French Protectorate in Tunisia - SpeedyLook encyclopedia

The French protectorate in Tunisia (rear RTL الحمايةالفرنسيةفيتونس) is instituted by the Traité of Bardo in 1881. Transforming the political structures, economic and social country, it is finally abolished in 1956 at the end of negotiations with the nationalists of the Néo-Destour.

Establishment of protectorate

See also: Treated of Bardo, Occupation of Tunis, Conventions of Marsa

The Industrial revolution in Europe, the increased requirements in raw materials and it research of outlets for the end products is at the origin of the European colonial expansion. Tunisia, boxed between the Algeria in the west, become French colony in 1830, and the Libya in south-east, coveted by the Italy, is then in line of sight. The pretext will be the weakness of the beys, the intrigues of their ministers, such Mustapha Khaznadar and Mustapha Ben Ismaïl, the constant pressure of the European consuls, the bankruptcy of the State become hostage of its creditors in spite of the efforts of the reformer Kheireddine Pasha, opens the doors with the foreign occupation the May 12th 1881 by the conclusion of the Traité of Bardo under the reign of Sadok Bey. The treaty deprives the Tunisian State of the active right of legation by charging “the diplomatic agents and consular with France in foreign countries of the protection of the Tunisian interests and the nationals of regency”. As for the bey, it cannot conclude any more any act with international character without of to have before informed the French State and without having its permission. But article 6 of the decree of the June 9th enables him to take a direct share with the conclusion of the international acts. Two years later, conventions of Marsa, concluded the June 5th 1883, empty the treaty of its contents and encroach on the Souveraineté intern of Tunisia by urging the bey “to proceed to the administrative reforms, legal and financial that the French government will judge useful” and “to contract, in the future, no loan on behalf of Regency without the authorization of the French government. ” No decision can thus be taken without to have received the approval of the Résident general of France in Tunisia and of the general secretary (French) of the government. Lastly, Europeans and Tunisians are represented with equality (53 members for each community) within the Large Council, advisory authority elected with the Vote for all according to the system of the double college. It is thus the French administration which takes the orders then.

Interior reactions

A popular resistance is organized quickly. The tribes of the center and the south of the country carry out Insurrection S and raise the population against the bey considered as traitor and collaborator with the occupant. It is besides the pretext which pushes the France to send a task force with an official aim to protect the bey and to oblige the tribes to go. That will generate, as of the month of July 1881, of the fierce combats through the country which lasts more than six months.

External reactions

The European powers react differently according to their interests: the the United Kingdom hastens to occupy in its turn the Egypt. Moreover, the two conquests are simultaneous and the consequences which they generate are almost the same ones.

As for Italy, it reacts highly as soon as it learns the news from the French occupation in Tunisia. The president of the Council, Benedetto Cairoli, is reversed by the Parliament which shows it capitulation because he considers that, by its intervention in Tunisia, France violates the rights of Italy. This one is prevailed indeed of the privileged situation which have its nationals under the terms of a treaty tuniso-Italian signed the September 8th 1868, for one 28 years duration, to regulate the mode of the capitulations. That caused a wave of Immigration in Tunisia which caused serious difficulties in France.

The things were going however to return gradually in the order for France. The Italians having immigrant in Tunisia will choose later the French nationality to profit from the same advantages as the French colonists.

Operation of protectorate

Politico-administrative organization

With the introduction of protectorate, the bey loses all his capacities. In 1883, after having subdued a rising of tribes, the French entrust the organization of the conquest to the resident Paul Cambon. Become resident general in 1885, Cambon places at the sides of the bey and sound top dog a general secretary charged to control their decisions. After one period of military administration, the Décret of the October 4th 1884 superimposes on the original official structure a colonial structure with:

of the civil controllers from Algeria
institution of the Council of Ministers chaired by the general resident and deciding texts to present to the seal beylical
technical directions (public works, teaching, interior, etc) under the responsibility of French directors having the rank of Tunisian ministers sitting at the government
the detention of the posts of minister of the war and the navy by French officers.

