History of Zimbabwe

The history of Zimbabwe goes back to the Stone Age, time of the oldest traces of human Peuplement. The existence of old Civilization S developed during second half of the Moyen-âge is attested by the archaeological vestiges of importance.

If the Portuguese are the European first to be ventured in the territory at the 16th century, it is only starting from 1890 that the Colonisation starts. The territory takes then the name of Southern Rhodesia until in 1965 then of Rhodesia until the end of the mode segregation nist.

The April 18th 1980, Rhodesia becomes an independent State under the name of Zimbabwe (“Stone-built house”).

Old civilizations

Indigenous empires of Zimbabwe

At the beginning of the 16th century, the arrival of the Portuguese on the Mozambican coast reduced to nothing the commercial traffic with the people of Zimbabwe. Several skirmishes take place between the natives of the interior and the military quotas sent in the colony of Mozambique. The Portuguese traders and swahilis also managed to play of the competitions between tribes to try to impose themselves and to seize all the gold which they found.

In 1629, king Mwene Mutapa Kapararidze failed to federate the indigenous tribes against the Portuguese. He was deposited and replaced by Mwene Mutapa Mavura, vassal with the pay of the Portuguese. Following several inversions of alliances and rebellion, it is in 1690 that the Portuguese, who had invested the plate rhodésien, are finally expelled by the troops of Monomatapa. But the field of the old empire is henceforth limited to the valley of the Zambezi (thus weakened, it crumbles definitively at the end of the 19th century, victim of the raids British and Portuguese) whereas the Torwa dynasty is absorbed in 1684 by the Changamire clan, which founds the Rozwi empire.

This new Rozvi empire emerges thus on the debris of the kingdom of Torwa, representing about half of current Zimbabwe. This one will crumble in its turn in the middle of the 19th century, victim indirect of the wars Zoulou S carried out to the Natal and in the future Transvaal.

The Ndebele invasion

In 1823, Mzilikazi, chief of the Xumalo clan and lieutenant of the king Zoulou Shaka enters in rebellion against its monarch. Condemned to an unquestionable death, he managed to flee the Zoulouland with his tribe. After having gained Mozambique, it crosses the grounds of the future Transvaal, continued by the Impies of the Zulu king. Its escape leads it in the future Botswana where it meets the missionary Robert Moffat with which it binds friendship. Then Mzilikazi continues towards north, in current the Zambia. On its passage, it plunders, massacre and assujeti the local populations. The reputation of Mzilikazi attracts many warriors to him who join his army Ndébélé (“those which disappear under their long shields”). Driven back of Zambia by the Kololo nation, it ends up being definitively established in the south-west of current Zimbabwe towards 1840. It is close to the hills “Amatobos” (“the craniums bald people”) that it installs its capital, Inyati. These troops put a final term at the empire Rozwi (already dying man since the raids of armed the ngunis with Soshangane and Zwangendaba in 1834), fix the local tribes shonas and impose the Zulu lifestyle on the four corners of its new empire of the Matabéléland. It is then a military state centralized on the model of that founded by Shaka. He thus managed to push back the incursions Boers between 1847 and 1851 and signs an peace agreement and of mutual recognition with the Republic of South Africa of Transvaal in 1852.

In 1854, the Explorateur David Livingstone discovers the Chutes Victoria. It tries a few years later to go up the course of the Zambezi river. Forwarding will last of March 1858 with the mid- 1864, and will show a failure and death by Dysenterie of his wife, the April 29th 1863.

In 1859, Mzilikazi authorizes Robert Moffat and his John son to found not far from Bulawayo a mission on behalf of the Société missionary of London. He refuses however conversion with the Christianisme. The September 5th 1868, Lobengula succeeds his/her father after having drawn aside his rivals. It is crowned the January 22nd 1870 and moves the capital of Matabéléland with Bulawayo. The beginning of its reign is marked by the European influence of which it adopts the vestimentary style. But in the years 1880, the relations with the British government worsen, leading it to return to its culture of origin.

