Hilotes

The Hilotes or Ilotes (in Greek old Εἵλωτες / Heílôtes ) is the serfs of Sparte. They should not be confused with slave-goods, which exist in addition but which is rather rare. The hilotism also meets in other Greek companies, like the Thessalie, the Crete or the Sicily.

Origin of Hilotes

The name comes, according to part of the tradition, village of Hélos ( Ἕλος ), located at the south of Sparte. Pausanias declares as follows: “they were the first called Hilotes. ” The name would be thus simple a Ethnie. The explanation is not very plausible on the historical and impossible level on the phonetic level. One proposed to attach the word to ϝαλῶναι , Aorist of ἁλίσκομαι / alískomai , “captured being, captive being”. In fact, certain authors do not regard the word simple ethnic, but as a name with servile connotation. Antiochos of Syracuse writes as follows: “were issued slaves and named Hilotes”, while Théopompe note: “they called the controlled populations, the ones, Hilotes, the others, Pénestes. ” However, the explanation is still doubtful there: one can only conclude that the name is without etymology.

It is certain that part of the hilotism is resulting from the conquest: it is the case of the Messénie NS, reduced to eighth century BC by the Guerres of Messénie. Hérodote, moreover, calls the hilotes “Messéniens”.

As regards first Hilotes, the situation is less clear. According to the tradition (Théopompe), they would be the descendants of the initial inhabitants, Achaens, that the arrival of the Doriens subjected. But all the Achaens were not reduced to the hilotism: thus, the town of Amyclées, theater of the Hyacinthies, enjoys a privileged statute. Other ancient authors propose alternative theories: according to Antiochos of Syracuse, Hilotes are in the beginning Lacédémoniens which did not take part in the wars of Messénie. For Éphore de Cumes, it of Périèques de Hélos, revolted then is reduced to slavery. Modern historiography privileges the thesis of Antiochos of Syracuse.

The system hilotic

Statute

The legal status of Hilotes is complex. They are not free and do not have any political right: they are thus comparable of this fact with the slave-goods, to which the remainder of Greece resorts abundantly. With the remainder, many are the ancient, Greek or Roman authors, who call simply douloi or served Hilotes, without showing itself always quite conscious of their particular status. Indeed, Hilotes are attached to a ground, which brings them closer to the medieval Serf .

In theory, they belong to the State and are attached to a batch of ground, it κλῆρος / klễros (“batch, heritage”). The citizen for whom this kléros is reserved can neither free Hilotes which are attached there, nor to sell them abroad. Nevertheless, there exists a form of personal property: the citizens lend themselves between them Hilotes to repair, for example to hunting, as well as one would lend themselves dogs or horses - “so to speak like clean goods”, like Aristote says it. One can say that the city to the freehold of Hilotes, while the citizen in with usufruct.

Hilotes and kléros

Hilotes are allotted to citizens to carry out the work of the kléros allotted to this citizen, or the tasks domestic. The sources indeed often evoke the servants accompanying such or such Spartan. Plutarque watch Timaïa, woman of the king Acted II, conversing with women hilotes, its maidservants. Obviously, it grants a certain confidence to them, since it entrusts to them, whereas it is pregnant, that the father of the child is his lover Alcibiade, and not her legitimate husband. With, the citizens also employ slave-goods for this purpose. Certains Hilotes is also useful like servants of the young Spartans, during the education Spartan. They are the μόθωνες/ móthônes , cf below. Hilotes, finally, can be craftsmen.

They are held to bring back to their Master a fixed share their harvests ( ἀποφορά / will apophóra ), while keeping the surplus for them. This amount is, according to Plutarque, of 70 Médimne S of barley for a man, 12 médimmes for a woman, as well as oil and wine, which corresponds to a reasonable share to maintain a warrior and his family, or a widow. A passage of Tyrtée question the existence of the will apophora , and speaks about half of the incomes of the ground transferred with the Masters. It is however about the situation little time after the first war Messénie, which undoubtedly explains more severe conditions.

After payment of the tribute, it often remains in Hilote of what to live correctly: the grounds of Laconie and Messénie are very fertile, and often allow two harvests. Some can even arrive at a form of ease: in 223 av. J. - C., 6000 Hilotes buy their freedom against 500 Drachme S each one, rather considerable nap. However, of measurements are taken by the Spartans to prevent that their Hilotes do not grow rich.

