The Histoire of the South Africa is very rich and very complex because of juxtaposition of people, cultures and different ethnos groups since the Préhistoire. The culture of the Bochimans is present there since at least 25 000 years and that of the Bantous, 2 500 years. The two cultures would have, according to sources limited to the Archéologie, generally cohabited peacefully. The history written begins with the arrival from the Européens, by beginning with the Portuguese which decide not to colonize the area, leaving the place to the Dutch. The Britanniques dispute it towards the end of the 18th century, which led to two wars. The 20th century is marked by the rise and the fall of the segregationist mode of the Apartheid.
The history précoloniale is difficult to report because in particular of the absence of writings and the difficulty from the events passed concerning an extended territory, at the time unknown of civilizations controlling the writing and little populated. Consequently, the history of this country a long time reported only the posterior events with the first European explorations. It is only since one score of years that the Historien S integrate really the discoveries of the Archéologue S to start with (to try) recalling the period précoloniale of South Africa.
Many fossils found in 1998 in the caves of Sterkfontein, Kromdraai and Makapansgat indicate that Hominides australopithecines lived on the plate Highveld approximately 3 million years ago. It is generally accepted that Homo sapiens , the human modern one, replaced hominidé the Homo erectus there is 100 000 years. Fossil S discussed found with the mouth of the River Klasies, in the province of the Cape-Eastern , would indicate that the human modern one lived in South Africa there is 90 000 years. These first inhabitants developed the culture of the Bochimans, which is present since between 40 000 and 25 000 years. It is thus the oldest culture in the world having continuously existed, with that of the Aborigènes of Australia. Bochimans were initially wandering hunters-gatherers which had such a respect of nature that they do not have, in modern terms, almost left any Empreinte ecological with share of the cave paintings.
There is approximately 2 500 years, unquestionable Bochimans acquired Bétail areas more in north, which gradually changed their economic lifestyle hunters-gatherers towards that of stockbreeders. This introduced the concepts of personal richness and Propriété into their company, by thus solidifying the structures and developing its Politique.
The Khoïkhoï, of pastauraux Bochimans, moved towards the south, joining the place nowadays named Cape of Good Hope. They continued to occupy the coasts more, while Bochimans, that they named San , remained inside the grounds. Their links were however close and the mixture of the two cultures gave place to that of the Khoïsan .
Not only stockbreeders, Bantous were also farmers, controlling inter alia cultures, that of the Blé. They worked also the Fer and lived in Village S. They are the ancestors of the people speaking the Langues nguni: Zulu Xhosa, and various other tribal languages. Xhosas will be the only ones with being organized in State to deny oneself their neighbor. For all the other people, the political unit will not exceed the group of village.
The two cultures would have, according to sources limited to the Archéologie, generally cohabited peacefully. Always it is that one can observe an integration of elements of the cultures Khoïsan and Bantoue. In addition to the archaeological artefacts, the Linguistique reveals that the click characteristic of the Khoïsan was built-in several Langues bantoues.
See also: History of the Colony of the Cape
The history written begins with the arrival from the Européens. It is the February 3rd 1488, with Mossel Bay which for the first time on these banks a European crew in the search of a new road unloads towards the India and the Asia, ordered by the Portuguese Bartolomeu Dias. They name the course Cabo da Boa Esperança , name Portuguese of the Cape of Good Hope.
The December 25th 1497, another Portuguese navigator, Vasco de Gama, explores the southern part of the continent and baptizes one of the coastal regions of the name of Native (Portuguese Christmas). In 1498, it sails round Africa and pushes in the North-East, exploring areas of current the Mozambique, before moving towards the India. The coasts not being by favourable with the accosting and of the attempts at exchanges with Khoïkhoï being revealed favourable with the conflicts, the Portuguese throw their reserved on the area of the Mozambique. This one indeed offers better points of accostings, in addition to natural resources interesting, of which some seafood and layers of Or.
The shipwreck, in 1647, of the Dutch ship, Nieuw-Haarlem, whose survivors had survived one year the foot of the mountain of the Cape, encourages the Dutch to create in this place a point of supply. Thus the Compagnie Dutchwoman of the Eastern Indies sends Jan van Riebeeck to install a base there strengthened.
The April 6th 1652, Jan van Riebeeck unloads with the foot of the Montagne of the Table, with eighty men on board Drommedaris to create a “station of cooling”, intended to provide water, meat, vegetables and fruits fresh with the crews decreased by the scurvy after four months of sea. This territory was delimited by a bitter almond hedge which one finds the trace in the botanical gardens of Kirstenbosch. The extremely pentagonal castle of Good-Hope, the oldest monument of the country, is built of 1666 with 1670.
The peninsula was then inhabited by some tribes of indigenous hunters Khoi and San which the Dutchmen baptized of the name of Hottentot (begayor). Commercial relations were tied between them. The bochimans exchanged their cattle against any manufactured kind of Dutch object. But a part of them nevertheless was decimated by the Variole brought by Europeans.
The first times were also difficult for the Dutch colonists. Nineteen of them did not spend the first winter.
In 1657, van Riebeeck recommended that the released men their obligations with respect to the company, are authorized to trade and to settle as colonists. In February 1657, the first authorizations of establishment are delivered with new (ex-) paid company. The same year, a first cargo of slaves coming from Batavia and Madagascar arrive at the Cape.
Between 1657 and 1667, several forwardings were organized to recognize the interior of the grounds. When van Riebeeck left the territory in 1662, the commercial counter of the Cape counted 134 paid Company of the Indies Orientales, 35 colonists free, 15 women, 22 children and 180 slaves imported overseas.
In 1679, Simon van der Stel is named commander of the city of the Cape. The territory which it must manage extends then from the area which extends from Muizenberg on the Indian Ocean with the mountains of Steenberg and Wynberg. He undertakes to develop this area by conceding grounds with the Dutch colonists, i.e. the Boers, in order to develop the cultures and makes plant more than eight thousand trees.
In 1685, the group of 800 colonists is joined by 200 Huguenot S driven out of France by the revocation of the edict of Nantes. Simon van der Stel concedes to them grounds rich in alluvia in the valley of Olifantshoek and the Berg river, protected from the winds broad by a large rock circus, to develop the Viticulture to with it. They create the nine firm histories with French vines: The Burgundy, the Dauphine one, the Brie, Champagne, Cabrière, Terra of Luc, the Coat, the Provence and La Motte.
In 1691, the territory reaches the official statute of colony.
As of the end of the 17th century, to mitigate the shortage of labor, Esclave S must be imported of Guinea, of Madagascar, Angola and Java (their descendants will constitute the Ethnicity “Malais of the Cape”). Indeed, at that time, the first African tribes do not reside at less 1 000 km in the east beyond the Kei river. This absence of Blacks in the Cape, like in certain areas of the interior, starts well later the polemic between Afrikaner S and Noirs as for the anteriority of their presence in South Africa.
In 1706, the first revolt of colonists against the methods of government and the corruption of the governor Willem Adriaan van der Stel leads, not only on the reference of this last but also on the stop of the European Immigration in South Africa. for the Company of the Indies, it is a question of reorientating the colony towards its original utility, that of station of supply and not of being a hearth of claiming settlement. For this purpose, the Company had also undertaken to monopolize the outlets for trade of the colony, to fix the prices of the local productions and to impose an administration more and more meddles and litigious. This restrictive policy of harassing was going however to encourage the spirit Libertarien in the free colonists and the native Dutch peasants of the colony. The latter then sought to escape oppressive control from the Company and crossed the borders of the colony to be established out of its jurisdiction, in the interior of the grounds. They called Trekboers (wandering peasants).
