History of Namibia - SpeedyLook encyclopedia

the history of the Namibia is divided into several very distinct times. The country is one of young people of Africa and the Namibian State itself exists only since 1990.

Formerly ground without name, baptized South-western African starting from the German Colonization in 1884, the country was managed by the South Africa of 1915 with 1990.

Prehistory at the 19th century

First explorers

The territory is hostile and is not explored before the 18th century.

In 1750, Jacobus Coetse, a Hunting ur of elephant S of the Cape, is the first White to cross the river Orange, thus opening the way with the hunters, the explorers and the missionaries.

As from the years 1760, adventurers and explorers as the brothers Van Reenen cross in their turn the river Orange. The French François Valiant the carries out several forwardings but nobody thinks of settling durably in the area.

The first commercial contacts take place with the wandering people namas. The trade becomes rather important so that Walvis Bay, Angra Pequena and the island of Halifax is asserted by the governor of the Colonie of the Cape in the name of the crown Dutchwoman. In 1793, the Netherlanders take possession of Walvis Bay (called then Walvisbaai). Two years later, the British annex the Cape, take possession of Walvis Bay and assert the littoral of Africa of South-west, name under which the area starts to be indicated.

As from the years 1800, the English of the London Mission Society , the missionaries Lutheran S, the German Méthodiste S and Finnish start to explore the South-western African and to build schools and missions. The first establishment is set up in Warmbad in 1805. In their wake follow the clans Oorlam S, the merchants and the hunters. Throughout the 19th century, the tribes of north (Ovambos, Kavangos, Capriviens) remain however isolated and the contacts with the other tribes, the explorers and the missionaries remain fortuitous.

Domination of Oorlams

As from the years 1824, the Oorlam S (“Hottentots colonial” or small Namas) - Mongrel of namas and Afrikaner S - which fled the discriminatory laws of the Colonie of the Cape and the expansionism of the European colonists emigrate in the center of current Namibia and are made main of the area located between the river Orange and Swakop, driving out some German missionaries of the area. Under the control of Jonker Afrikaner, the tribe nama of the Oorlam is established in 1840 with the place called //Ai-//Gams/ by the Namas and Otjomuise by the Hereros. The place is renamed Winterhoek (“the corner of the winter”). Forts of their organization as a military commando inspired by the Boers of South Africa, they hardly have difficulties of being essential on the others Namas, the Hereros and the Damaras (tiny rooms in Esclavage). In 1842, German missionaries, Hugo Hahn and Heinrich Kleinschmidt, are also established in Winterhoek. The latter force the Hereros to conclude an unequal peace with the Oorlam S. the penetration from the grounds is then facilitated with the construction of the road of bay in 1843 by Jonker Afrikaner between Winterhoek and Walvis Bay. It then imposes a commercial monopoly to the merchants through lucrative brokings making of the Oorlam S of the obligatory intermediaries with the other tribes.

In 1850, the conflict is again open with the Hereros which are reduced to the state of vassal. The latter are combined then with the Namas. In 1858 however, the suzerainty of Jonker Afrikaner is reaffirmed by a treaty. In the years which follow, the Oorlam S push their forwardings until in territory Ovambo in north. But after death in 1861 of Jonker Afrikaner, the coalition of the Hereros and the Namas, armed by Swedish merchants, ends up coming to end from the Oorlam S, killing Christiaan Afrikaner, the successor of its father. It is in 1870 that peace is finally signed between the Hereros of the Maharero chief and Jan Jonker Afrikaner, the son junior by Jonker, devoting the supremacy of the Hereros.

In 1872, the Basters, descendants of Dutch colonists and African women of the colony of the Cape, are established with Rehoboth in the center of the South-western African where they found a small free republic.

The odyssey of Dorslandtrekkers

In 1870, the white population in the north of the river Orange and in the south of the Cunene river is of one hundred thirty-seven men and ten women and children.

Between 1874 and 1892, four convoys coming from the Republic of South Africa of Transvaal bring Immigrating S Boer S in search of. They are called the Dorslandtrekkers (“those which travel to the country of thirst”) after their crossing of the Kalahari Desert . Their epopee leads them in country Hereros, with the foot of the mountains of Waterberg, then at the edge of the Okavango.

Decimated by the fevers and thirst, the first of these pioneers unite with the Chasse ur of elephants, publicity agent, and Métis of the Cape, William Worthington Jordaan, which told their epopee. Under its control, these Boers skirts the salted lake of Etosha, circumvents the country Ovambo and reaches the Angola in 1880 where fifty-five families are established in the fertile area of Its da Bandeira (they obtained Portuguese nationality thereafter).

In 1878, the the United Kingdom appendix Walvis Bay with the Colony of the Cape. Walvis Bay is however located in full heart of Namib but it is the only deep water site where a port can be built.

But whereas the power of the Oorlam S afrikaners declines, Hendrik Witbooi, the leader hottentot of the Oorlam S Namas launches out to the conquest of north and is found in catch with the Hereros. He manages to become the chief of the people Nama entire after the defeat of Jan Jonker in August 1880 and the destruction of Winterkoek (Oorlams Afrikaners do not have any more a political existence after death of Jan Jonker in 1889).

German colonization (1884-1920)

The German conquest of the Namibian territory starting from 1885 deeply marked the future State, whose German was still one of the official languages until in 1990. Marked by the genocide of the Hereros, but also a relative economic development (due in particular to the exploitation of the mines of which those of diamonds), Namibia became a South-African protectorate following the German defeat of 1918 at the conclusion of the First World War.

The foundation of the colony (1884-1889)

The April 10th 1883 a German tradesman of the name of Adolf Lüderitz sends to explorers in recognition in the South-western African. They unload in bay of Angra Pequena where the chief nama Joseph Frederiks II (the Namas are people of pastors which lives in South Africa, Namibia and Botswana) sells to them bay for 100 pounds sterling and 200 rifles. The bay is placed under the protection of the Germany as of the April 24th 1884, is followed of all the territory between the river Cunene and the river Orange.

