obtains its best score are those which Emmanuel Todd (Third Panète, the Threshold, 1982) will associate with the Community family, i.e. a family anthropological system in which relations between parents and children are of authoritative type and the relations between brothers of the authoritative type. It is also the zones in which the number of catholic practitioners is weakest. In other words, PCF was run in the traditional political scene. The establishment in the working medium is still important, but it is not any more the dominant one.

Historical comparisons

The table of coefficients of correlation below was drawn up to leave in space the French departments. It is important to note that when one makes same calculations in the space of the communes of the same department, one obtains results much more social, much less historical. This table, therefore, emphasizes that the PCF of 1947 is closer to that of 1981 than of that of 1938. It emphasizes also the strong proximity which exists between the communist vote and the dechristianization.

A Party of civils servant?

In 1947, PCF is initially the party of the public sector. It will become it more and more. And yet, it is this same year that PCF establishes for one long life its hegemony on the working main trade union, CGT. In fact, it is everyone communist which rocks slowly and durably towards the public sector. Philippe Buton points out that at Renault, the Party which counted in 1937,7675 Communists inserted on a total of 33000 workmen, counts nothing any more but 1750 of them, in 1946 on a total of 21000 workmen. With Yalta, it is more than ever socialism in only one country, wide, it is true with a small empire, and what seems to be its corollary, in France, socialism in only one sector.

Anticapitalist by definition, PCF is in resonance in a completely exceptional way with his time. The Communists did not need to core CNR to make him prepare a program of nationalizations, because at the time everyone was more or less anticapitalist, to start with Pétain and all the forces which it represented.

" In its great speech of October 12th, 1940 on the industrial relations policy, the Maréchal Pétain denounces the imported capitalism from abroad, who degraded himself to become a " control with the powers of argent" , and he promises a " social mode hiérarchisé" who " the dignity of the worker until in his old age " will guarantee; (speech written by Gaston Bergery)… the Law of September 18th, 1940 had increased the responsibility for the president of a company in the event of bankruptcy and prohibited to cumulate more than 2 management positions.

The nomination of Maurice Thorez as Minister for the public office is completely emblematic. At the end of 44, to its return of Moscow, it had given the workmen to work to rebuild France. They are the civils servant who strike in spring 46 and see themselves granting in October the statute of the public office worked out by Thorez, and which grants to them, officially, this time, the right to strike which it had appeared completely natural to refuse to them until there, as one refused it with the soldiers. Article 32 of this statute provides that remuneration minimum of the civil servant must be equal to at least 120% of the vital minimum: This provision never will be really applied, but he is affirmed, symbolically, which the civil servant must be a little more equal than the others.

1944-1954 PCF until the death of Stalin

Undoubtedly, to the Release, the idea of a takeover it crossed the spirit of many Communists. The situation is partly favorable for them, where the old red maquis give them a considerable weight vis-a-vis the authority of a provisional government very coldly set up. The Leninist experiment can encourage them, also, to benefit from aubaines of the History. But there are not a civil war between Communists and gaullists for other reasons quite as valid: Stalin does not give to the French Party directives in this direction, and the aspiration with the peace and the union of all the Resistant ones is very strong everywhere, including at the resistant Communists. Dissolution by De Gaulle, on October 28th 1944, of the “patriotic Milices” which more or less took the place of ftp, since the official fusion of those in FFI is finally accepted, De Gaulle authorizes Thorez to be returned to France (November 1944). The Communists take part in all the governments until May 1947, Thorez preaches the fine words within the working class for the battle of the production. It will be, at the end of 45, vice-president of the council, in the last government chaired by De Gaulle.

At the beginning of 47, several factors contribute to the rupture: the beginning of the Guerre of Indo-China for which the communist deputies refuse to vote the appropriations, the social situation which is degraded quickly, with the release of a strike with Renault, on April 25th, and also, on the international plan, the inexorable diving in the Cold war. Finally, the deputies refuse to vote confidence with the government, and it president of the council Ramadier revokes the communist ministers on May 5th, 1947. The Communists launch out then in insurectionnelles demonstrations, strikes and sabotages: December 3rd, 1947, 15 sabotages are carried out, of which a part on railways, causing 7 derailments, including one close to Arras (Northern), making 16 dead.

