History of South Africa of 1948 to 1994
Of 1948 with 1991, the South Africa knew a mode of Racial segregation institutionalized, known under the name of Apartheid. It took three more years of constitutional negotiations between the white capacity and the parties anti-apartheid so that the representative Démocratie that knew the white minority is extended in the majority black of the South-African population.
Years of glory of the national party and apartheid
Introduction of apartheid (1948-1959)
Against any waiting, although minority in voice, the alliance of the national left Daniel Malan, and Left afrikaner (Afrikaner Party - AP) Nicolaas Havenga, gains the majority of the seats to the elections of 1948. The coalition carried out by the national Party carried 53 % of the 150 seats of the Parliament (47 % with NP and 6 % with the AP) against 43 % with the plain Left Smuts and 4 % with the Labor small part. But the nationalist coalition had carried only 42 % of the votes against 49 % with the plain party.
The new Prime Minister, Daniel François Malan, compose a government exclusively afrikaner. He entrusts to Hendrik Verwoerd, the ministry for the indigenous businesses with which he was going to start to apply his doctrines of separate development of the races also known under the name of Apartheid. The legislative and constitutional system grew rich by new segregationist laws whereas the old racial and space laws as the Land Act of 1913 were hardened. The racial question ended up intervening at all the stages of the life with the coding of segregationist laws of daily applications aiming at making coexist two worlds which never would not live together or would not threaten to dominate the other politically. The laws organizing apartheid, voted in February 1950, were organized around a principle of bulk-heading:
- the Population Registration Act henceforth classified the population in four groups: White, Blacks, Indians, Mongrel. Membership of such or such group depended for an individual all the registers on his life: residence, studies, transport, social relations, sexual or friendly.
- the place of residence was determined by the Group Areas Act , which hardened the already existing regulations and allowed the elimination of the “black spots” resulting from purchases operated by the Blacks before 1913. One thus undertook to expel “white grounds” the “surpluses” of black population. Thus in 25 years, approximately 2 600 000 Blacks are driven out “white” rural areas and are returned in the reserves where Bantu Self-Government Act of 1959 prepared the institution of the Bantustans.
- the Immorality Act added to the prohibition of the interraciaux marriages that of any sexual relationship.
- the Suppression off Communism Act heavily repressed any form of propaganda or action anticapitalist but compared also the fights against apartheid to combat able to subvert the whole of the economic and social organization of the country. This last law will be the principal repressive instrument against the combatants of the human rights and allows, in the Sixties, the life sentence of Nelson Mandela.
The racial segregation was systematized in the districts, at the price of multiple destruction and expulsions and of the construction of townships for the populations of color.
The government endeavoured to create industries in edge of the Bantustans, but many workers had outward journey to work in the white cities while lying in the reserves, at the price of great daily displacements.
The suppression (with difficulty) of the right to vote of Malayan of the Cape was going to follow whereas Asiatiques and mongrel lost the essence of their mean advantages.
In fact, at Afrikaners, animosity against English yielded the place to the fear of the “black danger”, fear also shared by a big part of the anglophone minority.
In 1951, on 17 million inhabitants, 4 million was of European origin is 25 % of the population. There is a White for four Blacks, mongrel and Indiens. By comparison, at the same time and whereas the Kenya is with the apogee of the Colonisation, there is only one White for 132 Blacks.
While bringing the racial question in the middle of the political debate, the national party was, lasting about thirty years, to monopolize the vote of the community afrikaner and to attract the vote of the anglophone community. The resumption of the doctrines of apartheid by successive the Prime Ministers, all of NP, creates a constitutional and legislative system single in the world, approved by the majority of the White convinced not to have other choices to remain in their country.
On its side, the ANC, main organization anti-apartheid who fought for the equality or even the equality of the Blacks, had a strong dyeing Socialiste if not Communiste what made an adversary of it, as well White of South Africa as of the the United States of America. In June 1952, the ANC under the cane of Walter Sisulu united with other organizations anti-apartheid in a national campaign of distrust against the political, social and residential restrictions imposed to the coloured persons. This passive resistance campaign ends in April 1953 when new laws prohibit the political gatherings and demonstrations.