In 1885, Heinrich Göring is named imperial police chief of Reich in African South-west where it is charged to represent the Prussian authority with the assistance of two civils servant. It signs treaties of protection with the chief of the Hereros Samuel Maharero and with the Basters de Rehoboth.

After the death of Jordaan which had founded with families of Dorslandtrekkers a transitory republic of Upingtonia, the grounds of the area of Grootfontein are repurchased in 1886 by a German company and are integrated into the Protectorat of the Reich. The same year, the border between the Angola and the South-western German African is fixed - cutting into two the territory of the people Ovambo.

The recourse to the colonial troop (1889-1904)

The June 24th 1889, the captain Curt von François unloads in the South-western African with the head of a military quota composed of twenty and one soldiers with for mission of imposing the German order on the territory. This one is increased the following year and the border in the east with the British Bechuanaland is fixed. The October 18th 1890, von François makes build a fort (Alte Feste) on the site of Winterhoek intended to become the general headquarter of the colonial forces of Reich. Starting from the December 7th 1891, Winterhoek, germanized in Windhuk becomes the administrative center of the colony. The following year, von François founds the port of Swakopmund at the edge of the Atlantic Ocean.

In 1893, von François receives the title of Landeshauptmann South-western German African. But the incapacity of the major to come to end from the revolt from the Nama S carried out by Hendrik Witbooi lead the German government to raise von François of his functions and to replace it in 1894 by the major Theodor Leutwein. This last manages to overcome the Namas which oppose a keen resistance to him - they will become finally later of effective auxiliaries of the colonial army.

In 1902, the colony counts 200 000 inhabitants of which 1 500 German colonists.

The genocide of Hereros (1904-1908)

The January 10th 1904 mark the beginning of rising Herero ordered by the chief Samuel Maharero. Witbooi, chief of the people nama, joint with insurgent which badgers the German farmers and destroys the infrastructures. In 1904, the lieutenant-general Lothar von Trotha, named commander-in-chief of the troops of the German colony, takes the changing of the governor Theodor Leutwein with for mission of finishing some with the revolt of the Herero S. It gains a decisive victory with the Bataille of Waterberg, the August 11th 1904, which shows the massacre of the Hereros, not only warlike but also women and children. The actions of von Trotha counterirritate the German public opinion. It is finally dislocated of its command.

But the Hereros survivors and their allies Namas were parked in Concentration camps or are used as labor at a cheap rate; many dies of malnutrition or disease. The population Herero, estimated at 80 000 hearts before the beginning of the war, is reduced to 15 000 individuals in 1911. The total population of the colony borders nothing any more but the 100 000 inhabitants.

The beginning of the economic exploitation (1908-1914)

In 1908, the first Diamant S are discovered in bay of Luderitz. African South-west consequently ceases being poorest of the German colonies.

The first segregationist laws are voted the same year: prohibition of the interraciaux marriages, regulation with the access of the schools according to the race, installation of a pass for the old blacks of more than eight years, obligation of a special permit of the administration to allow a Black to have grounds, cattle, horses or weapons

In 1914, the German colonists are with the number of 13 000, and represent 83 % of the white population (15 700 individuals); 1 000 farmers have 13 million hectares alone.

The First World War

At the time of the Battle of Gibeon, the 25 and April 26th 1915, the South-African troops gain a decisive victory against the German army which loses the quarter of its manpower and all its artillery. The July 9th 1915, it is definitively overcome in Khorab by the task force britannico-south-African. 1 552 German soldiers are interned with Aus whereas the reservists are authorized to regain their farms.

The February 6th 1917, the last kingdom independent Ovambo is annexed to African South-west.

During the signature of the Treated of Versailles, Germany gives up its colonies definitively. German African South-west lived.

The South-African mandate (1920-1971)

The forgotten colony (1920-1945)

The December 17th 1920, the Société of the Nations gives a mandate of the type C to the Union of South Africa to manage African South-west and to ensure the wellbeing of the populations. In 1921, a South-African administrator is named. The German civils servant are invited to turn over to Germany. More 1 500 German civilians follow them. Only 6 500 German colonists are authorized to remain initially whereas intensify the immigration of South-African White, often of very modest conditions to which are allotted financial aids and grounds. The name of the capital, Windhuk, “is afrikanerisé” in Windhoek. Segregationist laws supplement the old German provisions (prohibition of vagrancy out of the reserves, prohibition for a native to resign of its employment without authorization of its owner, interior passport, restrictive work contracts).

Between 1922 and 1925, some risings indigenous take place in particular at the Basters de Rehoboth which assert their independence. They are severely repressed.

In 1924, the German colonists represent nothing any more but 37 % of the white population (against 83 % in 1913). The same year, the political parties suitable for African South-west are created. The White found three parties then: the national party of Frikkie Jooste (afrikaner), the party of the Union (anglophone) and the German Alliance of African South-west (German Union).

In 1925, the white community elects its first representatives at the legislative assembly of African South-west (eighteen elected officials, to which six members designated by the administration are added). The German Union favorable to independence carries it thanks to the votes of Afrikaners anglophobes and hostile to the South African Union. Overcome amalgamate and form the unified Party of the South-west which became the majority party as of the following elections (and will remain it until the years 1950).

In 1925, 43 % of the territory is made up in reserves under the authority of usual chiefs (Ovamboland, Kavangoland, Hereroland, Damaraland, Namaland, Kaokoland), 41 % of the grounds belonging to the White and the remainder in the State or the Basters de Rehoboth. In 1926, all the natives of African South-west become nationals of the South African Union. The old German colony is henceforth regarded as a fifth province of South Africa.

In 1928, white population reached 28 000 inhabitants is 10 % of the total population.

During twenty years, the colony sinks in the lapse of memory. The railway network is however supplemented but the investments are very few. The exploitation of diamonds, various the mineraies and the breeding are the only richnesses of the territory.

After the come to power of Adolf Hitler in Germany, the Germanic community goes back to accept the return of the Südwest . Sections of NSDAP are made up in the colony. They are quickly prohibited by the South-African government but generated suspicion leads it to intern at the beginning of the Second world war more 1 200 of the 10 000 German-speaking that account the territory. In accordance with the agreement of London of 1923, the Germans of South-west are however exempted to be useful against their country of origin and escape their incorporation in the South-African army.