It is in years 1870 that several European adventurers explore the ndébélés territories and shonas. Frederick Selous discovers old gold mines, the painter Thomas Baines discovers gold with the Mashonaland and Adam Render reveals in the world the existence of the ruins of “Large Zimbabwe”.

The Southern Rhodesia (1890-1980)

Colonization under the mode of the BSAC (1890-1922)

In 1888, the king ndébélé Lobengula, deceived by its anglophone advisers, “conceded” mineral rights to the British South Africa Company (BSAC) of Cecil Rhodos, on the territories of Matabeleland, in the south of the river Zambezi. Believer to sign a right-of-way, it initialed in fact the annexation of sound kingdom. The BSAC obtained then British government a Charte authorizing it to manage the territories conquered in Southern Africa.

In 1890, Pioneer Column directed by Leander Starr Jameson and led by Frederick Selous began the company from Colonisation with the foundation of Fort Salisbury. In November 1893, the troops ndébélés of Lobengula, entered in war against the British, were overcome. Bulawayo, the Capital Ndébélé, set fire to by Lobengula in escape, was captured. The ndébélé king died six months later of the Variole.

Into 1895, the territories managed by the BSAC were then divided into Zambézie of North and Zambézie of the South. The first was then shared to become the Rhodesia of North and the Nyassaland whereas the second took the name of Southern Rhodesia. Their Christian name paid homage to Cecil Rhodos.

In January 1896, ndébélés started the “Chimurenga” (rebellion or war of liberation) to protest against their living conditions imposed by the British. Following a wave of crimes without precedent against the white of the districts isolated from Matabéléland, the colonists took refuge in the enclosures of Bulawayo, Gwelo, Belingwe and Tuli. In June, Mashonaland was gained by the revolt. The British imperial troops, usually stationed with the Native , had the besieged responsibility of release Bulawayo and cities. Under the pressures of the government of London, Rhodos, resistant to the call to the extermination asked by the colonists, came in person, in the middle of the hills of Matopos, to negotiate a Armistice with the Ndébélés chiefs the August 21st 1896. Two months later, peace was signed. The shonas continued to resist but in vain.

By order in council of the October 20th 1898, an executive council and a legislative council were created to reconcile the interests of the colonists and the BSAC.

In addition, of the reserves had been created with the exclusive use of the natives where no European could penetrate except for the civil authorities and of the missionaries. The latter approved this territorial segregation because they saw “grounds of mission there” where they could build schools, dispensaries, hospitals, farms, churches and teach the religion of Christ.

In 1902, Cecil Rhodos died in the Cape. It was buried on the Monts Matopo, close to Bulawayo, greeted by hundreds of matabélés warriors.

In 1914, the charter of the BSAC arrived in the long term. The colonists arrived so that it is renewed for 10 years with a reserved Clause envisaging the autonomy territories before the end of the decade.

In small about thirty years, the colonists had managed to build cities, to open roads, cleared patches the bush and irrigated arid grounds. The railroad which left the Cape had connected Bulawayo as of 1890, then crosses the Victoria Falls to reach the Katanga in 1907. Independent lines relay Bulawayo, Salisbury and Beira with the Mozambique. Mines of Gold, of Asbestos, coal and Chrome were put in exploitation whereas, just like the bovine breeding, agriculture (Tabac, Céréale S) developed.

The shonas and ndébélés only benefitted very little from this economic and industrial expansion and continued to live according to a traditional economy, withdrawing ground only the necessary one to their survival. However, the colonists, too very few, were dependant on their labor force. The Masters and Serving Act of the November 29th 1901 thus instituted work contracts, writings or oral examinations, concluded for one month, without guaranteed minimum wage.

In 1922, after violent quarrels between colonists and the BSAC, the White of Rhodesia claimed to them emancipation and the political autonomy. Consulted by Referendum, they drew aside fastening with the South Africa.