Civil controllers

In the beginning, three civil controllers are named with Sousse, with Sfax and the Kef but nothing is still specified as for the extent of their attribution or operating range their. At the end of the year 1886, five new controllers are installed and, six months later, a circular of the general resident (July 22nd 1887) fixes their attributions: they are seen charged to supervise, but in fact of directing, the Caïd S and the local government. They inform and support the colonists and exert with regard to the French population the functions of vice-consul and Officier of civil statue.

The south of Tunisia constitutes, like the south of Algeria, a military territory entrusted to a service of the indigenous businesses similar to the Arab offices of Algeria.

Municipalities

Only the town of Tunis had, since 1858, a Municipal council reorganized in 1883. Thereafter municipalities are installed in a certain number of cities: Goulette (decree of the June 10th 1884), Kef (July 8th 1884), Bizerte, Sousse and Sfax (July 16th 1884), Madhia (November 4th 1888), Kairouan (February 20th 1895), Béja (December 22nd 1895), Souk Al-Arbâa (June 7th 1898), Gabès (April 1st 1905), Saint-Germain (September 11th 1909) and Marsa (April 6th 1912). Other localities, without having the legal entity, are managed by a municipal commission (Jerba, Hammam Lif, Maxula-Roads, Monastir, Nabeul, Mateur, Medjez el-Bab, Ferryville, Tebourba, Tozeur, Gafsa and Téboursouk) or a commission of roadway system (Ain Draham, Sidi Bou Saïd, Tabarka, Zaghouan, Zarzis, Souk Lekhmis, Ghardimaou, Thala, Ariana and Bardo). These communes are chaired by a caïd. The decree of the January 14th 1914 removes these distinctions and subjects all these communes to a uniform mode. They are henceforth managed by a municipal council made up of a Tunisian president, one or more French vice-presidents and a variable number French, Moslem advisers or Jews. Communes will be created thereafter with Médenine (December 3rd 1914), Kram (December 20th 1916), Carthage (June 15th 1919) or Nefta (December 25th 1919).

Legal system

French courts

The judicial power is one of the essential components of the new organization of the administration installation by the French authorities within the framework of protectorate. However, the problems related to the personality of the principal persons in charge (president of the court of Tunis, resident general and military authority) will feed the chronicle of the first years of protectorate (in particular between 1883 and 1886). From this point of view, it seems that the confusion of the capacities of the first times of protectorate yielded then the place to a relative balance partly related to the beginning of the figureheads of the period of installation of the protectorate (of which the general resident Cambon and the general Georges Boulanger).

After many parliamentary hesitations, the law of the March 28th 1883 organizes justice: it institutes a French court in Tunis and six district courts to wide competence. Article 2 specifies that “these courts belong to the spring of the court of Algiers. They know of all the civil cases and commercial between French, they also know all continuations brought against of the French and protected French for infringment offenses or crimes. Their competence could be wide with any other person by decrees or decrees of Its Highness the Bey returned with the approval of the French government. Zaouche, then city council man of Tunis, is accused by Victor de Carnières like the principal instigator of these events. Zaouche carries felt sorry for against this last for slandering and fact call to Vincent de Moro Giafferi (known as Large Moro ). It loses the lawsuit in Tunis in October 1912 but the June 26th 1913 gains it with Algiers. With the lawsuit Zaouche-With Carnières, it is all the movement of the Jeunes Tunisians which is called into question.