At the 18th century, Trekboers found thus the towns of Swellendam and Graaff-Reinet, in spite of fatal fixings with the people autochtones Khoikhoi and San, obliging the colony of the Cape to fix new borders located beyond the most important establishments boers.
In 1713 and 1755, two epidemic S of Variole devastate the colony, killing thousands of white but decimating the Khoikhoi people.
The expansion of Trekboers increased the risks of conflicts with the indigenous tribes emigrating of central Africa towards the south and the west of South Africa. Those lived to a few 1500 km of the Cape on the Atlantic coast and to 700 km in the east in the interior of the grounds. In 1779 take place the first skirmishes between indigenous Boers and tribes Xhosa S for the possession of cattle in the border zones (first Cafre war). In 1780, the Dutch governor Joaquim van Plettenberg fixes then border-is to it colony of the Cape to the river Great Fish and the Gamtoos river. But the years which follow are remembered by multiple wars of borders.
The the United Kingdom conquers the area of the Cape of Good Hope in 1797 during the Guerres anglo-Dutchwomen. The power of the Netherlands is declining and the speed of the British action is explained by the will to prevent that the France does not adapt the area. After having driven out capacity the “Stadhouder” Guillaume V of Orange-Nassau, which takes refuge in London with its family, the Netherlands recover the colony in 1803 at the time of the Paix of Amiens, but declare it in bankruptcy in 1805.
In 1806, the colony is occupied by the the United Kingdom then officially annexed again in the United Kingdom in 1814.
The British colony is then established with 25 000 slaves, 20 000 white colonists, 15 000 Khoïsan and 1 000 released black slaves. The capacity is jealously held by its elite and the social classes based on the race are strongly anchored. Like the Netherlanders, the British see the Cape like a strategic point of supply, not like a colony.
In 1807, it had been attached to the Colonial Office, had been represented locally by a governor. The companies missionaries Anglicans settle then in the colony and undertake to come to assistance, to advise and convert the local tribes hottentotes.
In 1812, the missionaries obtain that the lodged complaints by Hottentots against their employers are treated by the courts and that the audiences are public. In the veld, Boers perceive these projections like an attack with their freedoms. When the young person boer Frederic Bezuidenhout, who had refused diligenter with ones legal convocation and had been condemned by defect, is killed during his arrest by a police officer hottentot, its death starts a movement of rebellion among the farmers. Shown high treason, five of them are condemned to died and are hung in Slachters Neck. The gap between the British and Boers consequently will not cease widening.
In 1819, following one énième war of border, the territories located upstream of the Fish river to the Keiskama river are annexed to the colony of the Cape.
In 1820, nearly 4000 British colonists unload in the south-east of the Cape and found the town of Port Elizabeth at the border of the Xhosas territories. The idea is to create a buffer zone between the fortifications of the Cape and the Xhosas territories. This strategy fails and as of 1823, half of the colonists were withdrawn in the cities, in particular Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth.
The gap between the British and Boers widens, while the first dominate politics, the culture and economics and the seconds, remain relegated to the farms.
In 1822, the Dutch loses its statute of Official language in the courts and the governmental services. It moves back in the school and religious fields. The process of anglicisation is moving whereas the Dutch patois, also called Afrikaans, is disparaged. In 1828, the English becomes the only official language for the administrative and religious businesses. Hottentots are also seen recognizing the equal rights with the white.
When the British abolish slavery in 1833, the ditch grows hollow more because Boers consider that it is an act against the divine will of the hierarchy of the races. To alleviate the spirits, the governor, Sir Benjamin D' Urban founds a legislative council of 12 members supposed to allow managed of the Cape to discuss public affairs.
The compensations pécunières for the emancipation of the slaves however did not satisfairent the former owners of slaves and in 1835, several thousands of Boers farmers decided to break any bond with the colony of the Cape and to be exiled inside the grounds to found an independent republic boer. It is the Grand Trek.
It is as at that time as the Zulu Empire knows its apogee under the control of its chief Chaka. That which, since 1816, directs the nation of Ngunis-Amazoulou, “those of the sky”, reorganized the organization of its people in a professional army constituting the pivot of the company, revolutionizing the traditional structures. It also upsets the military strategy of its army, choosing the attack “at the head of buffalo” where the wings operate moving revolving. If it reigns at its beginnings on a territory of 100 000 km ², it is with its gigantic army of 100 000 men whom it reorientates the expansion of its kingdom towards the west and the south against the people Tembou, Pondo and Xhosa. By doing this, it will conquer in four years a territory vaster than France, at the price of true massacres and ethnic cleanings. This period is known under the name of Mfecane where the Zulu winners removed the old men of the overcome people, incorporated in the nation the women and enrégimentaient the young people in the Impis . The latter were to give up their ethnic identity to become true Zulus. If they refused, they were killed. According to certain historians, its conquests responsible for would have directly or indirectly died of more than two million people who will leave immense empty territories of any population.
The decline of Chaka starts with its tendency increasingly marked to tyranny, which was worth to him the opposition of its own people. With died of his/her Nandi mother in 1827, Chaka makes carry out more 7 000 people and during one year whole, it is interdict with married people of living together and with all of drinking milk.
In 1828, it is finally assassinated, victim of a plot organized by his/her Dingane half-brother and Mzilikazi.
It is at that time also that the emptied territories their people are explored by of the “Trekboers” in search of independence.
See also: Large Trek, Battle Blood To rivet
The bad relations between the Boer S and the British administration lead the first to assert their africanity (“ ek been ein Afrikander ”) and to refuse the colonial administration. In 1835, the abolition of slavery, the insufficient compensations of the farmers afrikaner S and the arrogance of the British authorities lead thousands of Boers to choose the emancipation of the colonial capacity.
Choosing a new departure towards the interior of the grounds, of the thousands of boers for the unknown on board their oxcarts, with women, children and servants embark. They will be called the Voortrekker S.
This period is known under the name of Grand Trek and worked the mythology of Afrikaners, the elected people, the white tribe, in the search of its promised land. Worthy of the Far West American, this adventure constitutes the genesis of the volk afrikaner.
Creation in the blood of their republic of Natalia against the Zoulou S is heavily in charge of symbols for this reason.
Thus, the treason whose the chiefs voortrekkers Gert Maritz were victims and Piet Retief symbolize and justify the mistrust of Afrikaners towards the Blacks of South Africa. Indeed, whereas Retief had just negotiated an agreement of coexistence and mutual aid with the King of the Zulus, that it had accepted the invitation for a banquet in this honor and for this purpose to be disarmed, it is massacred with 60 of its men. The King then orders to find the campings boers and to massacre all those which were there. Alerted by survivors who escape these massacres, the boers families gather around their chiefs Andries Pretorius and Sarel Cilliers. The December 16th 1838, at the dawn of final confrontation, they swear that if God granted the victory to them, they would build a church to return thanks to the lord in order to honor it and promise themselves to bind their destiny to only Volk and God.
Confrontation at the time of the Battle Blood To rivet between the 500 Boers folded up behind their carriages arranged in circle ( Laager ) and the 10 thousand warriors Zulu shows a true Zulu hecatomb, dye of their blood the Ncome river henceforth known under the name of Blood River, whereas the voortrekkers had only some casualties. This victory devotes the faith of Boers in their biblical destiny .