Demography

Hilotes live in family and can contract union only between them. This constitutes already a real advantage compared to the slave-goods, whose neither marriage nor the bonds of family are recognized legally. Hilotes are thus much less likely to see their separate family. Consequently, Hilotes reproduce, contrary to the remainder of the slaves in Antiquity. Their number, probably rather significant at the beginning, is thus increasing - and this in spite of the Kryptie and other massacres of Hilotes, cf below, or the losses due to the war. In parallel, the population of the Pars, it, does not cease regressing.

The absence of census does not make it possible to know their number in an unquestionable way, but of the estimates are possible. According to Hérodote, Hilotes are seven times more than the Spartans at the time of the Bataille of Foundations, in 479. At the time of the Conspiracy of Cinadon, with the whole beginning of the 4th century, one can count on the agora 40 Pars on a total of 4000 people. At this moment, the total population of Hilotes is estimated at 170.000-224 000 people, women included/understood.

Waited until the population of Hilotes cannot grow in an exogenic way (by the purchase or the spoils of war), it can count only on her own reproduction. Hilotes are encouraged there by the Spartans themselves, which implement for their slaves a eugenism comparable with that they are essential on themselves. Indeed, according to the Greek belief of the time, the acquired features are inherited just as the hereditary features. At the time of the Kryptie, Hilotes strongest constitute the target first kryptes: it is a question of selecting Hilotes softest, therefore considered to be most flexible.

Who more is, the Spartans use the women hilotes like a means of providing for the needs for the State in human resources: bastard ( nothoi the) resulting ones from father Spartan and mother hilote have an intermediate row in the company lacédémonienne (cf below mothakes and môthones ) and enlarge the rows of the civil army. It is difficult to know if these births result from voluntary connections (at least on behalf of the father) or from a program implemented by the State. Nevertheless, it is probable that the girls resulting from such unions, not serving any military goal, were exposed to the birth.

Stamping

According to Myron de Priène, the stamping from Hilotes is “frequent” ( πολλάκις / pollákis ). The text suggests that it is about release following a service in the army. The first explicit reference to this recourse to Hilotes appears at Thucydide. It is at the time of the events of Sphactérie, whereas Sparte must supply its Hoplite S besieged on the island by the Athéniens:

“It is that Lacédémoniens had invited by proclamations of the volunteers to make pass in the island of ground corn, the wine, cheese and any other food likely to help to support a seat; they had fixed for that of large rewards silver, and promised freedom in any Hilote which would reach that point. ”

Thucydide reports then that the call receives a certain success at Hilotes, which manages indeed to make pass from the vivres to besieged. Nevertheless, it does not specify if the Spartans hold or not word. It is possible that certain of Hilotes then carried out belonged to the volunteers of Sphactérie.

The second call is proclaimed during the invasion of the Laconie by the Thébains. Xénophon that the authorities begin to free any Hilote agreeing to be built-in. It estimates at 6.000 the number of those which accept, and precise that this number plunged the Spartans in the embarrassment.

In the same way, in 424, the 700 Hilotes which served Brasidas in Chalcidique are freed. They are called then the “Brasidéiens”. It is also possible to become free by buying its freedom, or by undergoing the education Spartan. In a general way, Hilotes freed bear the name of “Néodamodes” ( νεοδαμώδεις / neodamốdeis ): those which join it δῆμος / dễmos of Périèques.

Moses Finley stresses that the recourse to Hilotes to be used as hoplites constitutes a serious defect of the system. Indeed, the hoplitic base of the system is a strict drive in order to maintain the rows in the phalange. The Spartans themselves are famous hoplites because of their skilful skill, result of a permanent drive. In addition to this military aspect, the fact of being useful as hoplite is characteristic of the Greek citizen. To introduce of Hilotes into the phalange can thus only generate social disturbances.

A case with share: the mothakes and the mothônes

Phylarque evokes a class of men, at the same time free and not-citizens: μόθακες / móthakes , having for characteristic to have undergone the agogê , the education Spartan. Traditional historiography agrees to recognize that Hilotes formed most of these mothakes . However, this category poses many problems, the first of which the vocabulary.

The ancient authors employ several names to evoke a reality which seems similar:

  • μόθακες : connotation of freedom, Phylarchos affirm that they are free ( eleutheroi ), Élien which they can be citizens;
  • μόθωνες / móthônes : servile connotation, the word designates the slave born at the house;
  • τρόφιμοι / tróphimoi : pupils, adoptive children, that Plutarque classifies among the xenoi (foreign);
  • σύντροφοι / súntrophoi : literally, “those which are high with”, i.e. foster brothers, given like equivalents by Phylarchos of the mothakes ;
  • παρατρέφονοι / paratréphonoi : literally, “those which are nourished close to oneself”, significance rather different from the precedent (the word also applies to pets).