Rebirth and structuring

After the First World War, the 14 points US president Woodrow Wilson preaching the self-determination of the people, the reinforcement of the capacities of the administration of protectorate, the setting with the variation of the Tunisians, the confiscation of the arable lands most fertile and the plundering of the resources of the country give arguments to the Tunisian nationalists who found the Liberal party Tunisian constitutionnalist or Destour. One finds there Abdelaziz Thâalbi, Mohieddine Klibi and of young Tunisian returned to the country after having achieved higher learning in France like the young person lawyer Habib Bourguiba or Mahmoud Materi. Entered in conflict with the mode of protectorate, Destour exposes, as of the official proclamation of its creation the June 3rd 1920, its program in eight points. Impregnated Nationalism and of Panarabisme, this party is moderated and does not dispute protectorate. Moreover, he does not address himself directly the popular masses considered as ignorant and to incompetents to know their interests. Also the action of this party is limited to some protests of pure form. During Années 1920 also creates for itself the first movement Tunisian trade unionist under the direction of Mohammed Ali El Hammi. Its action disturbs so much the authorities of the protectorate which they decide to exile in Saudi Arabia. On the social plan, Tahar Haddad surprises by its ideas progressists on the need for the access of the Tunisian woman to teaching and modernity. Its ideas are then savagely fought by the Ouléma S conservatives and one witnesses a flowering of Pamphlet S against his work. In same time, the first Grève S appear in the Ciment eries in December 1924: they are accompanied by those by the farm laborers supported by the General confederation by work and the Tunisian Communist party. The militants European members of the C.G.T. are stopped. Not to calm the spirits, a statue of the cardinal Lavigerie is installed in 1925 at the entry of the médina (place of the Stock Exchange which becomes place of the Lavigerie cardinal by municipal decision) and the 30e congress eucharistic is held in Tunisia in 1930 (year of the centenary of the conquest of Algeria).

In 1933, a young person Monastir IEN, Chaâbane Bhouri, falls under the balls from the gendarmes in front of the Moslem cemetery from Monastir while trying to be opposed to the burial of a naturalized. The notable ones of the city entrust to Bourguiba, as a lawyer and a native, to carry a letter of protest to the bey containing a complaint against the caïd of Monastir. The executive commission of the party inflicts a blame to him to have informed it as a preliminary. Bourguiba starts an offensive then regulates some against the opposition to progress of the party and denounces its methods of action. He convenes, in agreement with some of his companions, the March 2nd 1934 with Ksar Hellal, an extraordinary congress of Destour which repudiates the members of the executive commission and gives rise to a new party: Néo-Destour. With the head of this one, one finds the group of young militants of the nationalist newspaper the Action : Bourguiba, Materi, Tahar Sfar and Bahri Guiga. It will be joined later by Salah Ben Youssef and Slimane Ben Slimane. Formed at the French socialist school, they are laic and reject the panarabism. Bourguiba, framing 400 cells and nearly 100.000 militants or members, quickly becomes the privileged interlocutor and Leon Blum receives it with Paris. It then presents its claims to the under-secretary of State in charge of protectorates of the the Maghreb and the mandates of the the Middle East Pierre Viénot: stop of spoliations and abolition of the colonial third for the fellahs. In spite of their socialist ideals, Viennot and Bourguiba are not able to get along: “France could not give up its Tunisian possession” according to Viennot. During this time the minors of Métlaoui revolt.

The authorities of protectorate let make while hoping to benefit from the division of Destour and Néo-Destour. But when burst of the bloody clashes in the villages of the Sahel, they hasten to exile the chiefs of Néo-Destour into full Désert. Those thus remain deaf with the calls of the foot of the resident Marcel Peyrouton promising to them the freedom n the other hand of their final renouncement of any political action.

Hope and disillusions

The access to the capacity in France of the Popular front and its will to engage the dialog with the nationalist chiefs allows the return of exiled. A wind of hope rises then to Tunisia when Viénot unloads on March 1st 1937 and evokes the possibility of granting to the Tunisians a certain form of internal autonomy. Néo-Destour grants a prejudice favorable to the new French authorities. Meanwhile, Thâalbi, founder of Destour, return to the country after a voluntary exile and receive a triumphal reception in order to mark the sacred union around the nationalist cause. However, as of the return of Viénot in France, the general residence hardens its policy of repression in the mine fields. The fall of the Popular front and the hardening of the policy of the general residence lead Néo-Destour to withdraw its confidence with the French government. Its political office calls with a General strike the November 20th. This hardening leads Materi to present its resignation the January 13rd 1938. This one start, of nothing, the determination of the party to mobilize the popular masses vis-a-vis the climbing of repression. The students of the Zitouna University are incited to strike, which causes the reference of 108 of them (including 88 Tunisians) for activities within Néo-Destour, formation of student's committees related to Néo-Destour and associations illegal. The March 10th, Ali Belhouane, which one will call the “leader of youth”, gives a conference on the “role of youth in the battle of national release” to which 700 pupils of various schools assist. The National council of Néo-Destour, joined together the 13 and March 14th, adopts a motion calling with the continuation of the demonstrations, the non-payment of the taxes and the boycott of the military service. Belhouane is congédié Collège Sadiki where he teaches.

