Hector de Galard

See also: Galard

Born the March 30th 1921, Hector de Galard descends from Galard Isle, a Gascon Noblesse regarded as one of the six older families of France. Thus inheriting the title of Marquis, it bathes in a medium - that of the aristocracy and Parisian upper middle class - traditionally anchored on the right.

Brilliance raises, weaving the essence of its friendly relations in the beautiful quarters of the capital, it enters to the Private school of political sciences in 1938. Rather wait and see under the Occupation, it waits until 1944 to form, with his friend Henri de Turenne and some young socialist aristocrats trotskisants, a group of resistant around a professor of philosophy and dissenting trotskist, Daniel Nat. It takes part then in the countryside of Germany.

Its return to spring 1945, its group joins Claude Bourdet before founding with the summer 1946 with the other old ones of Socialisme and freedom (Yves Dechézelles, Henri Frenay, Marceau Pivert) the newspaper October. It is then impregnated by a certain number of topics (pacifism, anticolonialism) around the search for a democratic passage to socialism and formation of a new pole on the left preserving the spirit of socialist resistance while refusing communist control.

In parallel, it specializes on the professional level in the treatment of the international businesses by successively occupying the position of secretary general of the Agency of Edition and international Documentation, to defer to the illustrated Monde and of writer to the international Page . Whereas October disappears, it enters to Combat in July 1947 “the luggage of Bourdet” - which replaces Camus there - to occupy there the post of editor association of the international pages. If it does not form part of the three founders of the Observer (Claude Bourdet, Gilles Martinet and Roger Stephan), it is named there editor association as of his launching (1950), appearing there like the “fourth musketeer” of the executive team. Because, beyond its technical attributions, it extends its responsibilities to the leading direction and policy while carrying a right to watch on the international heading. Imposing itself like a mainstay of the newspaper, it counterbalances the political requirements of the others and brings to the newspaper the coherence and the rigor which avoid to him not transfering with the body in favor. Moreover, following the consecutive internal crisis with the electoral failure of its leaders under the banner of the Independent and Uncommitted Left (1951), it is detached from Bourdet by supporting the ousting of one of its close relations. In order to make sure of the decent incomes, it in parallel directs a literary agency while collaborating in Parallèles 50 then, as from 1953, with the Nave . Neutralist convinced, sympathizer of nonconformism, it is one of the only members of the team of Obs - with Roger Stephan, mendesist of left - not to be Marxist. Element moderated within the team, it posts a critical distance towards the politicking dash of its two principal leaders. It does not share of it less their project to make newspaper a catalyst of the dissenting and nonconformist lefts, supporting an uncommitted line, antiaméricaine and antistalinienne as well as the idea of Europe socialist, neutral, peaceful and pacificatory. And if it is not, like Claude Bourdet, Claude Estier or Lucien Rioux, member of the CAGI (May 1953 - December 1954), he is sympathizer. In the same way, if it is one of only of the drafting not to belong to the New Left (December 1954), it is located clearly in this nebula progressist which expresses a critical sensitivity in his report/ratio to the Marxism.

However, it has, as editor association of the Nave , of the personal relationships to figures of the moderated left as Edgar Faure which prove to play a great part at the time of “the business of the escapes” (March 1955). As from 1957, it is besides of those which, against Claude Bourdet, try to attenuate the line “revolutionnarist” of the newspaper to the profit of reflections plus reformists. He fights also bitterly against the intellectualism which paralysis the modernization of the cultural pages and sociétales of the newspaper. If it is insulated when it preaches a cutting off on an apolitical line, it is joined by Roger Stephan in her will to release the newspaper of its label “Left News” in order to widen its assistantship on all the left.

Its preoccupation of opening-up compared to the leading line fixed since 1950 and with a widening of the spectrum of the political speakers finds an echo gradually as the maintenance offered to François Mitterrand in November 1957 shows it. In the same way, after May 13rd, 1958, it is put up with the turn gaullist of his friend Roger Stephan by considering that the gaullism is the only pacificatory way of the moment.

Its antigaullism is not less visceral at the point to play more in its sympathy to the “New Lefts” that a major political attachment with socialism. Thus, if it accepts, like Charrières or Stephan, the measured use of the newspaper like relay of UGS by Martinet and Bourdet, the weight of the militants PSA (1958) then PSU (as from 1960) within the drafting leads it to be opposed to a surpolitisation of the newspaper and the amalgam which would make the body of a party of it. Its conscience owing to the fact that the informative dimension of the newspaper is guarantor of its perenniality does not prevent it however from being “open to all the surface” of the left progressist, of the mendesism with a PSU of which it shares many positions.

In 1962, he becomes shareholder of the newspaper by recovering the actions of Roger Stephan (20 000 FF). After peace in Algeria (March 1962) and the questions of orientations which arise for the newspaper, it is also of those which, with Martinet, wish to release its pacifist combat of the revolutionary approach angelica and protester in which the Bourdet registered voter. He seeks in particular, with Claude Julien, to adopt the rigorous approach of the international relations of the World or the diplomatic World. Lastly, after the failure of the PSU to the legislative elections of 1962, he preaches with Furet an ideological emancipation of the newspaper compared to the line of the PSU to the profit of a speech more constructive and extended to other public policies.

In spite of its talents of mediator between most of the organizers of newspaper (Pipe cleaner, Estier, Lewino, Lebar, etc) and Claude Bourdet, it cannot prevent the departure of this last (May 1963). In May 1964, in front of the aggravation of the financial problems, it leaves, by mutual agreement with Philippe Viannay, for France-Evening where it touches suitable wages (2 500 FF). It does not ensure less its work of rewriting the evenings of looping and takes part of it in the negotiations preliminary to the fusion of the newspaper with the friends of Claude Perdriel and Jean Daniel. But whereas it was agreed that it occupies in the new formula the row of number two, it must share the drafting as a chief with Serge Lafaurie.

That does not prevent it from binding friendship with the latter because it is him which takes up truly the duties of chief of the drafting.

At the end of four years, it approaches Jean Daniel, overcoming by “the intensity of a journalistic presence the difficulties which could have been born from events like the candidature of François Mitterrand in 1965 or the Israeli war the Six Days in 1967”. During the various internal crises, it thus respects its preeminence without seeking to foment anything. But he suffers from the way in which the director of the drafting treats it, in particular when this last accepts that writers come to present papers to him that he refused to them.

Within the drafting, it recruits in particular Claude-François Julien in 1969 and Kenizé Mourad of which he is the close friend during a few years. It has besides evil to impose it on the foreign service because of its lack of experience. If not, it enters to the Board of directors of the Nouvel Observateur in 1976, thus taking care of the interests of old of France Observer . Politically, it appears on the left, more third-mondiste and less mitterrandist that the director of the drafting. But if it does not have any regard for François Mitterrand, it does not hide its joy in May 1981.

It gives up its post of editor association constrained by the disease in 1985. Its aristocratic contempt for the money shows through then in the manner where it yields its actions to Claude Perdriel for frank a symbolic system. He dies in 1990 after a long illness. At the time of the funeral mass celebrated with its honor in the very royal church of Auxerre-native Saint-Germain-the, resounded with its request, like a last thumb your nose with aristocratic suitabilities, the Time of the cherries …

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