The situation is complicated by a glose of Hésychios of Alexandria affirming that the mothakes are children slaves ( δοῦλοι / doũloi ) at the same time high as wire of the citizens. The philologists solve the problem in two ways:

  • it is appropriate to read μoθᾶνες / mothãnes , Hapax for μόθωνες (Arnold J. Toynbee);

  • douloi was interpolated by a copyist confusing mothakes and mothônes .

At all events, it seems that the conclusion must be careful:

  • the mothônes are the young servants charged to achieve the domestic tasks for the young Spartans during their education (Aristote, I, 633c), they remain slaves once become adult;

  • the mothakes are a group of free birth independent of Hilotes.

Fear and humiliations

“Contempt of Hilotes”

This expression of Jean Ducat translates the other great originality of Hilotes, among the Greek servile populations: they are maltreated in a ritual way. The sources on this point are abundant, and detailed.

Myron de Priène details humiliations to which they are subjected: they must carry a cap in skin of dog ( κυνῆ / kunễ ) and a sheepskin ( διφθέρα / will diphthéra ) to distinguish them from the others. One knows the symbolic system which the dog had among Greeks: a servile and weak animal. Every year, Hilotes is ritually whipped, without another reason that to point out their constraint to them - it seems nevertheless that only a small portion of them, representing the unit symbolically, was whipped.

Plutarque also states that one forced them to drink pure wine (regarded then as dangerous) enivrer and to dance in a grotesque way in front of the young Spartans, at the time of the Syssitie S (obligatory banquets). Conversely, it reports that the Thébains required of a group of Hilotes prisoners to recite heroic worms of the national poets, Alcman and Terpandre: Hilotes refused, informant whom their Master it would not tolerate to them.

Who more is, when the éphore S take up duty, i.e. every year, they declare the war in Hilotes systematically, which makes it possible to the Spartans to kill the latter without incurring religious stain. Most of the time, one uses the kryptes with this intention, the young people who pass the difficult test of the Kryptie. In 425 av. J. - C., 2   000 Hilotes are thus massacred at the end of a setting in carefully prepared scene. Thucydide pays as follows:

“Lacédémoniens required of them to indicate those of them which had best assisted them with the war, by saying that they wanted to free them. Actually, it was only one trap; they estimated that those which would be the first to assert by pride of heart freedom would be also the first to be raised. Two approximately thousand were thus indicated; the face girds of a crown, they walked around the temples, in sign that already they were freed; but little time after, Lacédémoniens made them disappear, and no one never knew how they had perished. ”

Myron de Priène also states that Hilotes become too fatty were put at death, and that their Masters were struck of a fine to have let them grow bigger.

Nuances

The image which suggests the texts is unanimous: Hilotes are humiliated and ritually tortured psychologically. Nevertheless, this table deserves some nuances.

Initially, clothing: the will diphthera was in a general way a poor clothing of worker - of proletarian, if one dares the anachronism - also carried by free men with Athens. Thus, in the Clouds of Aristophane, it is the clothing of Strepsiade. In the same way, the word κυνῆ / kunễ is used in the Greek literature, especially at Homère in Iliade , to indicate a helmet. In Athens, or in the Odyssey , it indicates also a bonnet of leather or skin.

Then, the obligation made to the Masters prevent their Hilotes from growing bigger appears rather inapplicable: the Homoioi living separately, how could they have controlled the food of the latter? Moreover, Hilotes being used for their labor force (for example to carry the weapons of their Master to the war), they were to undoubtedly be correctly nourished. We know by Thucydide the content of the food intakes which the Spartans forwarded to their Hoplite S besieged on Sphactérie: two chélices of barley flour, two wine kotyles and a not specified quantity of meat. We also know that Hilotes perceived as for them a half-ration. Knowing that a chélice attic corresponds to 698 G., of calculations showed that such a quantity of barley flour is far from being miserable: it corresponds to 81  % of the nutritional needs for a fairly active man, in accordance with the standards of FAO. Knowing that the engagements had ceased at the time described by Thucydide, and that the flour was supplemented by a little meat and wine, the ration was thus about normal. Who more is, the fact of even envisaging a sanction for the Masters not preventing their Hilotes from growing bigger lets suppose that the thing was possible.