Emancipation of Southern Rhodesia (1923-1953)

In 1923, Southern Rhodesia became a colony of the British Couronne. A self government, directed by Charles Coghlan, was charged in Salisbury, the Capitale, of the management of the territory whereas Rhodesia of North and Nyassaland remained under the control of the Colonial Office. The British Parlement preserved the right to intervene in the national legislation under the reserved clauses (of which that with the title of the protection of the indigenous rights). The goal was to transform Southern Rhodesia, whose white population was definitely more important, into a Dominion comparable with the Union of South Africa. Although the colony was still officially nonracial, the right to vote was based on the British citizenship and the annual incomes, of the conditions that very few blacks could fill.

In the Thirties, a mode segregation nist was officially founded with the law of distribution of the grounds ( Land apportionnement Act ) whereas in 1934, a law established a segregationist social legislation, prohibiting with the blacks the access to certain professions or the establishment in zones declared white. Thus the territory was divided between white area, the reserves, the funds of indigenous purchase, the grounds of the missions and the grounds of the crown. On the whole, the surface allocated with the blacks was appreciably equal to those of the white but the latter were ten times fewer than the Africans. The indigenous reserve was going however to appear completely insufficient for a population in full population growth.

The African opposition to this segregationist policy was constituted slowly and it is not that in the 40 qu years' she was born, more especially as the economic development of Southern Rhodesia had increased the rough national revenue of the colony considerably but the 3/4 of this one went to the white sector against 1/4 to the black sector (92% of the population). Thus in 1949, an investigation of UNO revealed that Southern Rhodesia was one of the territories where the disparity of the incomes was one of highest world, where the annual income of African was of 31$ compared with 1170$ for a rhodésien of European origin.

Contrary to their compatriots of Rhodesia of North, the blacks of Southern Rhodesia did not enjoy the right to strike, could not adhere to a trade union or with a land political party and their rights were respected little.

With beginning of the year 50, Southern Rhodesia counted then more than two million inhabitants of which: 200000 white (either precisely a white for 13 blacks).

The Federation of Rhodesia and Nyassaland (1953-1963)

See also: Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland

Into 1953, the statute of the territories rhodésiens again changes with their integration in the Fédération of central Africa. The British government thus chooses to try out an administrative and economic union of its colonies of central Africa by joining together them under the control of a federal government with for objective the economic development of the area and to try to apply a brake at the nationalist aspirations of the Blacks. Those had the right to vote theoretically but the conditions to reach it were so drastic that less than thousand of them had a voter registration card then. The station of first Prime Minister of the federation returned in Sir Godfrey Huggins (Lord Malvern) whereas in Southern Rhodesia, it is Garfield Todd, a liberal, federalist, in favor of the accession to the capacity carefully of the black majority, and opposing to racial discrimination which arrives at the capacity.

In 1955, Lord Malvern was replaced by Roy Welensky with the head of the federal government.

In 1958, Garfield Todd, repudiated by its party after having tried to increase the electorate of the blacks from 2 to 16%, resigns and is replaced by a partisan of the segregation, Edgar Whitehead whereas the black leaders are increasingly hostile with the system of the federation.

As of 1959, the state of emergency was proclaimed in each of the 3 colonies.

In 1960, at the time of the conference on the revision of the provisional federal constitution of 1953, the African representatives denounced the intransigence and the Racisme of the white colonists of Southern Rhodesia. They engaged then of the direct talks with the British government to obtain the independence of the 3 colonies.

In July 1961, a new constitution was proposed by referendum with: 80000 voters south-rhodésiens. It was approved by the only white voters whereas them: 4000 black voters abstained from.

The black nationalist leader, Joshua Nkomo, then created Zimbabwe African People' S Union (ZAPU) then little time after, another black leader, Robert Mugabe, founded Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Both claimed the racial equality, the right to vote and the independence of the country which they would call Zimbabwe in reference to the pre-colonial ruins of “Large Zimbabwe”.

In March 1962, the Front rhodésien (Rhodesian Face - RF) is created by preserving white. In December 1962, this RF, taken along by Winston Field, gained the general elections south-rhodésiennes.