Questioning of the mandate (1946-1971)

In 1945, the usual chief of the Hereros, Hosea Kutako, takes part with the chief Frederick Maharero in the creation of the tribal council Herero to protest against the South-African policy in the South-western African.

In 1946, the South Africa, country cofounder of UNO, refuses to regard this one as the agent of the capacities held by late the Société of the Nations. She claims the annexation of South-west but this one is refused to him by the General meeting on December 14th, 1946. In 1949, the constitution of South-west is revised by the government of Daniel François Malan which brought the national Parti to the capacity in South Africa one year earlier. A direct representation of the territory at the South-African Parliament from now on is ensured by six deputies and four senators whereas the supervision of the indigenous populations is from now on only spring of the government of Pretoria.

With the beginning of the year 1950, the debates are sharp with UNO between the partisans of the Colonialisme (led by the Portugal and the South Africa) and the partisans of the Décolonisation. The usual chief Herero Hosea Kutako is the first black representative of the South-western African to make present a petition to the the United Nations denouncing the South-African administration. By an advisory opinion, the the International Court of Justice confirms that the South African Union is bound by its international obligations resulting from the mandate given by SDN and that it cannot amend of the territory unilaterally. In 1955, this same Court confirms the right of the General meeting of the United Nations to adopt resolutions concerning the South-western African and to carry out hearings of petitioners. For the South Africa, it is about an intervention in its interior matters.

In 1957, students and farm laborers create the popular Congress of Ovamboland. One finds there Hermann Toivo ya Toivo (a former minor), Andreas Shipanga (a sailor) or Sam Nujoma (a railroad worker).

In 1958, population of the South-western African reached 450 000 inhabitants of which 200 000 Ovambos residing very mainly in the septentrional quarter of the territory. 50 000 White of the territory reside in north and the south, mainly in the urban centres (representing half of the 20 000 inhabitants of the urban area of Windhoek of which more 95 % of the inhabitants of the city itself and more 90 % of the urban area of Swakopmund). It is not astonishing under these conditions which the South-African government proposes then, but without success, to divide the territory into two in order to get rid of the septentrional quarter of the South-western African who would have been directly managed by the the United Nations.

In 1959, the popular Organization of Ovamboland (OPO) succeeds the popular Congress of Ovamboland and opens offices with Windhoek and Walvis Bay. Sam Nujoma becomes the president about it. In same time, other organizations are made up like the Organization of the mongrels of African South-west (SWACO), the Association of the taxpayers of Rehoboth (RTA) or the National union of the African South-west (SWANU), created with the support of the tribal council Herero and the chief Hosea Kutako, which represents the near total of the political clouts (of which OPO) opposed to South-African colonization.

In November 1959, within the framework of the policy of Apartheid gradually set up in the South-western African, the authorities of Windhoek declare unhealthy the district of “Old Location” and decide to move the indigenous populations which reside there towards a new district located at five kilometers more at north (the future Township of meaning Katutura “where one does not want to remain”). The December 10th 1959, the campaign protest organized by the SWANU skids and shows the death of 13 demonstrators, killed by the police force and 54 wounded. Police repression falls down on the province forcing the leaders of the SWANU of which Sam Nujoma to be exiled with the Bechuanaland, in Southern Rhodesia, then in Tanzania a few years later.

In the months which follow the massacre of December 10th, the SWANU which aspired to exceed the traditional tribal barriers divides. The militants Ovambo of the OPO leave the SWANU. April 19th, 1960 with New York, they create a rival ethnic movement, the Organization of the people of the African South-west (SWAPO) whose presidency is taken by Sam Nujoma. This major scission will last until independence in spite of attempts reiterated to amalgamate the two movements. Ideological cleavages contribute to the distance of the two formations. Whereas the SWANU, dominated by the Hereros, remains a intellectual party adopting a line radical Socialiste and is supported by the popular China and the Sweden, SWAPO turns to the Marxisme-léninisme and obtains the support of the Soviet Union as well as majority of the countries of the Tiers-monde. SWAPO is also organized in party of mass, recruiting mainly in the illiterate ones, the workmen and the peasants ovambos. As of 1961, SWAPO cooperates with the rebel movements of the Angola and considers the armed struggle whereas on the diplomatic level, it makes sure successfully of the elimination of its rival, the SWANU, of all the international representations.

In 1961 also, the General meeting of the United Nations (where the decolonized countries have influence more and more) vote a text considering that the situation with the South-western African threat international peace and safety. She entrusts at a committee the responsibility to send to two emissary in the South-western African to submit a report/ratio on the real situation inside the country. The two emissary conclude with the absence from any threat for the world and safety from the territory (Carpio Report/ratio). Nevertheless, the general meeting does not give up and decides to transmit the file to the Committee known as “of 24” charged to implement independences of the colonized people.

In 1963, the South-African government of Hendrik Verwoerd sets up a board of inquiry on the South-western African whose presidency is entrusted to F.H. Odendaal, the administrator of the Transvaal. His report/ratio known under the name of Odendaal report/ratio, recommends the division of the territory in three parts whose first would be reserved for ten homeland S (national hearths or indigenous reserves), the second with the White, intended to integrate the South Africa and a third including/understanding the natural parks (Etosha, Côte of the skeletons, Désert of Namib) and the closed areas (whose Sperrgebiet celebrates it - a diamantiferous zone). This report/ratio was rejected by the General meeting of the United Nations.

In 1964, the tribal council Herero withdraws SWANU to form the democratic Organization of national unit, chaired by Clemens Kapuuo whereas SWAPO is included in the list of the profit liberation movements of the Soviet assistance. The same year, SWAPO opens in Capriviens of Mafwe origin while amalgamating with the small National union of Caprivi. In 1965, Nujoma obtains that the SWANU is erased lists of the committee of release of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), making it possible SWAPO to become the only official representative (with the international level) of the South-western African.

