The haredim , or ultra-orthodoxe, or Fear-God, (in Hebrew חרדים ) are Jewish orthodoxe having a particularly strong religious practice. In the absence of any authority centralized in the Judaism, they developed a certain number of currents, like the Hassidisme , each one of these currents interpreting the principles which theirs are common with some alternatives.
Since the end of the 19th century, they reject Western “modernity partially”, whether it is in the field of manners or the ideologies. Because of their mistrust with respect to the social innovations, the haredim generally live in margin of the surrounding laic companies, even Jewish, in their districts and under the direction of their Rabbin S, only source of being able fully legitimate in their eyes. It is also the most important current Jewish group posting its reserves vis-a-vis the Sionisme, and even sometimes its hostility.
They today are strongly established in Israel, where they have their districts (and even their cities), their political parties, their stores and their schools. They are also present in many Jewish communities of the diaspora, in particular in North America and Western Europe.
The Israeli sociologists often make a distinction between the laic ones (not very interested by the religion, but not inevitably anti-monk), the traditionalists (partial religious practice), the orthodoxe ones (strict religious practice, but immersion in the modern world) and theorthodoxe ones, or haredim (religious practice strict, refusal of certain forms of modernity, will of social separatism extremely: specific clothing, specific districts, specific religious institutions).
It should be noted that the haredim are not defined themselves as theorthodoxe ones, but as orthodoxe Jewish haredim (“tremblers”, within the meaning of “those which tremble in front of God”, or “Fear-God”). The root of the word haredi is harada , the Hebrew word most extremely in for the fear. The haredi “is terrified” with the idea to violate one of the 613 mitzvot .
Orthodoxe the “modern ones” and the haredim do not differ from a theological point of view, but in their lifestyle and their political orientations.
During centuries, the concept of orthodoxe Jews did not exist: it would have been necessary for that of the Jews hétérodoxes. There were some besides of them (the karaïtes, for example), but not sufficiently so that a specific denomination exists.
At the 19th century, Western modernity involved strong evolutions in the Judaism, initially in Germany, then in all Europe. One saw in particular appearing in first half of the XIXe century in Germany a “Judaïsme reformed”, which intended to revise the place of the Talmud. The “orthodoxe Judaïsme” thus had to be defined as guard of the religious tradition.
But the question of the “modernization” of the Jewish religion was not only. It is the question of the modernization of the Jewish companies as a whole (social structures, structures of being able, report/ratio in the State) which was also posed. And there, the answers between orthodoxe diverged.
As of second half of the 19th century, the current known as of German néo-orthodoxy, behind the rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch (1808-1888), theorizes an approach prudently open to technical and social modernity. The Jews must remain close to their values, but they can take part in the social life of the company in which they evolve/move. On the other hand, contrary to reformed (and with the assimilationnists) which considers that the Jewish fact religious must remain purely private, néo-orthodoxy considers that the Jews must also exist as an organized community. And they must also refuse the aspects of the contrary modern world to the 613 Mitzvot (commands) listed by the tradition.
Another current, on the other hand, rejected in block the entry in the Western companies considered as paradoxical in their values with the Jewish tradition. This current was especially expressed in the East of Europe. It accepts certain aspects of technical modernity, but refutes almost all the aspects of social or political “modernity”: Nationalism, Democracy, left the Ghetto, etc
Initially, the orthodoxe ones remained rather plain. Thus, German néo-orthodoxy and the Eastern-European conservatives founded together the party Agoudat Israel in 1912 in Poland. They at the time are penetrated of the risks run by the religious Jews in general and thus gather. They reject together the Sionisme, the assimilation, the Socialisme, the Athéisme, etc But in the inter-war period, the divergences between orthodoxe “modern”, more or less influenced by the theses of the Rabbin Samson Raphael Hirsch, and the conservatives were accentuated. One can then speak about the fully assumed existence of a specific branch: ultra orthodoxy. Orthodoxe the “modern ones” left the Agoudat Israel besides at that time.