A few months later after larevocation of the communist ministers, in September 1947, with the conference of Sklarska-Poreba, in Poland, which joins together 9 European PC, the French delegates Duclos and Fajon must make the self-criticism of PCF in front of the Soviet representative Jdanov to have taken part too a long time in the middle-class parliamentary democracy by forgetting their communist specificity.

The Communists do not take part any more in any the governments of the IV {{E}} and fold up themselves, with the national plan, on their bastions which represent the CGT, whose Communists took control in 1947, and the municipalities of common workers, and with the international plan, on the Stalinist communist movement. This insulation does not prevent it from attracting the adhesion or the sympathy of a great number of intellectuals among whom one generally retains the names of Picasso, Aragon and Éluard.

With the direction of the Party, one finds Thorez, Duclos and Frachon, although this last is devoted to trade-union work within the CGT, of which there is national secretary since 1947. Thorez will remain leading uncontested Party until its death, in 1964, but in 1950, he is struck of hémiplégie and carries out the many ones and long stays in Moscow to be made look after. Again, it is Jacques Duclos who in his absence takes the reins of the Party. Sleeve-board Vermeersch, woman of Thorez occupies an increasingly important role, but at the end of the Forties, and especially with beginning of the year 50, the rising star of the Party is Auguste Lecoeur which will be one moment considered as the dolphin of Thorez. Lecoor brutally will be évincé of the direction and will be excluded from the Party in 1954. Two years front, two other famous leaders, Marty and Tillon had been also brutally isolated political office. In the absence of Thorez, it is Duclos which carries out the operation, with the assistance of Leon Mauvais which had prepared a file for several months.

During all the period of the cold war, PCF remains unconditionally pledged in the USSR. The worship of Stalin is celebrated without restriction in the whole of the communist press. The fight against the American imperialism is hoisted in the very first places of the priorities of the Party, and often proclaimed bruyamment than the opposition to the Guerre of Indo-China or German rearmament (CED). Thus, the Manifestation against Ridgway in 1952, which will be one of hardest of the post-war period, illustrates the conviction at many Communists of the imminence of a war wanted by the the United States.

the 1955-1964 advent of Khrouchtchev and end of the reign of Thorez

The death of Stalin, on March 3rd, 1953, involves a slow thaw. Its successors, among whom Khrouchtchev will be detached, will not be long in calling into question not only the worship of the personality whose Stalin had been the object, but also what he is agreed to call the crimes of Stalin, i.e. the known system concentrationnaire later under the name of Gulag. Contrary to the Italian Communist party, the leaders of PCF refuse for a long time, until at least 1958, to reveal with the executives of the party what the new Soviet leaders taught them on Gulag and to call into question the image of Stalin. One could say that the questioning of the image of Stalin could have involved that of Thorez whose worship had always been celebrated at the same time as that of Stalin.

In 1956, PCF however gave all its support for the USSR during the repression carried out against the anti-Soviet insurrection in Hungary. Many French intellectuals start to be detached from the French party, that they are adherent, like Edgar Morin or Fellow travellers like Jean-Paul Sartre. PCF however firmly remains established in the working class and the new layers which it knew to conquer with the Release.

In 1958, return to capacity of De Gaulle, voted by plebiscite by many French, which hopes that the former founder of free France will be able to find an exit with the Guerre of Algeria, contributes to the weakening and the insulation of PCF. With legislative from November, the candidates of the party obtain only 19,2% of the voices (against 25,9% in 1956 and 28,2% in 1946).

Within the Party, with the student Communists, of many militants and frameworks start to blame the position of insulation of the party. Laurent Casanova, near to Thorez of which he had been secretary before the war, goes rather far in this direction with the support of Khrouchtchev. Thorez solves the problem by negotiating with Khrouchtchev its unconditional support for Soviet in the international communist Mouvement. In May 1961, with the XVI {{E}} Congress of the party, Casanova is évincé Political office and Central committee with Marcel Servin and other leaders.