The Native one having been quickly annexed by the British, Boers take again their large trek towards north, beyond the rivers Orange and Vaal.
Side of the northern border of the colony of the Cape, the first treaties were signed with Gricquas in 1843 - 1844 for the recognition of the Western Griqualand.
In March 1846, a new Cafre war is started on the border Eastern and concluded by the defeat from the Xhosas warriors. The district of the Queen Adelaide is moved with King William' S Town and becomes the British Cafrerie, managed separately colony of the Cape as a possession of the British Crown.
The December 24th 1850, Xhosas are raised again. The colonists established in the frontier villages are attacked by surprise, the majority are killed and their burnt farms. The conflict finally leads to a new Xhosa defeat in 1853. British Caffrerie then changed statute to become a colony of the Crown.
In 1856, an young girl xhosa named Nongqawuse announced to have had a vision: the power of Xhosas would be restored, the multiplied cattle and the White driven out in the condition that for the August 11th 1856, all the cattle is cut down, burned harvests and the destroyed food reserves. She was heard and the xhosas chiefs ordered to proceed to the destruction cattle and harvests. The prediction was not carried out whereas 85% of the cattle had been cut down. The fault was charged by it to recalcitrant and of violent quarrels completed to plunge the area in misery and the Famine. To survive, several thousands of Xhosas have other choices to only resort to the Cannibalisme whereas others fled towards the colony of the Cape to beseech helps. In the final analysis, this fatal famine signed the end of the wars between Britanniques and Xhosas. The population of Caffrerie passed in two years of: 105000 with less: 27000 individuals. The depopulated grounds were then allotted to more: 6000 European immigrants of origin German E.
In 1866, all the territory of the British cafrery is incorporated in the colony of the Cape to form the districts of King William' S Town and of East London.
Following the annexation of the Native by the British with the beginning of the year 1840, the epopee boer starts again to reach its apogee in the years 1852 -1854 with the creation of the two independent republics: Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek (Transvaal) and Oranje Frystaat (free State of Orange), recognized by the British by the Treaty Sand To rivet.
These republics economically postponed, slightly populated, where only Boers are citizens, were often in conflict with the close African tribes. If the free Orange State quickly succeeded in arriving to a political stability, Transvaal was to spend several years to assimilate small ten micro refractory republics boers. The attempt by the president Marthinus Wessel Pretorius to amalgamate the two large republics with the beginning of the year 1860 was a failure.
On its side, in March 1854, the colony of the Cape had been equipped with a Constitution envisaging the establishment of two assemblies whose members were elected with the Suffrage censitaire. The minimum of property to vote with the Lower House was thus very weak (25 pounds) allowing 80% male population to exert its right to vote. The selection of the voters of the Upper House was more rigorous and required to have a certain fortune already (of 2000 to 4000 pounds). The equality of the races, recognized since 1828, had been reaffirmed there. Thus, a great number of Métis found full voter with the Lower House.
The British colony of Native was as for it prone to deep disorders following the savage resistance of the Zulus. In January 1879, the British army undergoes a memorable defeat with Isandhlwana. And it is at the time of a skirmish with the Zulus that the young person Prince Impérial, wire of Napoleon III and the Empress Eugenie, finds death on June 1st, 1879. Once resistance destroyed Zulu, the British colonial government could defer its attention on the republics boers, true spines gilded in the middle of their Empire.
Indeed, Transvaal in particular appears immensely rich in Or and Diamant S: their discoveries as from years 1860 are perceived by Boers, farmers above all, like a true catastrophe. Thousands of adventurers flow towards Transvaal bringing with them a lifestyle contrary to the austerity and of the Puritanisme boer. After a first difficult annexation (1877-1883), Great Britain had given again its independence in Transvaal finally. But the discovery of the gold layers to the Witwatersrand in 1886 was going to give Transvaal to the British day order. It is the business man Cecil Rhodos who gets busy to sap the stability of these republics in order to carry out his imperial dream of British Africa of the Cape to the Cairo. In 1889, Rhodos created the British South Africa Company (BSAC) which obtains British government a “royal charter” to occupy the Matabeleland located at the north of Transvaal. In 1890, whereas Rhodos became Prime Minister for the Cape, the BSAC occupies Mashonaland. These two territories and those conquered upstream river Zambezi form soon the Rhodesia.
In the west, the Bechuanaland is under British control. Transvaal is encircled and, put aside the single maritime outlet that Lourenço-Marks in the Portuguese colony of Mozambique offers to him, it cannot develop without dialog with the British authorities.
Moreover since 1886, this preponderance British is symbolized by emergence, to about fifty kilometers of Pretoria the capital of Transvaal, of a new city, born from the gold rush, populated foreigners (British) claiming the right to vote: Johannesburg.
See also: War of Boers
The discoveries of layers of Diamond in 1867 and Or in 1886 increase the richness as well as immigration and harden the living conditions of the autochtones. The British annex Transvaal in 1877 starting the first war anglo-boer in 1880-81. During this war, Boers wore clothes Kaki of the same color as the ground while the British soldiers carried a uniform bright red what made of it a quite visible target for the franc-tireurs. Following several victories boers, this war shows the covering of the independence of Transvaal, chaired by worthy and legendary the Paul Kruger.
Since the middle of the years 1890, the tensions were again sharp between Britanniques and the citizens of Transvaal and more particularly between the president of Transvaal, Paul Kruger, and Cecil Rhodos, the richissime and imperialist Prime Minister for the Colonie of the Cape.
Now that the territories in the north of the Limpopo river was under British domination, it any more but did not remain to control the republics boers. Since years, the foreigners ( uitlanders ) of Johannesburg claimed the citizenship in order to have the right to vote and to influence the businesses of the government of Transvaal. Paul Kruger obstinately refused in order to preserve the identity boer and in the long term to prevent a majority from claiming the pure and simple annexation of the independent republic to the British crown. In 1895, the doctor Leander Starr Jameson, right-hand man of Rhodos, organizes a punitive forwarding against Transvaal of which the goal was to reverse the government. This “Jameson Raid” is a fiasco which leads to the calling into question of Cecil Rhodos and its resignation in 1896 of its post of Prime Minister.
In September 1899, after the failure of ultimate attempts at mediation of the president Marthinus Steyn of the free Orange State, the Minister for the British Colonies Joseph Chamberlain sends an ultimatum to requiring Kruger supplements it equality of rights for the British citizens residing at Transvaal what this one could not accept. It is with full knowledge of the facts that Kruger on the other hand launches its own ultimatum before to have even received that of Chamberlain. It gave 48 hours to the British to evacuate their troops of the borders of Transvaal, or the war would be declared to them in agreement with their ally, the free State of Orange. The war is thus declared the October 12th 1899. In spite of multiple victories, Boers cannot resist well a long time and the republics are occupied as of the summer 1900. But successes of the guerilla who develops immediately in the country were going to prolong the war still two years. Désarçonnés, the British command makes place the civilians boers in Concentration camps and their black servants in others where malnutrition and the diseases were frequent. They burned the farms and harvests in order to cut the combatants of their bases and to withdraw the popular support to them from which they profit. The fate of the civilians boers is then denounced by a British nurse, Emily Hobhouse which vigorously made countryside in the opinion in their favor. The British government missionne then a board of inquiry under the responsibility of Millicent Fawcett which not only confirms the charges of Emily Hobhouse but also formula of many recommendations, such as the improvement of the food mode and medical equipment. The unpopularity of the war obliges nevertheless the British government to consider negotiations.