The world haredi has many specificities today, as well with respect to non the Jews as of the laic Jews and the orthodoxe religious Jews “modern”.
On the one hand, the Torah must be the source of any legislation, and the refusal of the Jewish State to accept this principle withdraws its legitimacy to him (see the chapter on the report/ratio with the Sionisme). For the same reason, there should not be constitution in Israel. In fact, the movement Zionist accepted this principle and set only up “fundamental laws”. The distinction is symbolic system, but the haredim are due to it.
The democracy is a principle of operation which puts the opinion of the majority above God. The democracy does not obstruct the haredim at non the Jews (which are free to make as good seems to them). But at the Jewish S, it is a manifest handing-over of cause of Daat Torah and Emounat Khakhamim .
Lastly, each pious Jew must in depth give itself a Rabbin, which will guide his life. “Wise”, or the “large ones of the Torah”, or “luminaries” or “décisionnaires” cap these rabbis, and have an absolute capacity on their flocks. They are often the object of a true worship of the personality, because “they have access to “supreme knowledge”, they see what will occur in the long run, on a higher level”.
In practice, the communities Hassidim (one of the two principal currents of the Judaism haredi ) have a supreme referent, them Admor , or Rebbe . The rabbis haredim of the “Lithuanian” current refer them with their chief of Yeshiva (generally that where they followed their studies). These same chiefs of yeshiva can themselves return account to a chief of yeshiva more prestigious . Admor or chief of Yeshiva , the “large ones” are often old, and live isolated in general, not reading the newspapers nor not looking at television. Some almost never leave on their premises, and even less of the reserved districts where they live. Their information on the outside world often passes through the filter of a reduced entourage, which thus acquires to be able and influences. Largest “wise” live in Israel and in the United States. Taking into account their influence on the Israeli religious parties (good number of haredim Israeli depend on “wise” American, or the reverse), they are obviously courted by the Israeli politicians.
Nobody caps “large” themselves, with share, to a certain extent, the “council of large” of the three religious parties (when they adhere to it, which is not always the case - to see the chapter on the policy). Great Israeli rabbinate does not have any true influence on them. This situation without supreme authority décisionnaire can lead to sometimes virulent confrontations, and even physically violent one, between partisans of such or such “luminary”, each one being persuaded of the absolute superiority from the point of view of its “wise”.
Daat Torah and Emounat Khakhamim also exists at orthodoxe the “modern ones”, but the capacity of the referring rabbi is limited especially to the religious field, not with the other fields (for the haredim , all is monk). In Israel, orthodoxe the “modern ones” in general recognize the authority of the great Israeli rabbinate.
The ideal of the haredim remains a Jewish life gathered around the Rabbin S, refusing many aspects of the modern world (television is particularly rejected), with separate districts of non the Jews and laic Jews. Physically, their black clothing (“men in black” according to the Israeli expression) points out them easily. One is however not in the presence of an attitude of rejection of modernity as radical as that of the Amish: the electricity, the car, the Computer, the Plane, are accepted.
The fundamental vision of the haredim is that the world which surrounds them is a permanent source of perversion. Television or publicity is a source of sexual images there. The values of independence of the individual, ideological relativism, equality of the sexes or the Religion S are regularly marked there. It is illusory to believe, like the orthodoxe ones, that one can live in this world while respecting strictly the 613 mitzvot . The threat is permanent. Not to succumb to it, it is necessary to live in group, in districts with share, under the strict direction of the rabbis.
Sexuality is particularly central in the rejection by the haredim of the modern world. The fear of sexual temptation is permanent. Not only the woman haredi must have a “modest” behavior (which implies for example to hide its hair), but all the women who return in the districts haredi must make some in the same way. This will of social control is one of the reasons of the choice of the haredim of living in districts with share (often called Ghetto S in remembering the old ghettos of Eastern Europe). They developed in these districts a company separately, with its stores, its schools, its institutions, its newspapers.