Having had wind of these activities, the authorities of protectorate anticipate while carrying out the arrest of Youssef Rouissi, Hédi Nouira, Ben Youssef and marked Ben Slimane of incentive to the racial hate and attack to the interests of France in Tunisia. In reprisals, Néo-Destour organizes, the April 7th, a demonstration draining 2500 people in front of the palate beylical of Hammam Lif. Mongi Slim, member of the National council of Néo-Destour, manages to meet the bey and requests his intervention in order to obtain the release of the imprisoned persons in charge. Not seeing anything coming, Néo-Destour decides to call with a general strike the April 8th. The same day, a great demonstration led by Slim and Belhouane shakes Halfaouine and moves towards the seat of the general residence. In front of a crowd of 10.000 people, Belhouane harangue demonstrators: “We came today to show our force that of the youth which will shake colonialism the Tunisian Parliament will be created only by the martyr of the militants and the sacrifices of youth…” Before the dispersion of the demonstrators, Slim recalls in a speech the claims of Néo-Destour and announces the organization of a second demonstration for the April 10th. Meanwhile, Belhouane is convened by the Examining magistrate the April 9th. An huge crowd gathers in front of the Law courts where the police force runs and starts to draw in the air with an aim of frightening the demonstrators. Bloody clashes burst then and show 22 dead and nearly 150 wounded. The general resident goes near the bey and promulgates a law founding the state of siege in Tunis, Sousse and in the Cape Bon. The following day, Bourguiba and Slim are stopped and translated, with the remainder of the leaders of Néo-Destour, in front of the military tribunal for plot against the state security. Néo-Destour east dissolves the April 12th, its buildings closed, its confiscated documents and the suspended nationalist press. The militants of Néo-Destour enter clandestinity then.

Second world war

The Second world war offers a favorable climate to the nationalist fight: the Propagande of the foreign radios, as well those of the Alliés as those of the Axis, plays an important role in the rooting at the popular masses of the idea of independence. The arrest of the leaders having opened the way with a clandestine fight, a new political office is created under the presidency of Bahi Ladgham. Leaflets are distributed under the coat and give place to acts of Sabotage. A committee of resistance is also set up. Radio Berlin is used as carry-way with this militant action intended to break the insulation imposed by the authorities of protectorate. But, once again, repression falls down on the clandestine leaders of the party in July 1940. Demonstrations burst in Ksar Hellal and Kef. Habib Thameur, returned of France after having finished its higher learning, takes over with the head of the political office. But Thameur is not long in being stopped in its turn (January 21st 1941). Rachid Driss is put at the head of Néo-Destour whereas a clandestine group, called the black Hand , is set up.

The accession of Moncef Bey on the throne, the June 19th 1942, constitutes an important support for the national movement because the monarch is known, since his youth, for his sympathy towards Néo-Destour. In spite of Italian-German propaganda, Moncef Bey remains neutral, rejects the order of Vichy to be opposed to Allied and announced its decision to the US president Franklin Delano Roosevelt and to the adviser of Adolf Hitler the November 12th. Bourguiba, since its prison of Marseilles, warns the militants of Néo-Destour against propaganda Nazi and them enjoint to take fastener, without delay, with the partisans of Charles de Gaulle. This position is worth to him to be at once stopped by the Nazis but will be at the origin of its handing-over in freedom in April 1943.