In 1966, the Liberia and the Ethiopia, the two only countries whose independence is former to that of the South Africa, seize the the International Court of Justice regarding as illegal the occupation of the South-western African by the Republic of South Africa - but the Court refuses their application. The decision of the Court causes the indignation of the General meeting of the United Nations which votes for on October 17th, 1966 resolution 2145 informant that the South Africa failed in its obligations (the France belongs to the abstentionnists).

In 1967, the Parliament proclaims whereas the territory from now on is managed by a council for African South-west on behalf of the the United Nations. A few weeks later, the August 26th, a serious fixing between militants of SWAPO and the South-African police force mark the beginning of the guerilla. The first operations take place in the oriental party of the band of Caprivi. In this area, Tobias Hainyeko, the very recent first commander of the not less recent popular Army of release of Namibia, is killed during a skirmish. In February 1968, following other skirmishes during the previous year, thirty-seven members of the SWAPO whose Hermann Toivo ya Toivo are judged with Pretoria under the terms of the law on the going Terrorisme and are condemned to sorrows five years of prison to detention with perpetuity.

In 1968, the General meeting of the United Nations vote the revocation of the South-African mandate. The resolution of the General meeting remains without effect because the South Africa does not recognize the competence of this one (nor UNO like the successor of SDN). The June 12th 1968, the name of Namibia , preferably to that of Kalanami (contraction between Kalahari and Namib), is given by UNO to all the territory (the paternity of the name would return in Mburumba Kerina, the first executive director of SWAPO).

On its side, the South-African government sets up the device of the Odendaal report/ratio envisaging the constitution of ten homeland S including six districts representing more of two thirds of the population, having vocation to become autonomous (Damaraland, Ovamboland, Kaokoland, Kavangoland, Eastern Caprivi and Hereroland).

On its side, in 1969, at the time of its congress with Tanga in Tanzania, SWAPO is given like objective to obtain the United Nations the statute of “single representing of the Namibian people in fight for his release”. The armed action is endorsed like the only means of effective fight to achieve this goal. Internal dissensions appear when Paul Helmuth raises in particular the corruption of certain dignitaries or the fate of the political prisoners (ten dissidents of the party) held by SWAPO (it is dislocated at once of his functions and will be thereafter constrained to take refuge in Sweden).

It is only in 1970 that the Safety advice seized of the file declares for the first illegal time the presence of the South Africa in Namibia. But it is necessary to await the June 21st 1971 so that the revocation of the South-African mandate is confirmed by an advisory opinion of the the International Court of Justice.

Occupation of African South-west/Namibia (1971-1990)

With the beginning of the year 1970, the proportion of white inhabitants of Namibia east of 15 %, is the most rate of the history of the colony. On almost half of the territory, this representation even reaches exceeds the 50 %, which justifies the government of Pretoria to be made apply the Odendaal report/ratio and annex the parts of territory on which the South Africa asserts its sovereignty.

However, between December 1971 and June 1972, of the thousands of workmen Ovambos are put in strike, being the proof of their importance and their influence on the economy of the territory. The reaction of the South-African government is brutal. It is decided the repatriation of all the Ovambos strikers in their homeland and the prohibition of the political meetings of the parties like SWAPO intern or the co-operative Democratic party, both implied in the social movement. The government undertakes reforms however and repeals the law of 1920 known as “Masters and servants”. It is in this context that the United Nations tries to join again with the government of Pretoria. In March 1972, the General secretary of the United Nations, Kurt Waldheim, goes in African South-west/Namibia (usual name since 1968) and contacts the local authorities and the representatives of the political movements.

In 1973, only three of the six autonomous districts envisaged by the Odendaal report/ratio and directed by a tribal council are created (Ovamboland, Kavangoland and Eastern Caprivi). In fact, dissensions oppose the tribal authorities to the South-African government on the capacities of deputy competence and the maintenance of discrimination by the ministry for the Businesses bantoues. In July, the elections of the tribal legislative assembly of the Ovamboland are gained by the Party of the independence of Ovamboland but rate of participation is only of 3 %, voters having answered the call to the boycott launched by SWAPO and the co-operative Democratic party. The tribal and South-African authorities react to this snub while making stop the leaders of SWAPO intern, and for the tribal authorities while making whip (!) opponents in public place (on order of the minister Ovambo Filemon Elifas) and by multiplying the brimades.

The September 12th 1973, in its resolution n°3111, the General meeting of the United Nations recognizes with SWAPO the title of “single and authentic representative of the Namibian people”. This resolution is very badly perceived by the other Namibian political movements, in particular by the movement of Clemens Kapuuo which shows SWAPO tribalism and reproaches him never for not having taken part in the least war against the German occupant. At this time South-African the Prime Minister John Vorster gives up the objectives of the Odendaal report/ratio and, within the framework of his policy of relaxation with the African countries, takes the route of self-determination of the territory “including that of independence”. He will make of Namibia a political ground of experimentation of which he intends to re-use the results for the Southern Rhodesia directed by Ian Smith (and who was used as model for the South Africa itself in the years 1990).

Thus in November 1974, the whole of the authorities of the territory, including the tribal authorities and the representatives of the black political parties, are invited by the legislative assembly of the South-western African to determine their political future. The assembly at the time is dominated by the national Party of African South-west. Two of its representatives, Dirk Mudge and Eban van Zyl, are in charge of the negotiations whereas SWAPO and the SWANU reject the initiative of Pretoria. In this context, Felimon Eliphas, the Minister for the tribal council of the Ovamboland, is assassinated the August 17th 1975 with Ondangwa by a guerilla of SWAPO.

The conference of Turnhalle and context (1975-1977)

The constitutional conference of Turnhalle opens on September 1st 1975 with Windhoek. The national party, the federal party and the nationalist party represent the white community of the South-western African. The black populations are represented by several political small parts of which most hostile with the co-operation gather within Namibian national Convention.