With the elections of 1953, while being still minority in voice, NP again gains the majority of the seats of the Parliament, majority made more comfortable by the contribution of the six seats created to represent the white voters of the South-western African, favorable to the politicians of the national party.
In 1954, Malan, patient, resign of his armchair of Prime Minister who is recovered by Johannes Strijdom, elected ultra-conservative of the Transvaal. It accentuates the segregationist policy and the installation of Bantoustan S blacks (autonomous territories managed by the populations autochtones) on 13 % of the South-African territory.
In June 1955, the Congress of the People, organized by in particular white ANC and other anti-apartheid groups, adopts in Kliptown, the Charter of freedom ( Freedom Charter ), stating the fundamental bases of the claims of the coloured persons, calling with the equal rights whatever the race. The ANC binds then with the Communist party and central trade-union COSATU. Hundred fifty six members of the ANC and the organizations allied are stopped in 1956, then discharged five years later.
At the time of the elections of April 1958, the national party gains a comfortable electoral victory, winner this time in voice and seats.
The golden age of apartheid (1959-1966)
In 1959, the sudden death of Strijdom, Hendrik Verwoerd succeeds to him the head of the government. Whereas the white liberal opposition is divided into two (dissidents of the plain Parti form the left progressist), the South-African policy is disputed more and more with the international level, in particular with the the United Nations.But in same time, the black movements of release them-also divide when many radicals of the ANC leave their movement to protest against his opening to the other races and form a concurrent nationalist organization, the Panafrican Congrès directed by Robert Sobukwe.
In 1960, the Massacre of Sharpeville where 69 peaceful protesters are killed by the police force put South Africa in “One” of the international topicality. To counteract, the government makes prohibit the majority of the liberation movements like the ANC or the Panafrican Congrès. Their leaders enter clandestinity then. Nelson Mandela then founds a military wing of the ANC, called Umkhonto we Sizwe, which means the Lance of the Nation. At the end of the year, the chief of the ANC, Albert Luthuli, obtains the Nobel Prize of peace.
Symbolically, following international reprobation in full period of Decolonization, South Africa is excluded from the Olympic Games after those of 1960 with the Japan.
In a memorable speech on the “wind of the change” pronounced at the Parliament in Cape Town, British the Prime Minister Harold Macmillan benefits from it to criticize the opposition to progress and the passeism of the leaders of South Africa. Exasperated, the nationalists propose to submit a project of Référendum to institute the republic. Although one believed one moment in a secession of the anglophone White of the Native one, the principle of the republic was approved by 52 % of the voters the October 5th, 1960. On this occasion the White divide between republicans (Afrikaners) and loyal supporters (anglophone) but the transition is done in the calm one without excessive emigration of the english-speaking.
The “proclamation of the Republic of South Africa” (RSA) the May 31st 1961 accompanied by the rupture of the last bonds with the Great Britain (withdrawal of the the Commonwealth) and the effective creation of the Bantustan first black, the Transkei mark the apogee of apartheid.
With the elections of October 8th, 1961, the policy of Verwoerd is voted by plebiscite whereas Helen Suzman becomes only elected Party progressist with the program openly anti-segregationist.
In July 1963, several activists of the prohibited ANC whose Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu are stopped with Rivonia and accused of high treason and of plots towards the State. In 1964, they are condemned to the life imprisonment whereas three million and half of Blacks are on this date gathered in the Bantustans without civic capacity other that to work during the day in the remainder of the country.
With the elections of March 30th, 1966, the national Party gains 58 % of the votes whereas at its borders, the “colony” of Southern Rhodesia of Ian Smith unilaterally declared his independence of Great Britain to maintain the principle of the white domination on its territory.
In September 1966, one enlightened assassinates Verwoerd in full heart of the fine Parliament putting at the phase development and of intensive and methodical application of apartheid.