Their sides, Boers are also driven back. Their command is then resigned to negotiate a peace treaty which is signed with Pretoria the May 31st 1902: the Treated of Vereeniging.
Boers lost their republics and became British subjects. But about thirty thousands of civilians died in the British concentration camps were going to feed during very a long time resentment even the hatred of Afrikaners (such as they from now on will be called) against the United Kingdom and their own fellow-citizens of British origin.
The constitution of the Union of South Africa of the May 31st 1910 was going to make it possible the Afrikaner S to take again in hand the reality of the political power on a country scale large made up of four distinct provinces.
On about 3 million and half of inhabitants, a million is of European origin of which more two thirds are afrikaners.
The constitution of 1910 made it possible the old republics boers to apply a segregationist electoral system (favorable thus to Afrikaners in Transvaal and Orange) whereas the colony of the Cape granted the right to vote with the mongrels and the Blacks under certain conditions. The administrative capital of the Union is fixed at Pretoria. The seat of the Parliament is with Wraps-Town and the seat of the supreme court is with Bloemfontein. English and the Dutch are the official languages of the Parliament. The country is equipped with armorial bearings which are reproduced on the British colonial flag of South Africa, the Red Ensign . It is within this framework that Afrikaners, overcome militarily, dominated economically by the anglophone minority, are harnessed with the conquest of the political power.
The first Prime Minister elected in 1910 is the general afrikaner Louis Botha, leader of the party afrikaner Het Volk and hero of the war of Boers. It then symbolizes the return of Afrikaners to the capacity. This first government as those which follow, made up by an alliance of english-speaking and afrikaners moderated like the general Jan Smuts, one of his/her comrades of combat. It must nevertheless face a hostile opinion boer with the the United Kingdom and the opposition of “small racist White”.
To satisfy their aspirations, Louis Botha and his government were going to endeavor to promote socially the community afrikaner with, in particular, the recruitment privileged in the public office of the members of the Volk , various financial supports for the purchase of grounds and farms (creation of the bank afrikaner volkbank ) and of the social measures of avant-garde for the minors.
Thus it reinforces the British colonial laws applied according to the code of color, the Color Bar , which regulates the relations interraciales. As of 1911, the Native Ploughing Regulation Act regulates indigenous work then in 1913 the law on the indigenous land and buildings limits to 7,8 % of the territory areas where the Blacks can acquire grounds. It is to protest against this law that goes to 1914 to the United Kingdom of the representatives of the new whole African National congress founded one year rained early the January 8th 1912 with Bloemfontein to organize and unify the various African people of the Union in order to defend their rights and their freedoms.
However, all these measurements are not sufficient for Afrikaners most radical. Before even the engagement of the Union in the First World War at the side of the United Kingdom, old of the war of Boers, the general James B. Hertzog, made dissidence while choosing the nationalist combat afrikaner and created in 1914 the national Parti whose radical program was to put an end to the bonds of South Africa with the British Crown. As of the elections of 1915, with 27 deputies, the National Party is essential like the third party of the country behind the South-African Party of Botha and the Unionistic ones.
The First World War makes it possible the dominion to conquer new territories like the colony of the South-western African German in 1915. But this engagement at the side of the British is denounced by Afrikaners intransigents, in favor of the Germans of African South-west. It is at that time that a secret society calvinist is founded. The goal of the Broederbond , the “League of the brothers”, is the safeguarding and the promotion of the identity afrikaner that it is political, economic, social or cultural. This Franc-maçonnerie afrikaner becomes finally the engine of the policy of the white capacity and all the political directors of this time. This vision is shared later a long time by the Dutch reformed Church, another important component of the identity afrikaner.
With died of Louis Botha in 1919, its successor, Jan Smuts, undertakes a very liberal economic policy with respect to the mining conglomerates. The latter wished to have production costs low possible and thus a labor at a cheap rate.
With the elections of 1920, Smuts saves its majority while being combined with unionistic and with the members of the Labor Party whereas the National Party which holds the relative majority of the seats, is isolated without any ally.
With the anticipated elections of 1921, the new majority of Smuts is renewed showing the insulation of the national Party which then puts in search allies at the price of a political centring.
In 1922, a general strike at the instigation of the minors afrikaners and Communist party is started in all the requiring country of the salary demands, the slogan being “Workers of any country, link you for white South Africa”. To the social claims nationalist claims and anticapitalists initiated by the white Communists were added. Riots burst against the police force come to evacuate the mines occupied by the minors; a bloody repression on the initiative of Smuts puts an end in one week to their rebellion. Repression is particularly severe against the Communists whose white hierarchy was decapitated.
The police victory of Smuts is transformed quickly into a moral defeat. In spite of the law on the indigenous urban areas, voted in 1923, introducing the residential segregation, Smuts had been cut of the electorate afrikaner whereas Tielman Roos, the nationalist leader of Transvaal, managed to rejoin the Labor small part (party pivot at the Parliament) with the national party.
The Communist party having been crushed by police repression, its sympathizers were easily found in the nationalist topics and anticapitalists of the national party.
The general elections of 1924 are then an electoral rout for Smuts and its South-African party against the formed alliance of the national party and the workers party of Frederic Creswell. The victory thus acquired, Hertzog was propelled to the Union Buildings of Pretoria where it trains a cabinet of coalition including/understanding two Labor ministers.
One of its first symbolic systems measurements is to replace Dutch by the Afrikaans like official language with dimensions of English. Hertzog started a popular consultation also having to lead to the creation of a South-African official anthem and a national flag to replace the colonial flag with the British colors. New the national flag of South Africa is adopted by the Parliament in 1927. Consensual, it symbolizes the white history of the country and the union between the four provinces, by taking again the three horizontal, orange, white colors and blue of Dutch Princevlag of the 17th century, the Boers flags and the Union Jack. The adopted national anthem is “Die Stem van Suid Afrika” from which the words came from a poem of South-African writer CJ Langehoven.
The economic policy of Hertzog is not very different from that of Smuts and is marked by an increased protection of Afrikaners with the continuation and the extension of a segregationist policy initiated under Botha. With the elections of 1929, the National Party obtained the absolute majority of the seats with only 41% of the votes compared with 47% of the voices to the South-African Party of Smuts. The members of the Labor Party remain nevertheless with the government.
They are years of prosperity for Afrikaners whose standard of living increases considerably until the economic crisis which strikes the country in the years 1930.
In 1933, having to face the progression of unemployment and the problems economic, the nationalists of Hertzog and the liberals of Smuts agreed on the constitution of a government of national union. With the elections of May 1933, with 136 deputies on a total of 150, the two parties marginalized Labor and center. In 1934, the national party and the South-African Party amalgamated to create a new party, the plain Parti, reflecting the government of national union directed by Hertzog.
But this rallying causes a new schism among nationalists. The right wing of the party on the initiative of Pasteur Daniel Malan refuses the union to remain in a “purified national party”. Seventeen members of Parliament join this purified national party whose leaders increase then in the nationalist claims: reaffirmation of the rupture with the United Kingdom, introduction of the republic, institutionalization of the segregation and the white domination (one does not speak yet about apartheid), promotion of the history afrikaner and social-Christianity in order to allow and maintain the domination political of Afrikaners on all South Africa. The theorists supplement their ideology by references to the Nazisme triumphing over the Germany of Adolf Hitler.