On its side, SWAPO continues its guerilla against the South-African troops. It established base camps in Zambia, then in Angola after the seizure of power by MPLA the November 11th 1975. In spite of this logistical support which is added to that of Cuba, SWAPO forever be able to militarily worry the South-African army which itself intervenes in the Angolan civil war by supporting the rebel movement of Jonas Savimbi and by occupying the south of the Angola (see Bataille of the bridge 14). However, the exodus in mass of the Portuguese colonists of which much joins Namibia misses torpedoing the process of Turnhalle during which the Namibian White express their concern. The South-African army is then redeployed in northern zone where it created an operational zone - in which the local population is taken out of clipper between the guerillas and the army. It is in the Ovamboland that the forces of SWAPO (approximately 6 000 men) will concentrate their attacks vis-a-vis 20 000 South-African soldiers supported by their effective and frightening indigenous back-up troops (of which the Koevoet, an against-insurrectionary unit).

In April 1976, Andreas Shipanga, one of the cofounders of SWAPO, denounces the Népotisme, the Corruption and the inefficiency of the direction of the movement. With 2 000 of its partisans whose Nathaniel Maxuilili, it tries to seize the general headquarter the party with Lusaka in Zambia. Sam Nujoma is obliged to require the assistance of the president Kenneth Kaunda to avoid being dislocated of its functions by the force. The rebels are finally arrested and imprisoned, and shown collusion with the South Africa. Some are slackened at the end of six months, others are transferred in camps in Tanzania, others still disappeared definitively (Shipanga itself is released only in May 1978).

August 14th, 1976, Dirk Mudge invites the White to join the Blacks on the way of independence. The August 16th according to, the delegates agree on a temporary government charged to transform the territory into State independent on the model of a federation.

December 20th, 1976, in its n°385 resolution, the General meeting of the United Nations refuses to recognize the internal evolution of Namibia and gives “its support for the armed struggle” carried out “under the control of the SWAPO”. SWAPO obtains the statute of observer and becomes the only liberation movement to be had with New York an official platform. This resolution like the preceding one in 1973 is voted with the support of the countries of the Tiers-monde, the Scandinavian countries and the Eastern European countries against the majority of the western powers (of which the France).

The following year, the government of Pretoria accepts the mediation of five Western members of the Safety advice (Germany, Canada, France, the United States and the United Kingdom, still called group of contact or group of the Five) to negotiate a solution acceptable for all. SWAPO ends up supporting the proposals of the group provided that the port of Walvis Bay (annexed by South Africa between 1971 and 1977) is reinstated in the discussions, that the South-African army leaves the territory and that elections take place under supervision of the the United Nations. During this time, the March 18th 1977, the principle of a government on three levels is adopted with the Conférence of Turnhalle: a central capacity, local authorities at ethnic base, municipal authorities. The National Assembly would be elected by the indirect suffrage via local assembly. The name of the future State is the subject of a compromise: African south-west/Namibia, at least for the interim period.

Certain parties are not satisfied of the compromise and gather in the National front of Namibia (NNF). On their side, the White decide in May 1977 by Référendum with more 60 % for the proposals of Turnhalle and endorse the principle of independence.

In August 1977, the management of the enclave of Walvis Bay (attached since 1971 to the authorities of the the Cape Province) is transferred to the South-African government, and thus withdrawn from the process of independence.

The fate of the grounds is also evoked at the time of the conference but the delegates separate on an acknowledgment of failure. At the White, divisions are acute. In September 1977, Mudge enters in conflict with the direction of the national Party of the South-west, chaired by A.H. of Plessis, which wishes to preserve laws of apartheid. Put in minority from accuracy, Mudge and eighty of its partisans leave the party in October and create the Republican party.

The abolition of Namibian apartheid (1977-1979)

In October 1977, the new South-African administrator, Martinus Steyn, a judge with the reputation of liberal, repeals the segregationist law on the mixed marriages then that on immorality. Interior controls are removed on all the territory except for the diamantiferous zone (where it is always into force nowadays) and of the septentrional border.

As of the November 6th according to, Mudge concludes an alliance with ten other ethnic movements of which the NUDO of Clemens Kapuuo to form the democratic Alliance of Turnhalle (DTA) whose presidency is entrusted to Kapuuo.

Of return to Windhoek, Andreas Shipenga founds on its side the SWAPO-democrat whereas A.H. Of Plessis created the ACTUR (Action group for the return to the principles of Turnhalle) with part of the Basters de Rehoboth favorable to self-determination.

March 27th, 1978, the president of the DTA, Clemens Kapuuo, is assassinated by the unknown ones. The SWAPO, which it fought very hard, is marked. This assassination causes violent one confrontations through the country between Ovambo of the SWAPO and Hereros of the NUDO. An unknown climate of insecurity up to that point settles in the country and touches all the communities. The May 4th 1978, perhaps in reprisals, the South-African army launches a fatal raid on a camp of drive of SWAPO in Cassinga in Angola (867 died and 464 wounded).

In September 1978, the internal elections, for the first time according to the principle “a man a voice” but boycotted by SWAPO and the SWANU, are organized to designate a constituent assembly. With a rate of participation of 80 %, the DTA collects 82,2 % of the voices (41 seats) vis-a-vis the ACTUR (11,9 %, 6 seats is two thirds of the white voices), with the democratic Christian Party (2,7 %, 1 seat), with the Herstigte Main road Party pro-apartheid of Sarel Becker (1,8 %, 1 seat) and Basters of the Face of Release (1,4 %, 1 seat). These elections are however declared null and not avenues by UNO.

The September 29th 1978, the mediation of the group of contact leads to the vote of the n°435 resolution. The objective of the independence of Namibia is reaffirmed there. A group of assistance for transitional period (GANUPT) is created in order to ensure the regularity of the electoral process. The Finn Martti Ahtisaari is named special representative of UNO in load of Namibia.

As from March 1979, a round of brought closer negotiations proceed with New York between the South Africa, the countries of the group of contact and those of the frontline (Angola, Botswana, Zambia, Mozambique and Tanzania). SWAPO, initially reticent, ends up accepting resolution 435 and the fact that the question of Walvis Bay is solved independently.

The May 21st 1979, the National Assembly of African South-west/Namibia votes the law on the total abolition of racial discrimination. .

The first negotiations (1979-1988)

In 1979, SWAPO becomes official member of the movement of the non-aligned ones.