The populations haredim are concentrated much than the Jewish population in general, consequence of the will to live modern societies separately.
The haredim are especially numerous today in Israel and with the E. - U.. But one finds of them also communities relatively important with the Netherlands, Strasbourg, Zurich, in Great Britain, etc. In France the community haredi gather around Yeshivot; they are present primarily in Paris (in suburbs: Epinay and Sarcelles), Strasbourg, Marseilles and Aix-the-Baths.
In Israel, the principal communities are by order of decreasing importance:
With the the United States, it is especially in the agglomeration New York ease (in particular with Brooklyn) that the haredim concentrate. Certain communities set up true Jewish municipalities in this country, it is the case of the hassidim of Satmar of which some gathered within Kiryas Joel in the Comté of Orange (State of New York)
With time, the haredim ended (mainly at least) up accepting the State of Israel. The parties which represent them have even ministers. But the “worship” of the State specific to the Zionists (even with the religious Zionists) seems to them to be an idolatry condemned by the Bible. From where a very ambiguous, made current attitude acceptance and of reserve. Thus at the time of the withdrawal of the Israeli colonies of the Gaza Strip, in 2005, some haredim remained neutral, certain approved, others were opposed. The majority attitude however was very reserved.
Certain groups, like the Neturei Karta or the hassidim of Satmar are always very strongly antisionists. “We are orthodoxe Jews anti-Zionists. And we are opposed to the Zionism for several reasons. First of all, the establishment of a State in Palestine is a thing which violates the Torah, the Jewish religious law. He contradicts the provisions acting of the punishments and the exile issued by Di-u at the time of the Temple. The establishment of the State Zionist contradicts the will of Di-u by seeking a material remedy for a spiritual condition. Moreover, the movement Zionist since decades is devoted to extirpate the traditional faith of the Torah. All that occurs in the context from a very serious moral spite against the Palestinian people, a thing which violates the Torah seriously! ”.
Science does not have any particular value. She indeed claims to reach the truth, whereas only the study of the crowned texts allows it. One notes a certain hostility, or at least a certain contempt, with regard to science. The newspaper haredi Yated neeman thus points out many scientific errors, and concludes “why should spend our time to us studying " faits" the half will be looked in ten years like forgery”? But the productions of science, like the machines or the medical care, are not inevitably rejected.
The inventions or the concepts which are likely to violate the Jewish religious law are on the other hand refused: Internet or television (because of their “indecent” images), evolutionism (which calls into question the divine creation of the world in six days, there is less than 6000 years). Thus, for one of the leaders of the Shass (left haredi séfarade) “a woman Séfarade who embraces with devotion a roller of the Torah is better than fifty professors who teach that the Man goes down from the monkey”. The degree of rejection varies from a community to another.
Enough indifferent to the rationalist step “modern”, the mediums haredim is permeable with fears of curses. Thus “rabbis organized a collective prayer in the buildings of the Israeli Social security in Tel-Aviv to entreat a curse allegedly thrown on its employees by individuals of allowances”. In 1985, the Minister of Interior Department (of the party haredi Shass) “explained a terrible accident which a train entered in collision with a bus of children by the revenge on God because of the desacralization of the Chabbat with the opening of the cinemas Friday evening”. After brutal death in December 1989 of Zion Garmi, assistant editor of the ministry for the Worships, “a persistent rumor says that it would have been cursed by three civils servant of the ministry, and that even Itshak Kaddouri, celebrates it cabbalist did not succeed in with its incantations erasing the curse”.
The secular studies, on the other hand, are devalued enough. They are a waste of time, since they obstruct the religious study. Not or few doctors, lawyers, engineers or simply plumbers at the Israeli haredim . There is more in diaspora.
In Israel, the haredim obtained considerable financings of State for their activities, which makes it possible a strong proportion of adult men to devote all their time to the study. In practice, the statistics show that the socio-economic situation constrained nevertheless good number of haredim to be worked in the commercial sector. Nevertheless, “more than 70% of the ultra-orthodoxe men and approximately 50% of the women are not employed”. In diaspora, these financings absent or are limited, and the time spent being studied must be cut down to allow a remunerative work.