With the beginning of the year 1963, the Great Britain recognized the right to Nyassaland to leave the federation from now on condemned. The March 29th 1963, the same decision was taken for Rhodesia of North.

The December 31st 1963, the federation of Rhodesia and Nyassaland was officially dissolved.

The unilateral declaration of independence of Rhodesia

In 1964, Southern Rhodesia was become again an autonomous colony. Ian Smith, a veteran of the second world war, had succeeded Field with the direction of the government the April 13rd 1964 with the mission of maintaining the privileges of the white minority (8% of the population).

After independences of Nyassaland (renamed Malawi) and of Rhodesia of North (Zambia), Smith obtained his voters a full power to negotiate the future of Rhodesia by the means of a Référendum, by the support obtained of the big bosses of tribes then by the total victory of the Rhodésien Face for the general elections of the March 7th 1965. But the negotiations turned short with the British government. To avoid an independence imposed by London, the colonial government took the initiative then the November 11th 1965 to state its independence unilaterally (Unilateral Declaration Off Independence - UDI).

The British government not only declared the UDI illegal but he pronounced the dissolution of the government rhodésien and the direct resumption of the control of the administration of his colony by the general governor. Its decisions however did not have any effect inside the borders of Rhodesia. The United Kingdom relied then on UNO and preached “nonpunitive” economic sanctions. The United Nations, the resolutions followed one another condemning the UDI firmly and enjoignant the governments not to recognize the new State. In 1968, the first resolution imposing of the total obligatory sanctions was voted by the Safety advice, but certain States, like the South Africa, the Portugal, Israel where the the United States made nonconstraining provisions making it possible to circumvent these sanctions.

The Republic of Rhodesia (1970-1979)

The March 3rd 1970, the republic is proclaimed in Rhodesia, on the model of the parliamentary mode of Westminster. The criteria to be entitled to vote being very strict, there was into 1970 only: 8000 Africans (out of 5 million) profiting from the right to vote in order to elect 16 black deputies whereas: 82300 white (on: 256000 Rhodésiens) elected 50 white deputies. This civic iniquity was found in the geographical distribution of the territory where 7% of white held 49% of the grounds. The 92% remainder of the population (blacks) divided ground 51% under the “indigenous reserves”. The black movements of release were prohibited and their regularly imprisoned leaders. The United Nations continued to organize the international insulation of Rhodesia but of many States and the international companies the sanctions circumvented discreetly. The richness of the basement rhodésien out of rare metals was useful for Western industries.

In 1971, an agreement seemed to intervene between Great Britain and Rhodesia concerning the statute of the territory. This project envisaged the progressive reduction in the racial segregation until its complete abolition, the fast extension of the right to vote to the Africans and their progressive participation in the political matters of the country. In January 1972, a royal commission checked if the project received the agreement of all the population of Rhodesia. In his report/ratio, she answered negatively, noting that if 98% of the white population were favorable, just as the near total of the tribal chiefs, the project was however rejected by the large majority of the blacks. It was then buried. The August 25th 1975, John Vorster, Prime Minister of South Africa and Kenneth Kaunda, president of Zambia, undertook concert a meeting at the top between Ian Smith and the black leaders of the movements of guerillas whose fight had intensified since 1972. The meeting take place in a South-African coach stationed on a bridge located above the Chutes Victoria at the border enters Zambia and Rhodesia. The attempt at dialog between Smith with Abel Muzorewa (ANC), Joshua Nkomo (ZAPU) and Pasteur Sitholé (ZANU) showed a failure.

In 1976, Vorster, supported by the the United States, anxious of the political evolution of the old Portuguese, independent colonies since the previous year, undertook to convince Smith to accept a compromise with the moderate nationalists.

This compromise leads to the agreements of Salisbury of the March 3rd 1978, signed between Ian Smith and 3 African leaders moderate. The March 21st 1978, the first government multiracial of Rhodesia was formed with an executive council bringing together the signatories of the agreement.