The period of freezing (1966-1975)
The successor of Verwoerd, Balthazar John Vorster, was going to take again the doctrines but in a more pragmatic way by slowing down his application and by multiplying exceptions to the application of the segregationist laws. Thus, the black ambassador of the Malawi and the personnel of the embassy escape the racial laws while being qualified White from honors. In the same way, the Asian originating ones in Taiwan or the Japan were catalogued among the White. At the same time, Vorster undertook a policy of bringing together with certain moderated African countries, the such Ivory Coast.In 1969, for the first time, the government accepted the presence of players maoris among the team of Rugby New Zealand arrival to meet the South-African Springbok S. Meetings between multiracial teams were favoured. Lastly, Vorster renonçait to make modify the South-African flag as Verwoerd envisaged it which wanted to make remove the representation of the Union Jack of the national symbol. It had been considered a new flag with the tricolor vertical oranges, white and blue bands with in the center a leaping springbok overhanging protéas.
All these exceptions cause an outcry among spiritual heirs to Verwoerd. Albert Hertzog, wire of the former Prime Minister James Barry Hertzog and more extremist that was not this last, leaves the party with some companions and founds the reconstituted national party (HNP). Quickly begun again in hand by Jaap Marsh, this new dissidence remains marginal (of 3 with 7 % of the white voices).
In the years 1970, the RSA is severely criticized by the international community. In 1971, the court of $the Hague withdraws its mandate to him on African South-west but the RSA refuses to be subjected to this decision.
In 1974, the general meeting of the United Nations refuses the letters of accreditation of the ambassador of RSA under pretext of not-representativeness of its people.
The White however largely supported their government and the influence of the liberal opposition was reduced to each election with some folding seats. Thus, the provinces of Transvaal and the free State of Orange almost exclusively sent nationalist deputies to the Parliament of Cape Town whereas the liberals, heirs to the plain party of Smuts, preserved their parliamentary representation only thanks to the ways obtained in the crested suburbs of Johannesburg, Durban, Port Elizabeth and Cape Town, cities dominated by the english-speaking. The Party Linked, principal party of opposition in complete decomposition and not very credible vis-a-vis NP dissolve besides in 1977.
Following the decolonization of the Mozambique and Angola and the arrival of Marxist governments, the RSA was presented in last rampart against the hand put of the Communists in Southern Africa making it possible Vorster to obtain the more or less tacit support of the Western governments. The RSA became in same time a nuclear power thanks to its relations with Israel and the France.
Doubts of the capacity afrikaner (1976-1989)
In 1976, the imposition by the minister Andries Treurnicht, of obligatory teaching in Afrikaans instead of the English or of a local language for the black schoolboys causes a rising of the latter in Townships. A walk of protest is organized in the black district of Soweto close to Johannesburg the June 16th 1976. Approximately 20 000 students present and, in spite of calls to calm of the organizers, confront the police force. Those are submerged and of the properties are destroyed. The authorities react by starting measurements of war with the right to kill those which were compared to plunderers. The South-African repression of the security forces and the police force of Jimmy Kruger is very wild. Majority of the other countries, except Great Britain and the the United States which feared too the swing of the country in the camp of the Soviet Union, condemn repression and impose a limitation of the trade or even sanctions. The images and testimonys on the massacre of Soweto will make the round the world tour.
In 1977, one of the very popular leaders of the “black Conscience”, Steve Biko, is removed and assassinated by the security forces.
A Embargo on the sales of weapons with the RSA is then voted with the Safety advice of the United Nations whereas the country is militarily committed in Angola against the government Marxiste places from there while supporting directly or indirectly the rebel movement of the UNITA and that it supports the white government of Rhodesia. This diplomatic failure for Vorster is accompanied by a accounting scandal concerning one of its close relations, his dolphin Connie Mulder, Minister for information. However at the time of the elections of November 30th, 1977, the party obtains the best score of its history (64,8 % of the votes) leaving in crumbs the parliamentary opposition from now on mainly represented by the Party federal progressist (16 %).
John Vorster is not however long in being caught up with by the scandal which affects its dolphin and must yield its armchair of Prime Minister, to be appointed president of the republic, function symbolic system of which he resigns officially for health reasons one year later.
In 1978, the successor of Vorster at the post of Prime Minister was the Minister for Defense, Pieter Botha. Its government formed a subtle balance between conservatives and liberals, between those of the old Vorster governments and the more pragmatic personalities with respect to the doctrines of apartheid. He entrusts the ministry for Defense to the very preserving general Magnus Malan, presented then like a potential dolphin and maintained at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs Roelof “Pik” Botha, elected more liberal of Rustenburg. Botha maintained the ultra conservative Andries Treurnicht whereas with the ministry for energy, it named another conservative of Transvaal, elected official of Vereeniging, some Frederik De Klerk.