It should be noted that at the end of 2005, Yissachar Dov Rokeach II, current the rebbe of the hassidic dynasty of Belz, has surprised by inviting its Israeli partisans to follow professional trainings and either only of the religious studies, and this in order to improve their socio-economic statute. He announced that the yeshivot of Belz would hold “a few hours per week in evening” with these formations. This limited evolution is revealing economic problems encountered by Israeli haredim centered on the study and very dependant on the subsidies of state.
The purpose of the marriages are done young people, are often arranged by a matchmaker ( Shadkhan ) and are to have a maximum of children. Except medical cases, the families have 5 to 10 children (7 children per family on average in Israel in 2005). It acts for the haredim of an important religious command: “grow and multiply” (Genèse 1:28, 9:1,7).
The woman is submitted to her father until the marriage, then with her husband. The authority of this last then carries it on that of the father. When conflicts occur between communities haredim , or at the time of the elections in Israel (see low), the woman must follow the community and the party of her husband, not that of her father.
“The chastity of the woman worries the ultra-orthodoxe company enormously. It must not only hide its hair, its arms and to its ankles, but the least physical contact with a man who is not her husband him is prohibited”. It should never only be found besides with a man other than her husband. These two constraints strongly limit the output capacitances of the woman haredi , whether it is for the leisures or work. In the years 1980, passages pedestrians separated for the men and the women were thus created in certain zones haredim , in order to avoid involuntary rubbings between men and women on the most attended passages.
In the majority of the groups haredim (but not in all), one noted since the years a 1970-80 tendency to the development of the work of the women (more important in 2007 and Israel that the work of the men. It is however not question of equality. It should be noted that some haredim ( Edah Haredit ) regard such an evolution as a serious sin. One can note that the work of the women is limited by two factors: it is not question of accepting that the woman haredi makes to a work in a mixed medium man - women, which strongly reduces the number of accessible stations; the frequent pregnancies reject many employers.
The children must be if possible high in specific religious schools: it is rather simple in Israel, sometimes more difficult in diaspora, especially in the smallest groups. What encourages besides the regroupings in compact communities, equipped of their own schools.
The Homosexuality or the Concubinage is completely rejected.
It was seen that the haredim had large families, did few “modern” studies likely to lead to well remunerated employment, tested (especially at the men and in Israel. Lapid and its comrades aimed one goal: to reduce the orthodoxe public to indigence, its schools with poverty, and his/her children with the famine”.
In accordance with Emounat Khakhamim (faith in the wise ones), one of the basic principles of the orthodoxe Judaism, each party is controlled by a co-opted “council of wise of the Torah” (and to in no case elected). The first was that of Agoudat, and was created with Katowice in 1918. A council does not mix with the policy with the daily newspaper, but lays down the main trends of its party.
In Israel, Agoudat Israel represents especially the Hassidim of European origin. Degel HaTorah represents especially the “Lithuanian” current ( Mitnagdim ) of European origin (except for the hassidim of Belz, which supports Degel HaTorah). Lastly, the Shass represents especially the haredim of Eastern origin (Séfarades). Contrary to the first two parties, it attracts also an electorate not haredim : the orthodoxe ones and traditionalists Séfarade S. But the party is under the strict control of the haredim .
It should be noted that Agoudat and Degel are in general gathered within a very flexible electoral trust the “unified Judaism of the Torah”. This one however underwent some crises, and then temporarily ceased being active.
With the Israeli parliamentary elections of March 2006, Shass obtained 9,5% of the voices (12 seats out of 120), and “unified Judaism of the Torah” 4,7% of the voices (6 seats).
The world haredi has strong specificities. The vision external of the “men in black” is thus often that of a homogeneous and compact group. Although partially exact, this vision must be moderate: the haredim do not have common direction, and are crossed by many cleavages.