In September 1978, the situation on the ground degenerates showing the vulnerability of the civil society. Thus, the September 3rd, an airliner of Air Rhodesia, with on its board 59 passengers and team members, is cut down little time after its takeoff of the airport of the Lac Kariba by missiles Sol-air fired by the guerilla from the ZIPRA. On the 18 survivors, 10 are then massacred with the Kalachnikov by the members of the guerilla. Josuah Nkomo asserted the destruction in flight of the plane but denied that the survivors were killed by its men.

In January 1979, a new constitution is ratified by the 3% of Rhodésiens white. Those would have a quota of 28 seats of deputies on 100. The constitution nevertheless was repudiated by all the other black movements, the United Nations and Great Britain.

In April 1979, the first multiracial elections took place. The party of Abel Muzorewa gained 51 of the 100 seats whereas the Face rhodésien gained the 28 seats reserved for the white.

Zimbabwe-Rhodesia (1979)

June 1st, 1979, Abel Muzorewa became the first black Prime Minister of the news Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. Ian Smith remained minister in the new government which included/understood 12 black ministers and 5 ministers white.

The absence of international recognition and the pressure of the guerilla prevented the new government from sitting its legitimacy more especially as Smith remained, within the government, the strong man of the mode. The government of Pieter Botha, recently with the capacity with Pretoria, pushed Muzorewa and Smith then to be settled again with the table of the negotiations with Great Britain, and the other black parties of opposition. In September 1979, of the negotiations started in Great Britain between the British government, the government of Muzorewa and the liberation movements black (ZANU, ZAPU…).

The December 12th 1979, ten years after the beginning of the guerilla and twenty thousand dead, the rebellious ex-colony accepted that a new governor is named putting an end to 14 years of convulsive independence. The British government named Lord Soames general governor of the colony of Southern Rhodesia with the full powerss.

End of the Utopia rhodésienne (1979-1980)

The December 21st 1979, the Accords of Lancaster House were signed in England, under the aegis of Lord Carrington, minister of Margaret Thatcher, by Smith, Muzorewa and the leaders of the ZANU and the ZAPU. They envisaged the introduction of a parliamentary mode, the maintenance at the Parliament during 7 years of 20 seats out of 100 reserved for the White, and prohibition during 10 years to carry out a forced nationalization of the private property. However, a peaceful redistribution of the grounds with high compensation was encouraged, which would take place under the aegis of Great Britain.

With the 27- February 29th, 1980 elections, the ZANU of Robert Mugabe, gained 62,9% of the voices leaving far behind the ZAPU of Nkomo (25%) and the ANC of Muzorewa (8% and 3 seats). The White elected 20 representatives of the Face rhodésien of which Ian Smith.

The April 18th 1980, old Rhodesia reached once again independence under the new name of Zimbabwe. The first Prime Minister of Zimbabwe was Robert Mugabe, a Marxist Christian who had as a model the Marxist States. The new president of the Republic was Canaan Banana, moderate.

Zimbabwe of 1980 to 2000

The new government of Robert Mugabe gave an impression of national unit. Two white, in addition former ministers in the governments of Ian Smith, had been named at the sensitive stations of the Agriculture and the Industrie. The former 1st liberal minister Garfield Todd, imprisoned under Smith, was named senator and Joshua Nkomo, the enemy brother, was named with the government. The general Peter Walls, chief of the national army rhodésienne, was maintained at his station and controlled the foundation of the national army of Zimbabwe by integrating the former guerillas of the ZANLA and the ZIPRA. Mugabe then affirmed to want to dissociate disastrous examples of the Mozambique or Tanzania. Its first symbolic systems measurements were the general increase of the wages and the installation of new social programs centered on education and health.

Between 1980 and 1985, the white population passed nevertheless from: 225000 with less: 100000 people. The white minority was not going any more to weigh on the political life of the country since it was to him interdict to take part in any parliamentary coalition aiming at sanctioning the government.