After the release of the leaders of the party in December, Moncef Bey, despizing prerogatives of the authorities of protectorate, announces the constitution of a government, on January 1st, 1943, including/understanding key figures like Me hamed Chenik and Materi. Released from the French prisons, except for Bourguiba, the leaders of Néo-Destour regain Tunis, the February 25th, put order in the structures of the party and undertake contacts with the militants in all the areas of the country. The return of Bourguiba, the April 8th, after a passage in Italy where he addresses a radiophonic message to the Tunisian people stressing the role of youth in the national release, reinforces the activity of the party. However, as soon as they take again the things in hand, the authorities of protectorate try to get rid of the nationalists: a wave of arrests and repression takes place, the nationalists being shown of collaboration with the forces of the Axis. A strong reaction follows these arrests: revolt Mrazig, civil disobedience to Zéramdine, etc

In order to continue propaganda abroad, a group of leaders leaves the country the May 3rd and constitute the Office of the Arab Maghreb with Berlin the July 21st. Meanwhile, the general Alphonse Juin, ordering the free French Forces in North Africa orders in Moncef Bey to abdicate, which he refuses. He thus is relieved and moved away to Laghouat (in the the Sahara Algérie N) and must sign his Abdication the July 6th. Sharp protests burst after its dismissal, in particular at the Zitouna University. In spite of the imprisonment of good number of Tunisians for complicity with the forces of the Axis and the distance of much of others, the cells of the party are reactivated, the leaflets printed and distributed and of the clandestine newspapers circulate among the militants. At the same time, of the attempts at dialog with the authorities of protectorate are undertaken, in particular the shortly after the Conférence of Brazzaville (1944) which recognizes the right of the people to self-determination within the framework of the French Union.

The nationalists reject, in a note addressed to the French government the March 8th, the project of the French Union. Following the repression which falls down on them, they contact the consuls British and American in Tunis. In same time, a national front of 60 members is set up the October 30th where appear Destour, Néo-Destour, the partisans of Moncef Bey, the teachers of the Zitouna University and the representatives of the Jewish community. Joined together, the November 13rd, the committee works out a report/ratio asserting internal autonomy and a constitutional monarchical mode. Only, the Communists do not unite at the committee, which results in to start their audience seriously.

The victory of the Allies, the May 8th 1945, encourages the persons in charge of Néo-Destour to intensify their action. The authorities of protectorate express, vis-a-vis the intensification of these actions, some inclination of reforms: creation of a ministry for the social affairs and parity enters the Tunisian and French members to the Great Council. But the militants cannot accept these shy persons reforms and undertake to call upon an outside assistance to try to obtain, by an international pressure on France, the reforms which she does not want to authorize: the creation of the the Arab League, the March 22nd 1945, encourages them in this direction. The king Farouk I {{er}} of Egypt had fixed the statute of the League for the collaboration of his members for to safeguard their independence and their sovereignty . The pact referred primarily to the signatories but it widened the competence of the League until to be interested generally in the questions concerning the Arab countries and their interests . An appendix admitted the Arab countries non-member with to take part in work of the commissions . Bourguiba is dispatched with the Cairo the March 26th and is made there lawyer of Tunisian independence near crowd, the politicians and the Heads of States, initially in Egypt then in the countries of the the Middle East. It goes until the the United States or it takes part in the session of UNO in December 1946.

The March 18th 1947, of return to Cairo, it takes part in the creation of the Arab Office of the Maghreb, a body of Maghrebian nationalists where are represented Néo-Destour, the Parti the Algerian people of Messali Hadj and the Istiqlal of Allal Al-Resident of Fez. Bourguiba will make its return in Tunisia only in September 1949.

Route towards independence

The strategy of the national movement is based consequently on a national mobilization while working to gain the support of the Public opinion French and world. It thus alternates between political action and armed struggle.

Alarm clock of the national feeling

After the end of the Second world war, Néo-Destour adopts a pragmatic policy because founded on an action by stage. Since the departure of Bourguiba to Cairo in March 1945, the political office, under the direction of the general secretary, Salah Ben Youssef, encourages the constitution of professional organizations and youth. Thus the Tunisian General union of work (UGTT) is created in January 1946 by Farhat Hached.