Right from the start, number of Rabbin S were strongly opposed to the hassidism, of or their name of mitnagddim , the “opponents”. One also speaks about “Lithuanians”. The hassidim carried towards the mystic based on the exaltation of the religious emotions, while the mitnagddim , mainly resulting from the talmudic schools of Lithuania, practice a more austere Judaism, more intellectualized, based on the principle of the dialectical casuistry ( Pilpoul ). Criticizing a hassidic orientation ensuring the supremacy of the Cabal (mystical Jewish) on the Halakha, the mitnagddim reproach them in particular a " joy of vivre" , that they estimate incompatible with the study of the Torah. Lastly, the worship of the personality, traditional at the hassidim , always made fear with the Lithuanians the appearance of a new pseudo-messianism, thus pointing out the unhappy adventure of the car-declared Messiah, Sabbataï Zevi
This hostility grew blurred in second half of the XIXe century vis-a-vis the rise of the Sionisme, the assimilation or the Socialisme. But it did not disappear. The large leader of the mitnagddim until his death in the years 1990, the Rav Shach (or Chakh) was until wondering whether the hassidim of Loubavitch were still Juifs. He however did not extend this questioning to the other communities hassidim .
The mitnagddim are centered on their chiefs of yeshivot , while the Hassidim are centered on their Admorim or Rebbe (charismatic and hereditary religious leaders).
Today, this divergence is not exerted only in the authorities of religious capacity internal in the world haredi . It is expressed also politically: the hassidim are generally (in Israel) in favor of the party Agoudat Israel, while the mitnagddim Ashkénaze S vote Degel HaTorah rather (or Hatora), and Eastern the Shass. The hassidim except Israel seldom have fasteners partidaires.
See also: Hassidisme
There exist tens of hassidic denominations. Each one has its Admor or Rebbe , and the confrontations are sometimes virulent, even if the real religious divergences are very low. The hassidim of Belz and those of Satmar sometimes clashed in vast collective brawls in their districts of Jerusalem and Brooklyn, because of their divergences on the Zionism (tolerated by Belz, radically rejected by Satmar), and because of strong opposition between their admorim . The cordial relations between hassidic communities are however very dominant.
By contrast, the world mitnagddim is unified, joined together more around a small number of persons in charge of large yeshivot prestigious.
The haredim alive in the countries except Israel have normally a work (employee or liberal profession), and are thus constrained by economic realities to accept a certain degree of opening in the world. The sociologists noted that those which emigrated in Israel (one counts several tens of thousands of them over the 30 last years) had sometimes tensions on this point with the Israeli haredim . The hassidim of Loubavitch, also, show a certain opening, and do not fear to appear on television, just like the haredim Séfarades of the Shass.
Many Israeli currents haredim (especially Ashkénazes) are reserved. Technical modernity is accepted. But television, co-education remain objects of mistrust or refusal. It was nevertheless noted that the education of the young girls had developed much in these groups compared to the situation of the beginning of the 20th century.
Lastly, a third current, very minority, largely rejects this modernity, and considers that the traditional haredim became too much laxists. These groups are especially those of the Edah Haredit . The education of the girls for example is voluntarily maintained on a very primary level there.
With final, mistrust common vis-a-vis modernity (especially social and political) led to standpoint going of rather broad compromises to a savage hostility.