Economically, this minority however continued to weigh. Thus, 4500 farmers of European stock exploited 49% of the arable lands allowed the country to keep its food self-sufficiency and to be contributor with the World food program. But there was: 200000 black farmers who claimed grounds to be cultivated and whose claims were not going to cease putting the government under pressure. Thus, as of the first year of independence, of the demonstrations anti-white, claiming the redistribution of the grounds, degenerate. In September 1980, the two statues of Cecil Rhodos set up before the Parliament of Salisbury and in the center of Bulawayo, were unbolted by a crowd in fury, requiring an immediate redistribution of the grounds and the expulsion of all the white. For marking its rupture with colonialism well, the government made rename or réorthographier all the cities of the country at the time of the second birthday of the Indépendance in April 1982 following the example Salisbury, from now on called Harare.

It is however the competition between the ZANU and the ZAPU which leads to a general degradation and a bloody armed conflict. As of 1981, Nkomo had been évincé of the government and several of its stopped partisans. The political conflict was copied on an ethnic conflict. Mugabe was Shona (like its 62,9% voters) and ndébélé Nkomo one (like the essence of its voters). After the discovery of masks of clandestine weapons of the ZAPU, activities of Guérilla included in the Matabeleland. Nkomo was shown of treason. In January 1983, Mugabe sent the fifth brigade, formed by the North Korea, to restore the order in Matabéléland. Thousands of civilians were massacred and the shaven villages. Nkomo enfuya then in England. It was only in 1988, and afterwards: 25000 killed civilians, that the Nkomo-Mugabe reconciliation puts an end to the conflict, assured by a Amnistie and fusion between the ZANU and the ZAPU in the patriotic ZANU-Face.

In 1987, the white of the preserving Alliance of Zimbabwe (Conservative Alliance off Zimbabwe - CAZ), the ex-face rhodésien, lost their representation assured 20 deputies and were eliminated from the Parlement. Their seats were placed at the disposal of the government which named a score of deputies. The government coalition was found then with the support of 99 deputies out of 100. Thus holding the full powerss, Robert Mugabe made modify the constitution in order to institute a Presidential regime, removing the post of Prime Minister and taking again the title of president on his account. Joshua Nkomo then became one of the two vice-presidents of Zimbabwe.

Although accounting for 1% of the population, the white Zimbabweans continued nevertheless to direct the economy by ensuring 80% of GNP.

However, as of end of the year 80, the mode appeared corrupted and the profession of faith Socialiste of the principal leaders of the ZANU more and more badly masked research by those of great financial profits. In 1988, the capacity was implied in the scandal of the automobile factory of assembly of Willowvale. Corruption was then denounced by a still free press and the students of the University of Zimbabwe. Feeling threatened, the mode answered quickly by removing its subsidies the University and by reinforcing its political control.

In 1990, the swing towards the Autoritarisme was confirmed whereas repression against all those fell down likely to animate a movement of opposition, whether they are white or black. Thus, the elections of March 1990 were sullied with multiple frauds supporting the governmental candidates. The ZUM (plain Movement of Zimbabwe) of Edgar Tekere, principal forces opposition liberal and democratic, then in full growth was victim of tendentious boundary changes. Its most promising candidate, Patrick Kombayi with Gweru, was the victim of an attempted murder which obliged all the other candidates of the ZUM to hold low profile.

In August 1990, the dispute was also internal with the ZANU. With the meeting of the central committee, 22 of the 26 members decided against the transformation of the republic into mode of sole party wanted by Mugabe. This one lined up finally without risk with the majority decision, the country not knowing more any structured opposition party.

Robert Mugabe was still re-elected in 1996 with 92% of the votes to the presidency of the republic, after the withdrawal of his two opponents.

In accordance with a law voted in 1992, Mugabe decided to implement its Land reform and to nationalize half of the grounds of the 4500 white farmers who had on this date still 30% of the cultivable grounds with an official aim to redistribute them to the hundreds of thousands of stripped African. However, only the great fields could be profitable for a country like Zimbabwe and could allow him its food self-sufficiency. Moreover, measurement was penalizing for the economy of the country because the white farmers carried out more half of GDP and were entitled to right allowances according to the law and the constitution of the country.