The May 21st 1979, day of the vote of the abolition of racial discrimination by the former constituent assembly from now on invested National Assembly of legislative powers, Windhoek becomes the seat of the political administration of the country (except still for the police force, the army, justice and the Foreign affairs). The July 11th 1979, all the public places are opened to the populations of color and a law anti-discrimination is promulgated. The last legislative vestiges of the racial segregation are swept. With the end of the year 1979, an general agreement is adopted on the creation of a demilitarized zone on both sides of the border of north, but without success.

In April 1980, the new South-African administrator, Gerrit Viljoen, promulgates the new constitution. The police force and the local army from now on are placed under the control of the assembly and on July 1st, the first government of African South-west/Namibia is set up with the Council of Ministers of eleven members chaired by Dirk Mudge.

In July 1980, of new defections undermine SWAPO with the departure of most important of the ethnos groups of the Bande of Caprivi.

In August 1980, the homeland S are dissolved. The territorial unit of Namibia is devoted. Local elections are organized in November to elect the ten local governments. If the DTA carries it in the majority of the ethnos groups (Hereros, Kavangos, Namas, mongrel…), it obtains 41,5 % of the white voices (48,2 % with the national Party pro-apartheid and 10 % with the extreme-right-hand side) whereas the Ovamboland is private elections because of the war at its borders. With the end of the year, the military service becomes obligatory when the territorial forces of African South-west are created (SWATF) which constitute 40 % of the manpower engaged in the war of border. They take part in August 1981 in the raid on the Angolan province of Cunene.

The arrival of Ronald Reagan and the republican to the capacity with the the United States singularly will modify the diplomatic power struggle, very unfavourable with the South Africa up to now. After having shown UNO of partiality in this business, the South Africa will be an ally in Chester Crocker, the under-secretary of American State charged with the Africa. This last indeed takes up a South-African idea, which had conditioned its departure of Namibia and the application of resolution 435 to the withdrawal of the soviéto-cuban forces of Angola. While endorsing this proposal, the the United States, quickly supported by the majority of the group of contact, will reinforce the South Africa with which close bilateral contacts are established, limiting the parade ground of UNO.

In August 1982, the condition of the cuban withdrawal becomes a condition sine qua non for the two governments. Little time afterwards, SWAPO challenges the group of contact, followed by the France which, by the voice of its minister Claude Cheysson, refuses to endorse the condition required by the axis Pretoria-London-Washington.

These direct negotiations as of the internal dissensions end up undermining the DTA of the interior. The withdrawal of the alliance of an important part of the Ovambos of the Party national-democrat leads the assembly of the Ovamboland to change majority. The DTA does not hold any more the majority but in six of the eleven areas. In addition, the refusal of the administrator to promulgate a Loi relating to the Namibian bank holidays causes the collective resignation of the Council of Ministers on January 18th, 1983. The National Assembly is dissolved and the executive powers conferred on the South-African administrator.

In January 1984, the South Africa obtains Angola the withdrawal of its support for SWAPO against the evacuation of the South-African troops… of Angola.

In May 1984, in Zambia, of the negotiations are for the first time organized under the aegis of Kenneth Kaunda and the administrator of the South-western African, Willie van Niekerk between SWAPO, the SWANU, the South Africa and nineteen parties Namibian. The conference leads only to the scission of the SWANU whose radical wing shows the moderate wing (of which the president Moses Katjiongua) to be “puppets of South Africa”. While joining the SWAPO, these militants of the SWANU bring to him an ethnic heterogeneity until there relatively absent.

In November 1984, the negotiations between SWAPO and the South Africa continue with the Cape Verde whereas the Angolan president, José Eduardo dos Santos supports the américano-south-African proposal for a multilateral withdrawal.

In June 1985, after two years and half of direct administration, the South Africa positions back a temporary government on proposal of the multi-party conference (joining together nineteen internal parties). At that time, the South-African Township S are in boiling and the position of the South Africa is seriously weakened in the international organizations. The Rand is in freefall and the political and diplomatic insulation of the country flashes back on Namibia.

In 1987, the conference of /Ai-//Gams is organized by the Council of the Churches of Namibia. For the first time, SWAPO agrees to take part in a conference interns and adopts the conclusions claiming the concentration of all the forces of opposition against the South-African administration.

The turning of Cuito-Canavale (1988)

In January 1988, the Bataille of Cuito Cuanavale in Angola will constitute the element release of the payment of the political situation of Namibia. This battle, which puts at the catches 7 000 South-African soldiers and 10 000 combatants of UNITA against 20 000 Angolan soldiers and 5 000 cuban soldiers, is the most important battle engaged on the African continent since the Second world war. It shows a relative failure of all the committed forces and marks the limits of the military solution. The South-African government of Pieter Botha is put on the bolster in the South-African media and by the South-African public opinion. The general Magnus Malan must furnish proof himself to the families for the death (official) of thirty and one soldiers in the civil war of a foreign country not putting in danger the national security. For their part, the president and the staff must moreover justify the astronomical financial costs of military operations and the absence of solutions suggested in the short run. As for the cuban government, it establishes a financial and political report similar. Its armed forces never have succeeds in carrying the victory in spite of a massive engagement and underwent very heavy losses in the engagements for not very convincing results. He thus makes an effort his side, notwithstanding propaganda, to withdraw itself from an unpopular conflict without losing the face too much.

The acceleration of the diplomatic negotiations takes place during the year 1988. Taken of short, SWAPO undertakes a series of consultations with foreign experts with for objective the implementation of resolution 435. Accordingly, it redesigns its electoral program completely and gives up any reference to the Marxisme-léninisme. The July 20th 1988, an agreement in fourteen points is found between the South Africa, the Angola and Cuba. Among those, the implementation of resolution 435 n the other hand of the fold of the cuban quota. The protocol of Geneva is signed the August 5th. The 8 and August 12th, the South Africa and SWAPO accept the suspension of the bilateral hostilities and the August 22nd, the peace agreement is signed between the Angola and the South Africa with Ruacana.