Historically, ultra orthodoxy is Ashkénaze. As from the years 1950, Séfarades returned in the school network Agoudat Israel, and one saw appearing haredim Séfarade S. Those remained within Agoudat until in 1984. But their setting with the variation of the centers of being able caused the scission of the Shass in 1984. The haredim séfarades have their own religious leaders today (Ovadia Yossef), their party, and defend the interests of their community. But there is no either frank rupture, in particular with the current mitnagddim . They result indeed often from its yeshivot . The divergences between haredim Eastern and Western were indeed reinforced by those between mitnagddim (Lithuanian) and Hassidim : “if it is true that Rav Schach of the Western '' mitnagddim '' seemed particularly anxious to equip the haredim séfarades with a real political representation thus correcting the original ethnic inequality, it should be stressed that its step was also dictated by other types of considerations, aiming at the same time at sitting the capacity of the Lithuanians within the camp haredi and to optimize the structuring of this one for future electoral conquests. The opposition between hassidim and Lithuanians was, consequently, at the origin of Shas, reactivated by Rav Schach but also by Rav Ovadia Yossef which, although Séfarade, was close to the Lithuanian current”.
One often notes a “modern” sensitivity more at Séfarades (with respect to television or of the implication in the Israeli government). This current is primarily Israeli, and hardly meets in diaspora.
As from 1977, the religious parties were found in a political role of pivot in Israel, and largely used about it to reinforce the laws of religious coercion (sale of pig, respect of the Chabbat,…). This orientation is explained for two reasons:
One can note that certain religious leaders, like the Rav Chakh, however disputed partially the attempts of religious coercion in Israel. For them, they amplify the conflict with the laic Jews, they do not prevent those from making their sins in the private one, and thus do not save them divine punishment. Lastly, to require of a Knesset including/understanding the laic ones, Marxists, Arab S, to come to a conclusion about the best way of following the Jewish religious law is quite simply not serious.
This debate forever be really distinct, but the tendency to require a reinforcement of the religious legislation in Israel is dominant.
The party Agoudat Israel is the historical party of the haredim (created in 1912), in Israel and in the world.
He knew years 1920 until worms the end of the year 1980 a “nationalist” scission more and more “modernistic”, Poale Agoudat Israel. This division does not exist today any more. But of new parties appeared.
It is the Shass, in 1984, which expresses the sights of the haredim Séfarade S, but which also succeeded, made exceptional for a party haredi , has to attract many voters not haredim . It is then Degel HaTorah, created in 1988, which expresses the sights of the haredim mitnagddim Ashkénaze S.
Thaw HaTorah and Agoudat sometimes violently clashed (Israeli elections of 1988 in particular). But they also presented a common electoral face as from the years 1990: “Unififé Judaism of the Torah”.
The general attitude of the haredim with respect to the policy remains in general rather distant. To take part in the votes is not really a priority: only the religious study is. One notes in fact of the divergent attitudes according to the communities: the hassidim of Gour, very implied in Agoudat Israel, take part for example more than the hassidim of Loubavitch, external with the party. With final, the participation depends largely on the instructions given by the rabbis of each group. The Edah Haredit refuses obviously any voter turnout in the institutions of the “impious” State.
With final, divisions between parties are real, but the fundamental ones remain however rather close. The competition for the attribution of the government stocks to the educational and religious bodies of the various groups is however a fundamental objective of these parties, and leads sometimes to political confrontations.
Contrary to certain Christians (Croisades) or to certain Moslems (Djihad), which theorized the need for a religious violence for the triumph of God, the haredim do not have such a step. The majority refuse the military service thus, even in the Israeli armed . For them, Tsahal is especially a large house of prostitution for the women soldiers. The Ben-Shlomo deputy, of the Shass, thus declared in December 1984 that “if 603 Israeli soldiers died during the Guerre of Lebanon 1982, it is because of licentious sexual control of the women soldiers”.
Violence is however not foreign at the company haredi . It is a company which feels indeed attacked permanently by a world foreign and hostile (even Jewish), and which has at the same time a strong conviction as for its natural superiority. That leads to regular tensions. It is not a question so much of the report/ratio to non the Jews, whose values hardly interest the haredim , that report/ratio with the others haredim or the other Jews. These tensions result sometimes in violence.
The multiplicity of the communities Hassidim and of the yeshivot implies a world haredi very divided. The confrontations, rather rare, are thus sometimes brutal there. One spoke about the brawls between hassidim of Belz and Satmar.