The government of national union of Hertzog and Smuts directs the country until in 1939. During these years, the economy is rectified with depends on the social situation the most stripped on than they are black or white, the latter being attracted more and more towards the nationalist theses of Malan. Thus with the elections of 1938, if the voters confirm the Linked Party, they are the nationalists of Malan who gain ten elected officials thanks to the voices of the most stripped rural White or, confirming their statute of official opposition.
But in 1939, at the time to make accept by the Parliament the entry in war at the side of the United Kingdom, the government coalition flew in glare. Whereas Hertzog defended the principle of neutrality of South Africa, Smuts supported that of engagement at the side of the British. In spite of the support of the nationalist voices of Malan with Hertzog, the entry in war is voted with a small majority. Hertzog resigns and Smuts is only found with the capacity.
During the years 1939-1945, armed bunches afrikaners and pro Nazi S the such Ossewa Branderwag , “the sentinel of the oxcarts”, multiply and take actions of sabotages. The repression of the government is pitiless: these groupings are quickly dissouts and their leaders arrested and imprisoned. Among the militants and sympathizers of these organizations two future Prime Ministers appeared: Hendrik Verwoerd and Balthazar John Vorster.
Malan and the nationalists to which had joined Hertzog and its allies link in a “reunified National Party”, but very quickly in dissension with the extremists close to Malan, Hertzog left the party and founded the Parti Afrikaner taken again after its death in 1943 by Nicolaas Havenga.
Malan and the “nats” avoid in these years of war being implied in actions of sabotage but morally support the goals of these bunches. At the time of the elections of 1943, the party must face dissidences resulting from its rows, in particular with that “of a New Nature” of the former minister Oswald Pirow with the program pronazi. Nevertheless, by gaining 16 additional seats compared to the elections of 1938 and 36 % of the votes, the National Party manages to suppress this dissidence which does not have any elected official whereas the Plain Party (105 seats), always victorious, still saw its majority being reduced
In 1944, their sides, the black movements did not remain inactive, not stimulated by the action of a young guard in particular made up of Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and of Oliver Tambo which founds the league of youth of the ANC, movement studying more radical than its elder in its mode of expression and in favor of mass demonstrations to make succeed the claims of equalities racial and democratic of the black majority. In 1947, the ANC is combined with the Indian Congress of Native and the Indian Congress of Transvaal in order to provide the common foundations of a formation linked in opposition to the government.
At the White, the tensions between the nationalists afrikaners and the moderate ones of the Plain Party had been again doped by the approval of Jan Smuts to the conclusions of the Commission Report Fagan which recommended a liberalization of the racial system in South Africa while starting with the abolition of the ethnic reserves as well as the end of the rigorous control of migrant worker. The National Party had blow elected its own commission (the Sauer commission) which recommends contrary hardening to the segregationist laws.
Haloed victory of the allied ones to which and participation South Africa of the country joined in the creation of the the United Nations, Jan Smuts seemed assured a comfortable re-election to the general elections of 1948 and could thus propose to format the Commission proposals Fagan, whereas the nationalists proposed to the South-Africans afrikaners but also to the english-speaking their new society project based on the conclusions of the Sauer commission: the Apartheid.
See also: Apartheid
See also: History of South Africa (1948-1994)
Against any waiting, although minority in voice, the alliance of the national Party of Daniel Malan, and Left Afrikaner (Afrikaner Party - AP) Nicolaas Havenga, gains the majority of the seats to the elections of 1948. The new Prime Minister, Daniel François Malan, compose a government exclusively afrikaner. He entrusts to Hendrik Verwoerd, the ministry for the indigenous businesses with which he was going to start to apply his doctrines of separate development of the races also known under the name of Apartheid. The legislative and constitutional system grew rich by new segregationist laws whereas the old racial and space laws as the Land Act of 1913 were hardened. The racial question ended up intervening at all the stages of the life with the coding of segregationist laws of daily applications aiming at making coexist two worlds which never would not live together. The laws organizing apartheid, voted in February 1950, were organized around a principle of bulk-heading: the individuals are classified in four groups which determine their life (residence, studies, marriage, etc).
The Blacks were gradually expelled of whole districts close to the cities and were obliged to live in Township S built for them. They were to often traverse long distances to go to work in the white cities. The animosity of Afrikaners towards the British left the place to the fear of the black danger . While bringing the racial question in the middle of the political debate, the national Party was, lasting about thirty years, to monopolize the vote of the community afrikaner and to attract the vote of the anglophone community.
The resumption of the doctrines of apartheid by successive the Prime Ministers, all of NP, creates a constitutional and legislative system single in the world, approved by the majority of the White convinced not to have other choices to remain in their country.
On its side, the ANC, main organization anti-apartheid who fought for the equality political, economic and legal between Noirs and White, was Socialiste and allied with the Communist party what had made an adversary of it, not only White of South Africa but also the the United States. In June 1952, the ANC under the cane of Walter Sisulu united with other organizations anti-apartheid in a national campaign of distrust against the political, social and residential restrictions imposed to the coloured persons. This passive resistance campaign ends in April 1953 when new laws prohibit the political gatherings and demonstrations.
With the elections of 1953, the National Party again gains the majority of the seats of the Parliament. In 1954, Malan, patient, resign of his armchair of Prime Minister who is recovered by Johannes Strijdom, elected ultraconservator of Transvaal. It accentuates the segregationist policy and the installation of Bantoustan S blacks (autonomous territories managed by the populations autochtones) on 13 % of the South-African territory.
In June 1955, the Congress of the People, organized by in particular white ANC and other anti-apartheid groups, adopts in Kliptown, the Charter of freedom ( Freedom Charter ), stating the fundamental bases of the claims of the coloured persons, calling with the equal rights whatever the race. The ANC binds then with the Communist party and central trade-union COSATU. Hundred fifty six members of the ANC and the organizations allied are stopped in 1956, then discharged five years later.
At the time of the elections of April 1958, the National Party gains a comfortable electoral victory, winner this time in voice and seats.
But in same time, the black movements of release them also divide when many radicals of the ANC leave their movement to protest against his opening to the other races and form a concurrent nationalist organization, the Congrès African Side directed by Robert Sobukwe.
In 1960, the Massacre of Sharpeville where 69 peaceful protesters are killed by the police force put South Africa in “One” of the international topicality. To counteract, the government makes prohibit the majority of the liberation movements like the ANC or the Congrès African Side. Their leaders enter clandestinity then. Nelson Mandela then founds a military wing of the ANC, called Umkhonto we Sizwe, which means the Lance of the Nation and which launches out in actions of sabotage of the industrial infrastructures, civil or military. At the end of the year, the chief of the ANC, Albert Luthuli, obtains the Nobel Prize of peace.
Symbolically, following international reprobation in full period of Decolonization, South Africa is excluded from the Olympic Games after those of 1960 with the Japan.
In a memorable speech on the “wind of the change” pronounced at the Parliament in Cape Town, British the Prime Minister Harold Macmillan benefits from it to criticize the opposition to progress and the passeism of the leaders of South Africa. Exasperated, the nationalists propose to submit a project of Référendum to institute the republic. Although one believed one moment in a secession of the anglophone White of the Native one, the principle of the republic was approved the October 5th, 1960. On this occasion the White divide between republicans (Afrikaners) and loyal supporters (anglophone) but the transition is done in the calm one without excessive emigration of the english-speaking.
The “proclamation of the Republic of South Africa” (RSA) the May 31st 1961 accompanied by the rupture of the last bonds with the the United Kingdom (withdrawal of the the Commonwealth) and the effective creation of the Bantustan first black, the Transkei mark the apogee of apartheid.