Security measures

This hatred of the Spartans for their Hilotes comes in fact from a reciprocal fear: the Spartans, of small number compared to their servile population, fear that the hilotes do not seek to destroy them, therefore they maltreat them. According to the tradition, the Equal ones always move with their lance, on their premises demolish the belt of their shield for fear Hilote does not seize any, and are locked up in their house. Thucydide summarizes thus in a famous sentence: “because the essential principle of the policy of Lacédémoniens with regard to Hilotes always was to be mainly dictated by the concern of protecting itself some. ”

Hilotic revolts

In spite of hardnesses of which they are victims, Hilotes, throughout their history, almost do not revolt.

The plot of Pausanias

The first attempt at reported hilotic revolt in a historical way is that caused by the general Pausanias at sixth century BC Thucydide pays as follows:

“It was also learned that it intrigued with Hilotes in the following way: he promised freedom to them and established among, if they were raised with him and helped it in all its companies. ”

These intrigues however do not push Hilotes with the revolt: Thucydide even reports, on the contrary, that some denounce Pausanias. No doubt the promises of Pausanias are too generous to be credible. Brasidas, it, had been committed only to free Hilotes volunteers, and not making citizens of them.

The massacre of Ténare

The massacre of the course Ténare, at the end of the Taygète, is also reported by Thucydide:

“Spartans had formerly made raise Hilotes begging who were in the sanctuary of Poséidon, in Ténare, then them had involved with the variation and had massacred. According to themselves, this impiété the great earthquake of Sparte had caused. ”

This business, evoked by the Athenian in answer to a request by Sparte to banish the Alcméonide Périclès, is not dated. We know only that it occurs before the terrible earthquake of 464 av. J. - C.. Thucydide is here the only one to evoke of Hilotes: Pausanias speaks rather about Lacédémoniens condemned to death. The text does not make it possible to conclude with a rising hilotic having turned out badly, but rather with from Hilotes in escape. Moreover, a revolt of Hilotes de Laconie is not very probable, and of Messéniens would not have taken refuge with the course Ténare.

The earthquake

Rising at the time of the earthquake of 464 av. J. - C. on the other hand is firmly attested. The Greek historians do not agree however on its interpretation.

According to Thucydide, Hilotes and Périèque S of Thouria and Aithaia benefit from the seism to revolt and cut off themselves from the Ithômé. It specifies that the majority of these revolted are old Messéniens, which confirms the recourse to Ithômé, historical place of resistance messénienne, and the precision on Périèques de Thouria, city located in Messénie. Conversely, we can deduce from it that a minority consists of Hilotes de Laconie: the earthquake would thus have caused at Hilotes laconiens only and single revolt of their history. Commentators as Etienne de Byzance suggests with the remainder that Aithia is in Laconie, which could mean revolt of great width of this area. Pausanias gives a version of the event similar to that of Thucydide.

Diodore of Sicily, probably inspired by Éphore de Cymé, allots rising to share equal to Messéniens and Hilotes. This version of the facts is supported by Plutarque.

Lastly, certain authors give the responsibility for rising to Hilotes de Laconie. It is the case of Plutarque in its Vie of Cimon (17, 8): Hilotes of the valley of the Eurotas want to benefit from the seism to attack Spartans whom they think disarmed. The intervention of Archidamos II, which makes gather out of weapons Lacédémoniens, saves them at the same time earthquake and attack of Hilotes. Hilotes are folded up then and begin an open war, joined in that by Messéniens.

It is difficult to slice between these authors. It is clear in all the accounts, nevertheless, that the revolt of 464 constitutes a major traumatism for the Spartans. Plutarque even states that it is after this revolt that is instituted the Kryptie and other ill treatments with regard to Hilotes. If these assertions are doubtful, they testify to the shock felt then. The reaction of Sparte is immediate: it gathers its allies to carry out the war and even Athens which will be its enemy later during the Peloponnesian War.

Athenian outposts

During this same war and after the rendering of the Spartans besieged in Sphactérie, the Athenians install with Pylos a garrison made up of Messéniens come from Naupacte. Thucydide (IV, 41,2-3) stresses that they hope to exploit the patriotism of the latter to throw the disorder in the area. If Messéniens do not start a Guérilla, they plunder the area and encourage of Hilotes to the desertion. Sparte will have to immobilize a garrison there to control their activity. It is the first of ἔπιτειχισμόι / épiteikhismoi (“ramparts”), outposts established by Athens in enemy territory.

The second outpost is established with Cythère. This time, the Athenians aim at Hilotes de Laconie. Once again, plunderings and desertions occur, but in propotions quite less than the Athenians hope for it and the Spartans do not fear it: there is no rising comparable with that of the earthquake.

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