If Botha made figure at the origin of intransigent partisan of the mode, its functions with the report heading will lead it to slice in favor of the camp of “enlightened” of NP (pragmatic) against “contracted” (preserving) joined together around its minister and chair federation NP of Transvaal, Andries Treurnicht.
With the support of pragmatic of the party, Botha decided to undertake a reform of the institutions which would break in fact with the ideology verwoerdienne. In 1981 besides, only 4 Bantustans had reached independence whereas 10 preserved a statute of autonomy, showing slowness and the difficulties met to build apartheid.
In 1981, Botha proposes a constitutional reform for présidentialiser the mode and especially to grant a right to vote and a separate representation for the mongrels and the Indians by founding a Parlement tricaméral. But nothing is planned for the Blacks, however majority. Although this reform is limited and described as wobbly by the liberals, that the principle of the white domination is not called in question, the conservatives are contracted. With the elections of June 1981, the HNP obtained 13 % of the voices revealing the mistrust of rural the afrikaners with respect to the Botha government of which the national Party with 53 % of the voices correlatively lost 11 points compared to the elections of 1977.
With the advertisement of the proposals on the new institutions, the conservatives of NP carried out by Andries Treurnicht, try to censure the government. Botha however imposes its reform in the majority of the members of Parliament of NP causing an ideological break between Afrikaners of Transvaal and Orange with those of the Cape and the Native one. In Transvaal, Pieter Botha rests on Frédérik De Klerk and Pik Botha for évincer Treurnicht, the president of NP transvaalien by rejoining the majority of the elected officials of Transvaal.
Andries Treurnicht does not delay to cause a new schism by leaving the national party with ten members of Parliament NP to found in March 1982 the Conservative party ( Conservative Party - CP).
As of its creation, the CP receives the support of John Vorster, the widow of Verwoerd and the majority of the bunches of extreme-right-hand side. The HNP however refused to integrate the CP, remainder faithful to its heritage verwoerdien. The program of the CP is characterized by acceptance in its center from the english-speaking as Clive Derby Lewis, and by the will to create a separate white State of the remainder of South Africa to dimensions more reduced than in the ideology verwoerdienne. It was a question of making revive the ideal of the Boers republics.
In 1983, the movements opposed to apartheid are combined within United Democratic Front (UDF) to coordinate resistance to the mode. UDF quickly became the representative in the country of the ANC.
In November 1983, Pieter Botha made adopt its reform by referendum. With 76 % of participation, the White approved with 65 % the new constitution instituting a presidential and parliamentary system tricaméral. The post of Prime Minister was removed and Botha took the president's function of the republic ( State President ). It was less a question for the white of granting the right to vote with the minorities of colors than to maintain the exclusion of the Blacks of any parliamentary representation.
The general elections which follow mark a slip of the electorate afrikaner towards the CP which recorded very good scores in the rural regions of Transvaal and Orange like in Pretoria, the stronghold afrikaner, allowing him to double its parliamentary representation. In 1984, the racial riots multiply in the country whereas the international situation of the RSA worsened. The country was subjected to an increasingly constraining embargo economic and financial under the various pressure lobbies international anti-apartheid which required the end of discrimination and the multiracial elections. The South-African army was then sent in the townships whereas organized a boycott campaign of the payments of the rents and services and that black city council men were assassinated for treason towards their community. The natural allies of the RSA as the USA were disunited under the pressure of the public opinion and the American black movements. In RSA even, the presidents of the powerful mining conglomerates, fearing for their financial interests, asked the government to adopt a more liberal policy and to engage of the talks with the black organizations.
In 1985, the police force kills 21 people at the time of a demonstration commemorative of the massacre of Sharpeville. The ANC invites to make the townships ungovernable. During the year, 35 thousand soldiers are deployed to restore the order in the townships and more 1 000 people are killed. Their sides, the black main trade unions are linked in COSATU.
In 1986, Botha proclaimed the state of emergency in the townships. The camps of squatters close to the Cape were destroyed in mass then as a sign of opening, Botha abolished certain emblematic laws of apartheid like the “interior passport”. It also put an end to the prohibition of the mixed marriages between colored persons different and recognized the perenniality of the presence of the Blacks in the borders of the white RSA.