With the elections of October 8th, 1961, the policy of Verwoerd is voted by plebiscite whereas Helen Suzman becomes only elected Party Progressist with the program openly anti-segregationist.
In July 1963, several of the main leaders of the prohibited ANC whose Nelson Mandela and Walters Sisulu are stopped with Rivonia and accused of high treason and of plots towards the State. In 1964, they are condemned to the life imprisonment. The ANC and Umkhonto we Sizwe, decapitated, then are completely disorganized and install their general headquarter abroad.
With the elections of March 30th, 1966, the national party gains 58 % of the votes whereas at its borders, the “colony” of Southern Rhodesia of Ian Smith unilaterally declared his independence of the United Kingdom to maintain the principle of the white domination on its territory.
In September 1966, one enlightened assassinates Verwoerd in full heart of the fine Parliament putting at the phase development and of intensive and methodical application of apartheid.
The exceptions cause an outcry among spiritual heirs to Verwoerd. Albert Hertzog, wire of the former Prime Minister and more extremist that was not this last, leaves the party with some companions and founds the reconstituted national party (HNP). Quickly begun again in hand by Jaap Marsh, this new dissidence remains marginal (of 3 with 7 % of the white voices). The guerilla of l´ANC starts in 1967.
In the years 1970, the RSA is severely criticized by the international community. In 1971, the court of $the Hague withdraws its Mandat to him on the South-western African. In 1974, the general meeting of the United Nations refuses the letters of accreditation of the ambassador of South Africa under the pretext of not-representativeness.
The White however largely supported their government and the influence of the liberal opposition was reduced to each election with some folding seats. Thus, the provinces of Transvaal and the free Orange State almost exclusively sent nationalist deputies to the Parliament of Cape Town whereas the liberals, heirs to the plain party of Smuts, preserved their parliamentary representation only thanks to the ways obtained in the crested suburbs of Johannesburg, Durban, Port Elizabeth and Cape Town, cities dominated by the english-speaking. The Party Linked, principal party of opposition in complete decomposition and not very credible vis-a-vis NP dissolve besides in 1977.
Following the Decolonization of the Mozambique and Angola and the arrival of Marxist governments, the RSA was presented in last rampart against the seizure of the Communists in Southern Africa making it possible Vorster to obtain the more or less tacit support of the Western governments. Indeed the IMF, and the World Bank and of Western large bank will grant appropriations of several billion dollars to the RSA. The RSA became in same time a nuclear power thanks to its relations with Israel and the France.
In 1976, the imposition by the minister Andries Treurnicht, of obligatory teaching in Afrikaans instead of the English or of a local language for the black schoolboys causes a rising of the latter in Townships. A walk of protest is organized in the black district of Soweto close to Johannesburg the June 16th 1976. Approximately 20 000 students present and, in spite of calls to calm of the organizers, face the police force. The South-African repression of the security forces and the police force of Jimmy Kruger is very wild. Majority of the other countries, except for the United Kingdom and of the the United States which feared the swing of the country in the camp of the Soviet Union, condemn repression and impose a limitation of the trade or even sanctions. The images and testimonys on the massacre of Soweto will make the round the world tour whereas Umkhoto We Sizwe receives the contribution of new recruits coming from the townships. From 1977, the organization is again able to make Attentat S more or less targeted, even sometimes fatal on the South-African ground, aiming in priority the police stations of the townships and the blacks marked to collaborate with the white mode.
In 1977, one of the very popular chiefs of the “black Conscience”, Steve Biko, is removed and assassinated by the security forces. It is the journalist and editor Donald Woods who will alert the world public opinion on the conditions of the disappearance of Biko. These events will be the object of the film Cry Freedom - the cry of freedom carried out in 1987.
A Embargo on the sales of weapons with the RSA is then voted with the Safety advice of the United Nations whereas the country is militarily committed in Angola against the government Marxiste places from there while supporting directly or indirectly the rebel movement of UNITA and that it supports the white government of Rhodesia. This diplomatic failure for Vorster is accompanied by a accounting scandal concerning one of its close relations, his dolphin Connie Mulder, Minister for information. However at the time of the elections of November 30th, 1977, the party obtains the best score of its history (64,8 % of the votes) leaving in crumbs the parliamentary opposition from now on mainly represented by the party federal progressist (16 %).
John Vorster is not however long in being caught up with by the scandal which affects its dolphin and must yield its armchair of Prime Minister, to be appointed president of the republic. Pieter Botha succeeds to him.
Its government formed a subtle balance between conservatives and liberals, between those of the old Vorster governments and the more pragmatic personalities with respect to the doctrines of apartheid. If Botha made figure at the origin of intransigent partisan of the mode, its functions with the report heading will lead it to slice in favor of the camp of “enlightened” of NP (pragmatic) against “contracted” (preserving) joined together around its minister and chair federation NP of Transvaal, Andries Treurnicht.
With the support of pragmatic of the party, Botha decided to undertake a reform of the institutions which would break in fact with the ideology verwoerdienne. In 1981 besides, only 4 Bantustans had reached independence whereas 10 preserved a statute of autonomy, showing slowness and the difficulties encountered to build apartheid.
In 1981, Botha proposes a constitutional reform for présidentialiser the mode and especially to grant a right to vote and a separate representation for the mongrels and the Indians by founding a Parlement tricaméral. But nothing is planned for the Blacks, however majority. Although this reform is limited and described as wobbly by the liberals, that the principle of the white domination is not called in question, the conservatives are contracted. With the elections of June 1981, the HNP obtained 13 % of the voices revealing the mistrust of rural the afrikaners with respect to the Botha government of which the national Party with 53 % of the voices correlatively lost 11 points compared to the elections of 1977.
With the advertisement of the proposals on the new institutions, the conservatives of NP carried out by Andries Treurnicht, try to censure the government. Botha however imposes its reform in the majority of the members of Parliament of NP causing an ideological break between Afrikaners of Transvaal and Orange with those of the Cape and the Native one. In Transvaal, Pieter Botha rests on Frédérik De Klerk and Pik Botha for évincer Treurnicht, the president of NP transvaalien by rejoining the majority of the elected officials of Transvaal.
Andries Treurnicht does not delay to cause a new schism by leaving the national party with ten members of Parliament NP to found in March 1982 the conservative party ( Conservative Party - CP).
As of its creation, the CP receives the support of John Vorster, the widow of Verwoerd and the majority of the bunches of extreme-right-hand side. The HNP however refused to integrate the CP, remainder faithful to its heritage verwoerdien. The program of the CP is characterized by acceptance in its center from the english-speaking as Clive Derby Lewis, and by the will to create a separate white State of the remainder of South Africa to dimensions more reduced than in the ideology verwoerdienne. It was a question of making revive the ideal of the Boers republics.
In 1983, the movements opposed to apartheid are combined within United Democratic Front (UDF) to coordinate resistance to the mode. UDF quickly became the representative in the country of the ANC. In the same year, after the success of operations symbolic systems like the attack against the Nuclear plant of Koeberg, Umkhoto we sizwe makes the most fatal bomb attack of its history with Pretoria on May 20th, 1983 (19 people killed, 217 wounded),
In November 1983, Pieter Botha made adopt its reform by referendum. With 76 % of participation, the White approved with 65 % the new constitution instituting a presidential and parliamentary system tricaméral. The post of Prime Minister was removed and Botha took the president's function of the republic (State President). It was less a question for the white of granting the right to vote with the minorities of colors than to maintain the exclusion of the Blacks of any parliamentary representation.