The December 9th 1997, a national Grève on the initiative of the veterans of the ZANLA paralyzed the country. The veterans claimed grounds and right compensations for their services within the guerilla. He to them was granted pensions which were quite higher than what allowed the budget of the Zimbabwean State.

In spite of the warning statements of the the IMF, Mugabe then decided to begin the authoritative redistribution of the grounds belonging to the white. The latter and their trade union then disputed the law in front of justice and used all the legal means at their disposal. From there, an urban and rural terror campaign ends up submerging the country in order to drive out the reticent white farmers, leading the country to the more political, economic and social serious attack of its history.

Zimbabwe since 2000: a country in crisis

Disputed Mugabe: 2000

With the general surprise, Mugabe was repudiated in February 2000 by the population at the time of a Référendum on a modification of the Constitution which could have opened the way with broad a Land reform allowing the Expropriation without compensation for the white farmers.

A few months later, the party of Mugabe, ZANU-PF missed losing the elections vis-a-vis the MDC (Mouvement of the democratic change) of Morgan Tsvangirai, 1st political clout with finally being able to compete with the party of Mugabe. The great majority of the urban districts escaped the ZANU-PF. In spite of the frauds orchestrated by the capacity, the MDC made almost good match with the ZANU of Mugabe but in accordance with the constitution, this one named about thirty additional deputies directly, giving a clear majority to its party.

Higher bids of Mugabe

Mugabe announced little time after the nearly general expropriation of all the white farmers.

The farms then were occupied and devastated by bands of brigands to the service of the ZANU-PF, gathered under the aegis of pseudo former veterans of the combat for independence. Those intimidated the employees violently, plundered the houses plunging the country in the famine and poverty not hesitating to kill under the eyes accessory to the police force. The assassination of farmers caused the consternation and the firmest judgment of the Great Britain. The so much announced redistribution did not take place if not for the benefit of the close relations of the mode.

Ian Smith itself was exproprié whereas Doris Lessing, writer famous, born in adverse Rhodesia and old with the white mode, criticized for the 1st time the methods of the Zimbabwean president.

In 2002, out of the 13 million Zimbabweans, 9 million - that is to say 7 inhabitants out of 10 - lived in on this side Poverty line, 1 out of 2 was with the Chômage. The demagogic use of the question of the ground and the increasingly violent stigmatization by the mode of: 50000 white of the country ended up plunging Zimbabwe in an economic crisis and policy without precedent. The famine henceforth threatened the old attic with corn of Africa and.

The choice of the dictatorship

At the time of the presidential elections of March 2002, Mugabe was seriously hung by the chief of the MDC. Thanks to a massive electoral fraud noted by the international observers, it was able nevertheless to be maintained with the capacity with 56% of the voices compared with 41,9% with its adversary.

The United Kingdom then tried to organize with the countries of the the Commonwealth of the international Sanction S against the Zimbabwe. Supported by the Western countries, the the United States and the Australia, the British had however evil to convince the African countries to join them. Quite to the contrary, the latter balked to sanction one as of their and made block around the Dictateur, justifying his land reform by the abuses the Colonialisme.

During the summer 2002, Mugabe fixed an ultimatum at 2900 of the 4500 white farmers to leave their farms. Those which refused to be subjected to it were stopped, in spite of contrary legal decisions. Some 197 farmers thus stopped finally agreed to leave their exploitations under the threat. At the time of a new ultimatum in September, it appeared that the government had decided that approximately 95% of the farms belonging to white Zimbabweans were to be redistributed. But this policy of seizure of the grounds and the dryness contributed to shortages of food in all the country.

In 2003, the country was at the edge of the Civil war with a rate of Chômage higher than 70% of the active population. The famine prevailed in what was formerly the attic with Blé of the Southern Africa. Riots of the hunger burst whereas the grounds taken with the White remained in Friche because the new Noirs farmers missed means and knowledge. The opposition organized general days of strike very followed but which did not have any effect on the government other than to reinforce repression.