The abolition of vexatious measurements of the “petty apartheid” like the benches or the buses reserved for the White caused strong reactions in the preserving mediums. With the elections of May 6th, 1987, with 26 % of the votes, the conservative party gains the statute of official opposition to the detriment of the progressists in strong retreat. With the local elections of 1988, the CP seized 60 of the 110 municipalities of Transvaal and a municipality on four in the free Orange State. NP preserved Pretoria accuracy. Botha was found then constrained on its line and was to slow down on the reforms. He wanted to avoid an irremediable fracture between Afrikaners.
In 1988, the COSATU is prohibited like 18 other political organizations
Whereas it is committed in the fight against the cuban forces since the independence of the Angola in 1975, a reciprocal withdrawal is negotiated under the aegis of Nation-Plain during the year 1988. The cuban forces agree to be withdrawn from Angola. N the other hand the South-African government agrees to withdraw its military and financial support for rebel movement UNITA and to engage the political process having to lead quickly to the independence of the Namibia (March 21st, 1990) which it up to that point regarded as its fifth province.
The transition towards the end from apartheid 1989-1992
In January 1989, victim of a stroke, the president Pieter Botha was withdrawn for one month. On its return, it renonçait with the presidency of the national Party (NP) but stated to want to be maintained until the general elections of 1990.The head of NP succeeds to him the president of the party in Transvaal, Frederik de Klerk, supported by the right wing of the party.
Although catalogued like conservative, De Klerk wanted to change the image of the party and the country. Near to the economic circles, it knew that the international sanctions were less and less bearable for the country. It had become aware that the demographic weight of the Blacks was too important and that the White had become too minority (18 %) to be able to direct it effectively. It had understood finally that apartheid had reached its limits and had failed to prevent the Blacks from becoming everywhere majority in white RSA except for the Cape-Westerner where the mongrels remained most numerous and in Pretoria where Afrikaners dominated still significantly.
During the summer 1989, Botha is constrained to resign by the members of its cabinet who wanted as soon as possible to place De Klerk at the presidency to leave a blocked situation and to impel a new breath with the country.
As of its nomination with the presidency of the republic, De Klerk is surrounded by a team favorable to fundamental reforms. If it maintained some pillars of apartheid like Magnus Malan with defense and Adriaan Vlok with the internal security, it was to give pledges to the preserving electorate. He maintained irremovable Pik Botha with the foreign affairs to reassure the liberals as well as pragmatic the Kobie Coetsee with justice and Barend of Plessis to finances. The innovation consists especially of the rise to power within the government and of the party of nationalists reformists like Leon Wessels, Danie de Villiers or Roelf Meyer.
De Klerk convenes anticipated general elections in September 1989. Those are bad for NP with the loss of about thirty seats to the profit of the Conservative party - CP (39 seats for 33 % of the voices) and new the democratic party (Democratic Party - DP), resulting from a fusion enters the small parts progressists and liberals (with 33 seats and 21% of the voices). NP kept nevertheless a small majority but it was not any more the first party of the voters afrikaners who had preferred the CP for 45 to him; % of them (and only 7,5 % of the anglophone ways).
As of the autumn 1989, De Klerk made remove the last laws of petty apartheid in spite of the opposition of the town halls CP.
In January 1990, it caused the fury of the extremists and the surprise of the whole world by authorizing the black parties prohibited like the ANC or the Communist party and announced the nearest release of the political prisoners of which Nelson Mandela, emblematic figure of the fight anti-apartheid.
The response of the ultra-right-hand side is not made wait; processions of militia and other organizations paramilitary take place in the majority of the afrikaners cities. Eugene Terreblanche, the chief of the paramilitary grouping “Resistance movement Afrikaner” (AWB), recognizable organization with its initials forming a Swatiska with 3 branches, becomes with the eyes of the world opinion the symbol of South-African racist oppression and the resistance to change. This very negative image however serves the partisans of the reforms.
The release of Nelson Mandela in February 1990 and the talks between the prohibited government and ex-parties unchain passions within the white community. Against those which shouted with the treason and the political suicide of people, the partisans of the reforms affirmed their belief in a peaceful transition from the capacities in the majority black, transfer considered to be inescapable and only means to allow obtaining guarantee for the minorities.