The general elections which follow mark a slip of the electorate afrikaner towards the CP which recorded very good scores in the rural regions of Transvaal and Orange like in Pretoria, the stronghold afrikaner, allowing him to double its parliamentary representation. In 1984, the racial riots multiply in the country whereas the international situation of the RSA worsened. The country was subjected to an increasingly constraining embargo economic and financial under the various pressure lobbies international anti-apartheid which required the end of discrimination and the multiracial elections. The South-African army was then sent in the townships whereas organized a boycott campaign of the payments of the rents and services and that black city council men were assassinated for treason towards their community. The natural allies of the RSA as the USA were disunited under the pressure of the public opinion and the American black movements. In RSA even, the presidents of the powerful mining conglomerates, fearing for their financial interests, asked the government to adopt a more liberal policy and to engage of the talks with the black organizations.
In 1985, the police force kills 21 people at the time of a demonstration commemorative of the massacre of Sharpeville. The ANC invites to make the townships ungovernable. During the year, 35 thousand soldiers are deployed to restore the order in the townships and more 1 000 people are killed. Their sides, the black main trade unions are linked in COSATU while Umkhoto we sizwe lance a terror campaign in the rural areas of the Transvaal against the white farmers. In December 1985, an anti-personnel mine deposited by the military wing of the ANC kills the family of a tourist afrikaner in the north of the country then the December 23rd, a young activist explodes a bomb in a shopping mall of Amanzimtoti (5 died, 40 wounded).
In 1986, Botha proclaimed the state of emergency in the townships. The camps of squatters close to the Cape were destroyed in mass then as a sign of opening, Botha abolished certain emblematic laws of apartheid like the “interior passport”. It also put an end to the prohibition of the mixed marriages between colored persons different and recognized the perenniality of the presence of the Blacks in the borders of the white RSA.
The abolition of vexatious measurements of the “petty apartheid” like the benches or the buses reserved for the White caused strong reactions in the preserving mediums. With the elections of May 6th, 1987, with 26 % of the votes, the conservative party gains the statute of official opposition to the detriment of the progressists in strong retreat. With the local elections of 1988, the CP seized 60 of the 110 municipalities of Transvaal and a municipality on four in the State Libre of Orange. NP preserved Pretoria accuracy. Botha was found then constrained on its line and was to slow down on the reforms. He wanted to avoid an irremediable fracture between Afrikaners.
In 1988, the COSATU is prohibited like 18 other political organizations
Whereas it is committed in the fight against the cuban forces since the independence of the Angola in 1975, a reciprocal withdrawal is negotiated under the aegis of Nation-Plain during the year 1988. The cuban forces agree to be withdrawn from Angola. N the other hand the South-African government agrees to withdraw his military and financial support for rebel movement UNITA and to engage the political process having to lead quickly to the independence of the Namibia (March 21st, 1990) which it regarded until there as its fifth province.
The head of NP succeeds to him the president of the party in Transvaal, Frederik de Klerk, supported by the right wing of the party.
Although catalogued like conservative, De Klerk wanted to change the image of the party and the country. Near to the economic circles, it knew that the international sanctions were less and less bearable for the country. It had become aware that the demographic weight of the Blacks was too important and that the White had become too minority (18 %) to be able to direct it effectively. It had understood finally that apartheid had reached its limits and had failed to prevent the Blacks from becoming everywhere majority in white RSA except for the Cape-Westerner where the mongrels remained most numerous and in Pretoria where Afrikaners dominated still significantly.
During the summer 1989, Botha is constrained to resign by the members of its cabinet who wanted as soon as possible to place De Klerk at the presidency to leave a blocked situation and to impel a new breath with the country.
As of its nomination with the presidency of the republic, De Klerk is surrounded by a team favorable to fundamental reforms. If it maintained some pillars of apartheid like Magnus Malan with defense and Adriaan Vlok with the internal security, it was to give pledges to the preserving electorate. He maintained irremovable Pik Botha with the foreign affairs to reassure the liberals as well as pragmatic the Kobie Coetsee with justice and Barend of Plessis to finances. The innovation consists especially of the rise to power within the government and of the party of nationalists reformists like Leon Wessels, Danie de Villiers or Roelf Meyer.
De Klerk convenes anticipated general elections in September 1989. Those are bad for NP with the loss of about thirty seats to the profit of the Conservative party - CP (39 seats for 33 % of the voices) and new the democratic party (Democratic Party - DP), resulting from a fusion enters the small parts progressists and liberals (with 33 seats and 21% of the voices). NP kept nevertheless a small majority but it was not any more the first party of the voters afrikaners who had preferred the CP for 45  to him; % of them (and only 7,5 % of the anglophone ways).
As of the autumn 1989, De Klerk made remove the last laws of apartheid in spite of the opposition of the town halls CP.
In January 1990, it caused the fury of the extremists and the stupor of the whole world by authorizing the black parties prohibited like the ANC or the Communist party and announced the nearest release of the political prisoners of which Nelson Mandela, emblematic figure of the fight anti-apartheid.
The response of the ultra-right-hand side is not made wait; processions of militia and other organizations paramilitary take place in the majority of the afrikaners cities. Eugene Terreblanche, the chief of the paramilitary grouping “Resistance movement Afrikaner” (AWB), recognizable organization with its initials forming a Swatiska with 3 branches, becomes with the eyes of the world opinion the symbol of South-African racist oppression and the resistance to change. This very negative image however serves the partisans of the reforms.
The release of Nelson Mandela in February 1990 and the talks between the prohibited government and ex-parties unchain passions within the white community. Against those which shouted with the treason and the political suicide of people, the partisans of the reforms affirmed their belief in a peaceful transition from the capacities in the majority black, transfer considered to be inescapable and only means to allow obtaining guarantee for the minorities.
In March 1990, and after negotiations under the aegis of the Nations Linked, the RSA gives up its supervision on Namibia.
In June 1991, De Klerk makes abolish by the Parliament the last laws of apartheid still in force concerning the habitat and racial classification. The state of emergency is raised except for the Native one where fatal violences between preserving ANC and black parties ensanglantaient the area.
Whereas the negotiations continued, the bys-election in the areas afrikaners constituted multiple reverses for NP with the profit of the CP. De Klerk decides during year 1991 to make local election of Potchefstroom, stronghold NP of Transvaal, a national stake on the approval of the White to its reforms. This election is one cooking electoral reverse for NP with the victory of the CP which benefits then from aubaine to claim anticipated elections.
De Klerk is weakened by this election which occurred following other electoral reverses with the profit of the conservatives. The surveys were bad for the nationalist party. All indicated if not a defeat vis-a-vis the CP, in any case the loss of the absolute majority so of the anticipated elections took place. Only one exit appeared to bring chances of success, it was the organization of a referendum on the founded good of the reforms which would allow to the electorates NP and DP to be added in the same vote vis-a-vis the CP.
The countryside is very hard between the partisans and the adversaries of the reforms. The goal was the validation or not by the white electorate of the abolition of apartheid and the continuation of the negotiations for transfer of being able in the majority black. During the program, De Klerk receives the critical support of the liberals which denounced the exclusiveness in negotiations NP-ANC and the setting with the variation of other political trainings. On its side, the adversaries with the reforms join together in the same camp the extreme line, the CP and several conservatives of NP in dissidence of their party, in particular Pieter Botha, the former president. Skilfully using the repulsion which the extremism of the AWB of Eugene Terreblanche in the moderated white electorate caused, NP have in heart to carefully mobilize the electorate around a project of passage of the capacity towards the majority and obtaining the guarantees as for fundamental freedoms.