The General secretary of the United Nations, Javier Perez de Cuellar goes then to the Union Buildings to prepare the agreement of Brazzaville which leads to the signature of December 22nd preparing the calendar of the implementation of resolution 435 and that of the cuban withdrawal of Angola.

The implementation of resolution 435 (1989)

With the implementation of resolution 435 and the maintenance of the South-African administration, the government of Pretoria succeeds in the feat of ingenuity to make endorse by UNO its supervision on Namibia since the theoretical end of the South-African mandate in 1968. Contrary to the Southern Rhodesia, where the governmental authorities had had to transmit their authority to the representative of the the United Kingdom, the old colonial power, in Namibia it is the South-African administrator who begins again with the government and the legislative assembly of the South-western African his executive powers, legislative and administrative. The Conférence of Turnhalle becomes nonan event.

In February 1989, the first quota of the GANUPT arrives in Namibia. March 1st, the government of African South-west/Namibia is dissolved and its capacities transferred to Louis Pienaar, the South-African administrator. The implementation of the plan of the the United Nations is planned for on April 1st.

However on April 1st, 2 000 combatants out of weapon of SWAPO invest the north of Namibia to the contempt of the agreements made within the framework of the the United Nations. This invasion was regarded as the most serious error of the history of SWAPO. The representative of UNO, Martii Ahtisaari does not have any more other choices but to ask for the assistance of the South-African army to push back the intruders towards the Angola. More the violent ones engagements whom ever Namibia knew since the beginning of the South-African mandate are then committed. SWAPO account more than 300 killed (against 27 South-African soldiers) and is repudiated by the OAU, its allies (except for Robert Mugabe of the Zimbabwe) and the the United Nations. The April 9th, an agreement is signed fixing a process of withdrawal under the supervision of the GANUPT. If it is a time tempted to call into question the implementation of resolution 435, the South Africa agree to take again the progressive withdrawal of its troops which passes from 12 000 men in May 1989 with 1 500 in July 1989. The fate of the back-up troops (the Namibian Harkis) is also regulated by the transfer of 4 000 bushmen in South Africa. The SWATF are in their turn demobilized and the remainders of the South-African army confined in its bases.

The July 2nd 1989, the SWAPO (which, it should be noted, forever be a party prohibited contrary to ANC in South Africa) organizes its first meeting of countryside with Katutura with the leaders of SWAPO known as “of outside”. Hage Geingob presents a program Socialiste, ensures that SWAPO accepts from now on the multi-party system (the question was posed) but does not consider least the Nationalization.

At the end of several weeks of countryside, SWAPO recognizes that its error of April 1st cost him many voices of which can profit the DTA but it still plans to gain with more 66 % of the voices what would then enable him to write the future constitution. In September, to cross short to criticisms, SWAPO expresses by the voice of Théo-Ben Guribab his regrets with the victims of the exactions made in its jails of Angola and Tanzania.

In September, one of the first White to have joined SWAPO (in 1984), Anton Lubowski, assistant editor of the countryside, is assassinated. The murder is not elucidated to date.

The September 14th, Sam Nujoma returns to the country under ovations of 10 000 sympathizers.

Elections of November 1989

Under the protection of the 8 000 soldiers of the GANUPT, the poll takes place of the 7 to the November 11th 1989. Only ten parties out of forty manage to obtain the visa of the electoral commission to take part in the elections. SWAPO presents a list including/understanding the essence of the political office but also some newcomers in particular two White, Fanie Botha, wire of the South-African former minister for work and a German-speaking farmer, Anton von Wiertersheim. The national Christian Action represents the white conservatives whereas the DTA represents the liberals. The center-left is represented by the unified democratic Face of Justus Garoëb (king of Damaras) whereas the SWANU is presented divided between the SWANU-NNF (National front of Namibia) and that of the national patriotic Face (center-right) of Moses Katjiongua. The federalists gathered behind the Basters de Rehoboth in the Convention federal of Namibia whereas the hostile Ovambos with SWAPO are divided into three formations, the Action Christian Democrat (CDA), the SWAPO-democrat (of Andreas Shipanga) and the Party national-democrat of Namibia (NNDP).

In spite of declaration awkward of Toivo ya Toivo (“it is only with the result of the SWAPO which one will be able to judge if the elections were right and equitable”), the validity of the poll is called into question by nobody.

Rate of participation is of 95 % (the electorate includes/understands 701 483 registered voters). The November 13rd, the results are proclaimed:

SWAPO is largely at the head with 57,33 % of the voices (41 deputies) but far from two thirds of the awaited votes. It carries out its best scores in Ovamboland (92,2% ), in the mining districts (53,5 % with Tsumeb, 64 % with Lüderitz), Swakopmund (58,5 %) and in Kavangoland (51,7 %). The analysis of these results confirm the ethnic fracture because only the presence of strong communities Ovambos make it possible SWAPO to gain the absolute majority in 5 of the 23 districts of the country of which the most populated, those of the Ovamboland and Kavangoland and to arrive at the head in 3 others.
the DTA arrives in second position with close to 28 % of the votes (and 21 deputies of which Dirck Mudge) with the absolute majority in 8 districts and relative in 6 others. It profits from the massive support of the Hereros (66,4 % in Hereroland and 65,7 % in Kaokaland) and collects the majority of the votes at the Namas (57,9 % with Bethanie), at Mafwe (53 % in the Band of Caprivi) and even at the basters (45,2 % with Rehoboth). It arrives second in the white electorate (28,55 %).
the unified democratic Face obtains 5,65 % and 4 deputies.
the national Christian Action joins together 3,54 % of the voices and 3 deputies. With more half of the voices of the white electorate, it obtains his best scores in the 6 districts where the European population represented more of the double of the national average (25 % of the voices with Karasburg)
the SWANU-NPF exceeds its rival with 1,59 % (1 deputy)
federal Convention follows behind with 1,56 % of the voices (1 deputy)
the SWANU-NNF is the last of its formations to obtain an elected official with 0,80 % of the voices.