The chief of the opposition which had defied Mugabe at the time of the last elections in 2002 was then continued for high treason in front of the courts. Incurring the Capital punishment, he was finally discharged by the court in 2004.

In March 2005, at the time of the legislative elections, the Zanu-PF gained a crushing victory, with 78 seats at the Parliament against 41 for the Movement for the democratic change, tetanized by the brutality of the mode and the indecision of its leaders to defy Mugabe frontally and. As the Constitution gave to the president of Zimbabwe the capacity to name 30 additional deputies, the Zanu-PF have finally more of the two-thirds of the seats. The Zimbabweans expatriates were excluded from the vote whereas the elections had proceeded in the absence of international observers qualified to ensure good progress of it.

The demolition of shantytowns (spring 2005)

Since the elections of March 2005, the situation of the human rights in Zimbabwe did not cease worsening.

In spring 2005, Mugabe decided to demolish the Bidonville S of the Banlieue of Harare (which had been born following the economic serious attack that the country crosses and which pushes of many Zimbabweans to seek work in the cities), in fact strongholds of the opposition, while making expel the inhabitants towards the very poor rural areas. Officially, the purpose of this cleaning campaign, presented in the form of Slogan S such as “ to get rid of the refuse ” and “ To restore the order ”, was to fight the Criminalité and to make it possible to rehouse the families decently living in these shantytowns. To rehouse the families the government promised to spend 325 million dollars for the construction of 1,2 million houses or the constructible land acquisition, which should see the day from here 2008. But for the opposition, it was a punitive measurement with regard to those which did not have not voted for the party of Robert Mugabe.

In June 2005, more: 300000 people had already thus been expelled. The situation was so alarming that a special correspondent of the United Nations, Anna Kajumulo Tibaijuka, director of the Agence of the United Nations for the human settlements (UNO-Habitat), was named to inquire into the destruction and expulsions, whereas more than 200 African and international governmental organizations carried out a joint call and to the African Union so that they come to assistance of the populations from Zimbabwe. Some of these groups did not hesitate any more to compare the policy of Mugabe with that of Pol Pot with the Kampuchea in 1975.

The July 22nd 2005, UNO-Habitat, his report/ratio in which were denounced the disastrous demolitions “ returned ” of shantytowns, carried out “ without understanding, in an unjustified way and in the indifference with the human suffering ” precipitating a “ humanitarian crisis of immense proportions ”. The number of individuals of residence or employment was then quantified with more: 700000 (1,5 million according to the opposition). Taking note of the report/ratio, the General secretary of UNO, Kofi Annan, exhorted the government of Zimbabwe to cease the program of demolition immediately.

In answer, the Zimbabwean Minister for the Foreign affairs, Simbarashe Mumbengegwi, denounced this report/ratio which he judges to have a “ your pro-opposition ” and to have exaggerated “ coarsely the number of people who were affected by the operation ”. British the Prime Minister Tony Blair was also shown to have handled the mission of UNO.

A constitutional reform limiting freedoms and justice

The August 30th 2005, the Parliament, dominated by the partisans of Robert Mugabe, approved the revision of the Constitution allowing the Nationalization farms belonging to the white and the hardening of repression against the political opponents. One of the constitutional amendment S withdrew with the white owners any possibility of legal recourse.

Another article prohibited to the Zimbabweans suspected of terrorist activities, or virulent political opposition, to leave the territory. The text also deprived of electoral right any person having at least a foreign relative although holding the statute of permanent resident. It provides moreover that any person suspectée to attack the “ national interests ” can be prohibited of exit of the territory. This article thus violates the right to fight oppression, registered in the human rights.

Today, Zimbabwe counts more than 10 million inhabitants, of which about: 30000 white (mainly old), which account for nothing any more but 0,3% of the total population whereas more than 3 million Zimbabweans, according to the opposition (incarnated mainly by the Mouvement for the democratic change (MDC)), the country fled.

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