The director of the party, Mongi Slim, incites the workers to resign of the General confederation of work and of the joint meetings between Hached and Slim regularly take place with an aim of reinforcing the rows and the action of the UGTT. This one records, in 1946, more than 12.000 members. The claim of total independence is proclaimed for the first time at the time of a congress held the August 23rd in Tunis. The authorities of the protectorate then stopped 46 of the 300 deputy ones of which Ben Youssef, Slim, Salah Farhat and Fadhel Ben Achour. The reaction of the national organizations is not made wait. They organize, the August 30th, a grêve claiming the release of the prisoners. But the advertisement by the Mast general of his program of reform leads Néo-Destour to return to a policy moderated while being satisfied to assert only internal autonomy. In spite of the inscription by the Arab League of the Tunisian question to the day order of its work, the colonial authorities are entêtent to integrate the Maghreb countries in the French Union. Bourguiba then gets busy to reinforce the relations of Néo-Destour with the Anglo-Saxon countries: it goes, at the end of November, in the United States. On its side, Hached goes to France, the December 20th, where it puts forward, with the seat of the Association of the Moslem students of North Africa, the role of the UGTT in the national fight.

The designation of Jean Mons at the station of general resident in 1947 contributes to slacken the atmosphere. Released from the Censure in April, the nationalist press knows a renewal of activity: new titles appear: Jallouli Farès makes appear in Paris, as of January and with some companions, a periodical entitled Tunisia speaks to you which is intended for the French political parties. As for the general residence, she undertakes some reforms: creation of a ministry for agriculture, another for industry and the trade and widening of the prerogatives of the top dog. But those do not carry the adhesion of the nationalists, more especially as the designation of Mustapha Kaak at the station of top dog throws oil on fire. The August 5th, the UGTT launches a strike in Sfax which shows 29 dead and 150 wounded among the strikers.

The death of Moncef Bey, the September 13rd 1948 and the repatriation of its skin plunge the country in an immense sorrow. The UGTT, represented by Hached, and the political office of Néo-Destour organize its funeral jointly.

Increase in the pressure

As of creation, in December 1949 of the international Confederation of the free trade unions (CISL), the UGTT, under the impulse of Hached, withdraws world Trade union federation (of communist obedience ) and adheres to the CISL. Of return of Cairo, Bourguiba multiplies, of September 1949 to March 1950, the contacts with the base of Néo-Destour by inviting all the political sensibilities to get along on a realistic program. It points out that if the authorities of protectorate do not engage of true reforms likely to lead to the internal autonomy of the country, there would be of another alternative only the combat for the national release (following the example what occurs in Indo-China). The April 12th 1950, Bourguiba goes to France in order to gain new sympathizers with the national cause (especially in the mediums of the French left). It subjects to its various interlocutors and the press a reform project in 7 points intended to make reach Tunisia internal autonomy:

Creation of an executive Tunisian authority and guarantor of the national Souveraineté
Constitution of a strictly Tunisian government, responsible for general safety and directed by a Prime Minister chairing indeed the government
Abrogation of the function of general secretary
Suppression of the body of the civil controllers
Suppression of the French gendarmerie
Création of elected municipalities where are represented the French interests where exists minorities
Création from a National council elected with the Vote for all whose first task consists in working out a democratic Constitution which defines the relations between Tunisia and France on the basis of respect of national sovereignty and of the legitimate French interests

These claims are favorably accommodated by the French Socialist party and the popular Republican movement like on behalf of hostile personalities with colonialism like the historian Charles-Andre Julien and the independent journalist Jean Rous. In echo on the initiative of Bourguiba, the French Minister for the foreign affairs Robert Schuman, declares, the June 9th with Thionville, at the time of the designation of Louis Périllier at the station of general resident that the mission of this one consists in “leading Tunisia towards independence. ” But it is not long retracting and in specifying that by independence, it understands in fact internal autonomy.