One can also point out the aggression in 1983 of the deputy Agoudat Israel Menahem Porush by hassidim of Gour, also Agoudat, which showed it “to have insulted” to them Admor . Menahem Porush had spent several days to the hospital.
Violence can finally target newsstands which sell the newspapers of another tendency haredi , or the goods of another community.
Violences against the Jews not haredim are not rare in Israel: stones launched against the cars rolling the Chabbat, kingpins against cinemas opening the chabbat, intimidation to make leave the laic ones living in the districts to dominant haredi , sabotage of archaeological excavations (being likely to disturb the burial of dead), riots against autopsies (prohibited by the Jewish law). In 1986 the “war of the bus shelters took place”, systematic destruction by the haredim of the bus shelter being in or close to their districts and posting publicities comprising of the “indecent” images. In the years 1980 a clandestine group haredi appeared Israeli called Keshet (Rainbow), specialized in the attacks against the goods (but never against the people itself) pertaining to individuals or groups considered as hostile to the haredim . One owes them thus of many fires against newsstands selling an “impious” press in the districts haredim .
Verbal violence is not rare either. The attacks against the groups “hétérodoxes” like the Karaïtes or the Samaritains can go very far, sometimes with whimsical charges (half-Moslems, enemies of the Jews,…). The members of the Kibboutz im were also marked (Rav Chakh) not to be Juifs more. The deputy Shass Shlomo Dayan declared at the time of a debate in Knesset on December 13rd, 1988 “the Israeli press and the press Nazi resemble itself on more than one aspect. Which expressions used by the latter appear the Israeli press in connection with the '' haredim ''? “Blackmail”. Is not this step of that which one showed the Jews in the German press? “Leeches”. Didn't the Nazis say it Jews? Now, it is the Israeli press which writes it”.
The opposition to homosexuality generates in Israel of increasing violences, related to the rising visibility of the homosexual community. Thus, “the haredim attack the international Gay Pride. As a protest with the programming of the parade on August 10th, 2006 with Jerusalem, hundreds of letters preaching " the death of Sodomites" were distributed in letter-boxes of the Tuesday morning city. These leaflets promise 20.000 Shekel S " with whoever the death of a person of Sodome and Gomorrhe " causes;. While being released from the least responsibility in this business for leaflet, the community haredi published and distributed official leaflets " all those which have the possibility of it have the obligation to do all that they can to destroy the doors of the hell, whatever the manner choisie" ”. In November 2006, the violent demonstrations haredim against a homosexual parade in Jerusalem made 860.000 dollars of damage. In 2005, homosexual had been stabbed by haredim .
In June 1986, the Synagog of Kiryat Shalom, in the suburbs of Tel-Aviv is burnt at the time of the “war of the bus shelters”. Three days later, after new destruction of bus shelter by haredim , one second synagog is set fire to, and of the rollers of the torn Torah.
These extreme cases of laic attacks of Jews against haredim remain relatively isolated, but are revealing of a tension which the Israeli press baptized the Kulturkampf (the war of the cultures), of the name of a campaign anti-catholic launched by Bismarck in Germany at the 19th century.
Without being a particularly violent world, the world haredi is a world persuaded to have the monopoly of the Truth. This attitude thus brings internal conflicts and external rather regular, especially in Israel. As a diaspora, one does not note few violences with non the Jews, and even with Jews not haredi .
Today, in Israel and diaspora, the haredim are in rather fast population growth. There was at the Israeli Jews 3% haredim declared into 1990,5% into 1999,6% in 2002) like an invasion by the vicinity. Regularly, the spectrum of a Jerusalem not Zionist (dominated by the Arabs and the haredim ) re-appears. In fact, in 2003, it is a haredi , the Rabbin Uri Lupolianski, which was elected mayor of Jerusalem. Father of 12 children, regarded as moderate, it tried however to prohibit the Gay Pride of Jerusalem, but was débouté by justice.
Taking into account the fragmentation of the world haredi in multiple communities, a single presentation is impossible. One can however define some broad outlines.