The referendum take place the March 17th 1992. With a rate of participation higher than 80 %, the White voted with 68,7 % for the " oui" with the reforms. The CP had not been able to mobilize more its electorate and underwent a crucial defeat then. The referendum had obliged the White to decide concretely on their future and to make a clear and final choice on the policy of constitutional reforms of the government. The defeat of the partisans of apartheid is without call. The majority of the areas strongholds of the CP vote yes with the reforms (51 % with Kroonstad and 58 % with Bloemfontein in the Free Orange State; 54 % with Kimberley in Cape-north; 52 % with Germiston and even 54 % in Pretoria in Transvaal). Only the area of Pietersburg in Northern Transvaal expresses with 58 % its hostility with the reforms. In the anglophone areas, it is a tidal wave in favor of yes (the 78 % with Johannesburg, in the Cape, in Port Elizabeth), records in its favor taking place with Native (78 % with Pietermaritzburg; 84 % with Durban).
It is the dedication for Klerk which declares that in this day the South-Africans had decided by themselves to close again the book of apartheid definitively. Without condemning the mode passed, he recalls that the system born of good intentions had skidded on the reality of the facts. He proved well that the White did not renonçaient with the system because he was morally condemnable, but because with pragmatism, the community afrikaner took note owing to the fact that apartheid was a failure which has not been able to ensure neither the economic safety to him nor physical safety. A negotiated exit was then all the more vital, for the “white tribe”.
Negotiations of Kempton Park close to Johannesburg to which joint the Conservative party (CP) as an observer were to lead to a provisional constitution.
In parallel, the international sanctions are gradually raised.
In 1992, South Africa, excluded since 1964, is reinstated in the Olympic Games of Barcelona in which it takes part under an Olympic flag, the refusing ANC that black sportsmen are represented under the colors of apartheid. For the first time for a long time, a foreign team of Rugby came in RSA during the summer 1992 without opposition but under conditions imposed by the ANC concerning the behavior from official South-African. But at the time of the first test match against the New Zealand in Ellis Park de Johannesburg, while making play the national anthem “Die Stem” taken again in heart by a public abundantly agitating the blue, white colors and oranges, the ANC threatened to call some again with the international sanctions.
In March 1993, whereas the negotiations continued, one of the most popular leaders of the Communist party, Chris Hani, is assassinated. The investigation quickly finds the instigators of the attack among the mediums of extreme-right-hand side. The silent partner of the assassination was Clive Derby-Lewis, one of the anglophone chiefs of the CP. The arrest of this last becomes the symbol of the end of impunity for holding of the segregation. In April 1993, a new hard blow strikes the CP: Andries Treurnicht died following problems cardiovascular. A new chief, Ferdinand Hartzenberg, succeeds to him but cannot prevent the decline of the party.
As regards nationalist, scandals splash the government De Klerk. Magnus Malan gives up its post of minister of defense for that of National Forestry Commission following calling into question in the supply of weapons to the Zulu party Inkhata to counter the militants of the ANC. The Minister for the law and the order, Adriaan Vlok, is him also implied in this scandal and also yields his station for another least sensitive. The setting well off these two preserving pillars of the government compromised in the exactions of the security forces obliges De Klerk to accelerate the negotiations for the election of a constituent assembly in 1994.
However, not wanting to sell off the interests of the white minority, De Klerk seeks guarantees for the rights of the minorities, the maintenance and the respect of certain fundamental values: respect of the property right in order to prevent any abusive ground redistribution, guaranteed cultural, economic and social interests. It was a question for the White of transferring the political power in the majority black but of still preserving the economic capacity for several years and of avoiding the fate of the ex-colonies of Africa. Guarantees were also confirmed concerning the drafting of the future constitution by the future constituent assembly.
The November 18th 1993, the ANC and NP approved a new democratic constitution, elections for all the adults in April 1994 and the statute of official language for nine local languages is a total of eleven.
Side of the radicals of right-hand side, a face of the refusal is constituted, gathering the CP and various movements afrikaners with the parties and black conservative leaders. This regrouping within a “Alliance for freedom” marks the arrival on the political scene of the General Constand Viljoen, Afrikaner very respected until in the rows of the ANC. It gathers behind him the totality of the nationalist, preserving parties or of extreme-right-hand side. But Alliance for freedom breaks quickly, the only common point between its members being the refusal of the elections. Very quickly, certain black leaders leave alliance, constrained to join the electoral process. It is the case of the chiefs of the Ciskei or the Bophuthatswana after the failure by the latter of an attempt at secession.
When Viljoen obtains the guarantee of the ANC that the next government would name a commission to study the feasibility of the project of a Volkstaat (State Afrikaner) in RSA in against part of the renunciation of violence and the participation of the movements afrikaners in the elections, he is repudiated by his partners of the CP, the HNP and the AWB. The idea of Volkstaat was however in the middle of the claims of the preserving afrikaners. The CP had been created on this program. Like a kind of Bantustan to back, this Volkstaat would gather on a rather vast territory the whole of Afrikaners with Pretoria for capital. But they were divided on the geographical limits of this independent territory; most radical wanted to constitute it on the borders of the old Boers republics whereas most moderate wanted it in the North-West of the Cape Province slightly populated and whose population had the Afrikaans for native tongue. Already, in a village with the edge between the Free State of Orange and the Cape Province had been constituted an embryo of Volkstaat with Orania, city only inhabited by of Afrikaners.
Following the disavowal of Viljoen by the CP, the general afrikaner creates a new party, the Front of Freedom (Freedom Front - FF) to represent Afrikaners with the elections of 1994.
As for the CP, it fights its last parliamentary battles symbolically then, as a full parliamentary session, entonne for funeral oration of the white domination, the anthem “Die Stem Van Suid Afrika” after the government made adopt the last laws setting up a multiracial mode of transition charged to work out in the five years a new constitution.
In April 1994, after an electoral campaign under tension where the attacks of left and right-hand side followed one another, the RSA was going to proceed to its first multiracial elections.
Two days before the vote, an attack allotted to the extreme right-hand side takes place with Johannesburg before the general headquarter of the ANC. Murder attempts follow in Germiston and the airport Jan Smuts de Johannesburg. Regarded as a last-ditch struggle of the extreme-right-hand side, they do not call into question the elections.
See also: History of South Africa since 1994
Starting from the April 27th 1994, the South-Africans voted to elect their representatives at the Parliament and in the provincial councils of the nine new provinces of the country, integrating the old Bantustans.
At the time of these first elections multiracial, the ANC gained 63 % of the voices against 23 % with NP. Thanks to the mongrels, this last gained the province of the Cape-Westerner with 59 % of the voices. Inkhata Freedom Party obtained 10 % of the voices and a provincial representation almost only with the KwaZulu-Native whereas the Front of Freedom managed to gather 2,8 % of the voters. The democratic party arrived in 4th position with 1,8 %.
A government of national union was then formed at the beginning of May 1994, bringing together the representatives of the parties having obtained more 5 % of the voices, i.e. the ANC, NP and the IFP.
The May 10th, Mandela was elected President of the Republic by the Parliament. It named Thabo Mbeki like first vice-president and Frederik De Klerk like second vice-president and a multiracial government of national union to majority ANC.
In 1996, a final constitution is adopted.
Since 1999, the president of the republic is Thabo Mbeki.
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