In March 1990, and after negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations, the RSA gives up its supervision on Namibia.
In June 1991, De Klerk makes abolish by the Parliament the last laws of apartheid still in force concerning the habitat and racial classification. The state of emergency is raised except for the Native one where fatal violences between preserving ANC and black parties ensanglantaient the area.
Whereas the negotiations continued, the bys-election in the areas afrikaners constituted multiple reverses for NP with the profit of the CP. De Klerk decides during year 1991 to make local election of Potchefstroom, stronghold NP of Transvaal, a national stake on the approval of the White to its reforms. This election is one cooking electoral reverse for NP with the victory of the CP which benefits then from aubaine to claim anticipated elections.
De Klerk is weakened by this election which occurred following other electoral reverses with the profit of the conservatives. The surveys were bad for the nationalist party. All indicated if not a defeat vis-a-vis the CP, in any case the loss of the absolute majority so of the anticipated elections took place. Only one exit appeared to bring chances of success, it was the organization of a referendum on the founded good of the reforms which would allow to the electorates NP and DP to be added in the same vote vis-a-vis the CP.
The countryside is very hard between the partisans and the adversaries of the reforms. The goal was the validation or not by the white electorate of the abolition of apartheid and the continuation of the negotiations for transfer of being able in the majority black. During the program, De Klerk receives the critical support of the liberals which denounced the exclusiveness in negotiations NP-ANC and the setting with the variation of other political trainings. On its side, the adversaries with the reforms join together in the same camp the extreme line, the CP and several conservatives of NP in dissidence of their party, in particular Pieter Botha, the former president. Skilfully using the repulsion which the extremism of the AWB of Eugene Terreblanche in the moderated white electorate caused, NP have in heart to carefully mobilize the electorate around a project of passage of the capacity towards the majority and obtaining the guarantees as for fundamental freedoms.
The referendum take place the March 17th 1992. With a rate of participation higher than 80 %, the White voted with 68,7 % for the " oui" with the reforms. The CP had not been able to mobilize more its electorate and underwent a crucial defeat then. The referendum had obliged the White to decide concretely on their future and to make a clear and final choice on the policy of constitutional reforms of the government. The defeat of the partisans of apartheid is without call. The majority of the areas strongholds of the CP vote yes with the reforms (51 % with Kroonstad and 58 % with Bloemfontein in the Free Orange State; 54 % with Kimberley in Cape-north; 52 % with Germiston and even 54 % in Pretoria in Transvaal). Only the area of Pietersburg in Northern Transvaal expresses with 58 % its hostility with the reforms. In the anglophone areas, it is a tidal wave in favor of yes (the 78 % with Johannesburg, in the Cape, in Port Elizabeth), records in its favor taking place with Native (78 % with Pietermaritzburg; 84 % with Durban).
It is the dedication for Klerk which declares that in this day the South-Africans had decided by themselves to close again the book of apartheid definitively. Without condemning the mode passed, he recalls that the system born of good intentions had skidded on the reality of the facts. He proved well that the White did not renonçaient with the system because he was morally condemnable, but because with pragmatism, the community afrikaner took note owing to the fact that apartheid was a failure which has not been able to ensure neither the economic safety to him nor physical safety. A negotiated exit was then all the more vital, for the “white tribe”.
End of the white domination (1992-1994)
Negotiations of Kempton Park close to Johannesburg to which joint the Conservative party (CP) as an observer were to lead to a provisional constitution.
In parallel, the international sanctions are gradually raised.
In 1992, South Africa, excluded since 1964, is reinstated in the Olympic Games of Barcelona in which it takes part under an Olympic flag, the refusing ANC that black sportsmen are represented under the colors of apartheid. For the first time for a long time, a foreign team of Rugby came in RSA during the summer 1992 without opposition but under conditions imposed by the ANC concerning the behavior from official South-African. But at the time of the first test match against the New Zealand with Elect Park de Johannesburg, while making play the national anthem “Die Stem” taken again in heart by a public agitating the blue, white colors abundantly and oranges, the ANC threatened to call some again with the international sanctions.