The installation of the new constitution

The November 21st 1989, the constituent assembly meets for the first time. The SWAPO which wishes the installation of an assembly monocamérale and a strong executive power makes concessions. According to the words of the general secretary of the party, Moses Garoëb, it agree to constitutionalize the Multipartisme “for better and for worse”.

As of January 1990, the drafting of the Constitution is close being finished. Sam Nujoma constitutes a shadow cabinet then while the constitutional project by three South-African lawyers is examined. Nujoma names as Prime Minister a member of the ethnos group will damara, Hage Geingob and sixteen ministers of which Hifikepunye Pohamba inside, Theo-Ben Guribab with the Foreign affairs and the German-speaking economist Otto Herrigel with finances. At the end of the month, the constitution is made public. Preceded by a long charter of fundamental freedoms, it institutes a mode of the semi-presidential type, a subtle compromise between the authoritative tendencies of more liberal SWAPO and those of the DTA. Discussed and amended during four days, the constituent assembly unanimously votes the February 9th of her members the new Namibian constitution.

The February 16th, the constituent assembly becomes National Assembly and elects Sam Nujoma with the presidency of the Republic.

The transition between the South-African administration and the new Namibian administration can start. It finishes the March 20th 1990, date of the solemn entry of the Republic of Namibia in the international community.

Independent Namibia

The solemn ceremony takes place in the presence of 25 000 people in the great stage of Windhoek. Are present the South African president Frederik de Klerk, Nelson Mandela released since February 1990, the chief of PLO Yasser Arafat, the Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak. The the United States and the Soviet Union are represented by their Foreign Minister, James Baker and Edouard Chevardnadze. The South-African flag is brought, marking the end of the administration of the government of Pretoria, before Sam Nujoma lends oath in front of the general secretary of UNO. During two days, multiple processions take place in the streets of the cities but most important are concentrated on Kaiser Strasse of Windhoek, renamed soon which occurred of independence. The new Namibian State, the 160e member of the the United Nations, inherits many assets of which that to appear immediately in the group of the five richest countries of Africa (in term of GDP) with the South Africa, the Libya, the Gabon and the Botswana. Having a modern highway network (in the south of the park of Etosha), it is completely dependant on the Republic of South Africa (its leading vendor and his main customers with more 90 %) which nevertheless kept the control of the port of Walvis Bay (it will return it only in 1994 after long negotiations) and with which it shares a monetary and customs union.

In addition, 4 664 white owners exploit 36 million hectares whereas nearly a million people (black) survive on 34 million hectares of communal grounds. The doubts about the honesty of the thousands of white civils servant remained in place with respect to the new State increase the tensions. The return in Namibia of several thousands of exiled East Germany, of which some had never lived in their country of “origin”, is lived with difficulty by the latter which are affublés nickname of “Easts Germany of Namibia”. Awaited foreign aid is not either always with go and the country is placed under economic monitoring. In fact, although the virtues of the mixed economy are the official discourse, it is well the market economy Capitaliste which is finally applied.

If, by need, the relations are good with the South Africa, they worsen with the Angola and the Zambia whereas SWAPO turns the back on the system collectivist. Pragmatism prevails and the successful training of the democracy marks the first years of the government of SWAPO. The merit returns from there initially to the Prime Minister moderate Hage Geingob, but also to Sam Nujoma who in spite of more radical speeches, section always debates in favor of its Prime Minister. Thus when, supported by Hifikepunye Pohamba, Moses Garoëb as of April 1990 estimates that “the national reconciliation went too much far” and denounces the status quo, Nujoma does not hesitate to publicly renew its confidence in Geingob and a Theo-Ben Guribab.

In 1992, the 31 old districts designed by the Odendaal report/ratio are redécoupés and leave the place with 13 areas divided into 95 districts and 53 localities. Ovamboland is thus divided into four areas (Omusati, Ohangwena, Oshana, Oshikoto). The first regional elections and municipal post-independence take place of the November 20th to the December 3rd 1992 and indicate a massive reinforcement of SWAPO (68,9 %), with the detriment of the small formations, on the worldwide against 28,6 % with the DTA. SWAPO takes the control of 9 areas, 70 districts and 31 cities of which Swakopmund, Grootfontein, Tsumeb, Luderitz, Okahandja and Otjiwarongo. With Windhoek, the outgoing mayor Abraham Bernard May, leaves the place to Matheus Shikongo (SWAPO).

In 1993, the first Namibian dollars are put in circulation but the monetary unit remains the South-African Rand whose tickets continue to have legal tender in the country.

The September 6th 1994, the first Land reform of the country between into force. Limited to the commercial grounds, the text envisages the use of coercive means by the means of the expropriation and the forced repurchase of the grounds - to the market price however. In the facts, the grounds exploited by the White being sources of richnesses and important currencies, the reform is applied only timidly (in 2005 hardly 1 % of these grounds were taken again by Blacks) because the government refuses that they are delivered to an agriculture of not very productive subsistence of communal type. The question of the division of the ground (4 000 white farmers have 44 % of the arable lands) causes tensions, less serious however than with the Zimbabwe. The formula consisting in for the government repurchasing the grounds to redistribute them with the black population proves to be long and expensive.

The general elections of 1999 and November 2004 are gained by the SWAPO, which reinforces its influence with each electoral deadline. In 2001, the crisis of the land reform continues, in spite of a new tax on land. President Samuel Nujoma is also caught with the homosexual of it, shown to be the persons in charge of the propagation of the AIDS which devastates the country.

In foreign politics, the Namibian security forces take part in Angola in the fight against the UNITA. At the side of the army of the Zimbabwe, the Namibian army is implied militarily with the Congo-Kinshasa in favor of the mode of Laurent-Desired Kabila then of his/her son Joseph.

In 2004, Sam Nujoma gives up modifying the constitution to obtain a new mandate once again. The elections of the 15 and November 16th without are surprised with the crushing victory of the SWAPO which monopolizes 55 of the 72 seats of the Parliament.

The Minister for the Grounds, Hifikepunye Pohamba, is imposed by Nujoma to succeed to him the presidency of the republic in March 2005. Nujoma remains however with the presidency of the SWAPO and remains the most influential man of the country.

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