Not Jews : the orthodoxe Jewish tradition indicates that each people define by itself his report/ratio in God, but that the Jews have a special role in the projects of God. It is thus not question of seeking to convert non the Jews (even if conversions are possible with their request express). With final, the haredim are rather indifferent so that think or make non the Jews. Taking into account persecutions passed, one notes a certain mistrust, and sometimes a will “not to cause the nations ( goyim )”.
Jewish laymen : “the nonreligious haredim and Jews in Israel constitute two separate nations today. This situation could be changed only by the Techouva (repentance) of those which moved away from the Torah. In the presence of nonreligious Juifs, summons us inclined to comprise us as if they were not even there”. The idea is that the world of the laic Jews is dangerous and guilty, and that it is necessary to separate some by reserved districts. It should however be noted that the hassidim of Loubavitch practice an intense proselytism at the laic Jews, whereas the other communities stick rather to the variation.
Jewish conservatives ( massortim ) or reformed : these currents, appeared at the 19th century and today especially powerful with the the United States, partially call into question the Halakha (orthodoxe Jewish religious law). The haredim regard them as Juifs, though dangerously far away from orthodoxy. Their rabbis are not recognized, not more than their conversions. The state of Israel accepting conversions of these rabbis if they were carried out out of Israel (but them does not recognize if they took place in Israel), one thus has Israelis recognized like Juifs by Israel, but not by theorthodoxe ones (nor even by the orthodoxe monks “modern”, moreover). One of the political combats recurring of the Israeli parties haredim and the American haredim since the years 1980 is thus to make modify the Israeli Loi of the return, to exclude from them these converts - far from many in practice. The State always refused with such a reform, true declaration of war against the American Judaïsme, dominated by these currents.
Beta Israel (Jewish of Ethiopia, or Falasha ): The haredim concerning the Rav Yossef (Shass), the former chief rabbi séfarade of Israel which recognized them like Juifs in 1973, accept them without problem. Other groups haredim are much more reticent. Some accept them as fully Juifs only after one conversion accelerated by immersion in a ritual bath (what the Beta Israel refuse in general). Orthodoxe the “modern ones” recognize them like fully Juifs.
Samaritans and Karaïtes : they are groups very hétérodoxes (from the point of view haredi ), but recognized like Juifs by Israel. They are completely rejected, and the charges most various, sometimes very violent, flower against them: pagan, crypto-Moslems, enemies of the Jews.
Orthodoxe " modernes" : the legitimacy of the haredim is largely accepted. One notes, in particular in Israel, a tendency to take as a starting point their more strict practices. Their refusal of the Zionism, of the army (Tsahal), of the production work, are however regarded as excessive. But they are also regarded as the guards of the tradition.
Traditionalists (Jewish with partial religious practice): the haredim are perceived in a way rather close to orthodoxe perception, with in general more reserves. One notes however that many traditionalists séfarades vote Shass today, the party séfarade haredi .
Laic : The haredim are more badly perceived. On a side, they represent a tradition to which many Jews, even not practitioners, remain attached. But on another side, their population growth makes fear. Their will to reinforce religious coercion (in Israel at least) is rejected. Their refusal to make their military service is regarded as a danger to Israel. Their rather broad refusal of work, and their request for official funds (always in Israel) to compensate for this refusal, often are very badly perceived. One reads sometimes words like “parasitism” or “racket” in the press. The party Shinouï thus based its electoral success of 2003 (15 seats) on a strong denunciation of the constraining religious laws and financial aids with the haredim .
Today, the haredim are a group expanding within the world Judaism. Their very strong birthrate (except medical cases, all the families are very numerous) and their capacity to be attracted certain orthodoxe, even laic, explain it.
Their isolationism is relative (according to the groups), but however real. They are one of the most particularistic religious communities existing today, and their relations with the other Jews (at least the laic ones) are sometimes difficult.
Agoudat Israel (political party)
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