In March 1993, whereas the negotiations continued, one of the most popular chiefs of the Communist party, Chris Hani, is assassinated. The investigation quickly finds the instigators of the attack among the mediums of extreme-right-hand side. The silent partner of the assassination was Clive Derby-Lewis, one of the anglophone chiefs of the CP. The arrest of this last becomes the symbol of the end of impunity for holding of the segregation. In April 1993, a new hard blow strikes the CP: Andries Treurnicht died following problems cardiovascular. A new chief, Ferdinand Hartzenberg, succeeds to him but cannot prevent the decline of the party.
As regards nationalist, scandals splash the government De Klerk. Magnus Malan gives up its post of minister of defense for that of National Forestry Commission following calling into question in the supply of weapons to the Zulu party Inkhata to counter the militants of the ANC. The Minister for the law and the order, Adriaan Vlok, is him also implied in this scandal and also yields his station for another least sensitive. The setting well off these two preserving pillars of the government compromised in the exactions of the security forces obliges De Klerk to accelerate the negotiations for the election of a constituent assembly in 1994.
However, not wanting to sell off the interests of the white minority, De Klerk seeks guarantees for the rights of the minorities, the maintenance and the respect of certain fundamental values: respect of the property right in order to prevent any abusive ground redistribution, guaranteed cultural, economic and social interests. It was a question for the White of transferring the political power in the majority black but of still preserving the economic capacity for several years and of avoiding the fate of the ex-colonies of Africa. Guarantees were also confirmed concerning the drafting of the future constitution by the future constituent assembly.
The November 18th 1993, the ANC and NP approved a new democratic constitution, elections for all the adults in April 1994 and the statute of official language for nine local languages is a total of eleven.
Side of the radicals of right-hand side, a face of the refusal is constituted, gathering the CP and various movements afrikaners with the parties and black conservative leaders. This regrouping within a “Alliance for freedom” marks the arrival on the political scene of the General Constand Viljoen, Afrikaner very respected until in the rows of the ANC. It gathers behind him the totality of the nationalist, preserving parties or of extreme-right-hand side. But Alliance for freedom breaks quickly, the only common point between its members being the refusal of the elections. Very quickly, certain black leaders leave alliance, constrained to join the electoral process. It is the case of the chiefs of the Ciskei or the Bophuthatswana after the failure by the latter of an attempt at secession.
When Viljoen obtains the guarantee of the ANC that the next government would name a commission to study the feasibility of the project of a Volkstaat (State afrikaner) in RSA in against part of the renunciation of violence and the participation of the movements afrikaners in the elections, he is repudiated by his partners of the CP, the HNP and the AWB. The idea of Volkstaat was however in the middle of the preserving claims afrikaners. The CP had been created on this program. Like a kind of Bantustan to back, this Volkstaat would gather on a rather vast territory the whole of Afrikaners with Pretoria for capital. But they were divided on the geographical limits of this independent territory; most radical wanted to constitute it on the borders of the old Boers republics whereas most moderate wanted it in the North-West of the Cape Province slightly populated and whose population had the Afrikaans for native tongue. Already, in a village with the edge between the free State of Orange and the Cape Province had been constituted an embryo of Volkstaat with Orania, city only inhabited by of Afrikaners.
Following the disavowal of Viljoen by the CP, the general afrikaner creates a new party, the Front of Freedom (Freedom Front - FF) to represent Afrikaners with the elections of 1994.
As for the CP, it fights its last parliamentary battles symbolically then, as a full parliamentary session, entonne for funeral oration of the white domination, the anthem “Die Stem van Suid Afrika” after the government made adopt the last laws setting up a multiracial mode of transition charged to work out in the five years a new constitution.
In April 1994, after an electoral campaign under tension where the attacks of left and right-hand side are succédé, the RSA was going to proceed to its first multiracial elections.
Two days before the vote, an attack allotted to the extreme right-hand side takes place with Johannesburg before the general headquarter of the ANC. Murder attempts follow in Germiston and the airport Jan Smuts of Johannesburg. Regarded as a last-ditch struggle of the extreme right-hand side, they do not call into question the elections.
See too
- History of South Africa
- national Apartheid
- Left
- History South Africa since 1994
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