The August 17th, a government is made up under the presidency of Chenik. The National council of Néo-Destour, joined together, 3 days front, decides to take part in this government, by designating there Ben Youssef at the post of minister of justice. Whereas Destour, the Tunisian Communist party and of the independent personalities are opposed to the formation of this government, Néo-Destour multiplies the contacts with the UGTT, the General union of agriculture and the Tunisian Union of the trade and the craft industry. But the policy of dialog adopted by the general resident does not prevent the continuation of the action of resistance and the strike movements intended to make pressure on the authorities of protectorate. Thus burst with Enfida, the November 20th of the bloody clashes which show 5 dead and 30 wounded. In same time, anxious to spare the French radicals and conservatives, Périllier goes into reverse. Hardly installed, the Chenik government discovers that its margin of action is almost non-existent. The general secretary, Jacques Vimont, shows himself extremely meddlesome and makes feel with the new ministers, by humiliating brimades, that it would not let his authority be disputed. Moreover, the former top dog, Mustapha Kaak, are named member of the French delegation at UNO without Chenik being consulted beforehand. Lastly, the civil controllers receive the order to slow down the initiatives of the administration beylicale. Anticipating the failure of the negotiations, the political office of Néo-Destour forms groups armed clandestine loans to enter in action. The limited reforms of the February 8th 1951 and the blocking of the negotiations precipitate the events. Bourguiba goes abroad. It is in Cairo in February, in India, with the Pakistan and in Indonesia in March then in Saudi Arabia, in Italy, with the the United Kingdom, in Sweden and in the United States from March to September. The December 15th, the French Minister for the foreign affairs forwards a note in Chenik meaning to him the French option for Co-sovereignty. The December 16th, the national organizations address a telegram of protest to the French government and launch a 3 days general strike (of the 21 to the December 23rd).

The January 13rd 1952, with Bizerte, Bourguiba announces, at the time of a popular meeting, which it is from now on necessary to agree of the sacrifices for the fatherland.

Rise of the tensions

Vis-a-vis the multiplication of the protest demonstrations in several areas of the country, the French authorities decide to repress any popular movement. The new general resident, Jean de Hauteclocque, cousin of the marshal Leclerc, decides to employ the strong manner: he makes prohibit the behavior of the congress of Néo-Destour, carries out (January 18th) the arrest of Bourguiba and a score of other nationalist militants, who all are off-set in the south of the country, and launches immense operations of raking in the area of the Cape Bon (traditional hearth of agitation). January 20th with, the course Bon is thus invested by the French Army placed under the command with the general Pierre Garbay who “had already proven reliable” in 1947 with Madagascar. At this point in time groups of resistant volunteers gain the maquis and as well sow terror in the cities as around the farms isolated from the colonists, causing the gears of the Terrorisme and blind repression. The political office of Néo-Destour, formed in clandestinity, organizes the militant action and launches calls with the demonstrations and the strikes. Several cities know, during the days of the 22, 23 and January 24th, of the demonstrations and the confrontations with the police force and the army. These events show tens of dead and casualties among the demonstrators. Continuing the nationalist militants, the authorities of protectorate carry out arrests in mass among the latter. The prisons abounding in prisoners, of the camps are established in various areas.

Whereas a commission of UNO concentrates on the Tunisian file, Hached is assassinated the December 5th by extremists of the red Hand. In an attempt to exceed criticisms directed against its policy, the French government decides to organize elections of councils of workers starting from the April 10th 1953 and of the municipal elections as from the May 3rd of the same year. Vis-a-vis the electoral failure, the French government indicates, the September 2nd, a new general resident in the person of Pierre Voizard and takes a set of measures, within the framework of what it then calls the policy of pacification . It acts, in particular, of the restitution of the sedentary authority to the police force, the suppression of the censure and the coercive provisions into force in the the Sahel (October 28th) and of the handing-over in freedom of a certain number of prisoners and deportees. However, the fight begins again of more beautiful in June 1954, which sows terror among the French.

Failure of internal autonomy

But the defeat of the French troops to the Battle of Điện Well Phủ, the May 7th 1954, changes the course of the events and reinforces, in France, the moderate ones. The June 12th, the government of Joseph Laniel falls. Its replacement by Pierre Mendès France mark a political turning. As of its accession with the capacity, new the President of the Council concentrates on the Indochinese file. In same time, the fall of the government of Mohamed Salah Mzali (June 16th 1954), far from alleviating the tensions, causes a climbing. Once alleviated Indo-China, Mendès France, concentrating from now on on Tunisia, present its project to the the Council of Ministers the July 30th. The official statement published at the conclusion of the meeting gives a report on the decision of the government “to give a new breath to the relations tuniso-Frenchwomen” without revealing the contents of the project by fear to cause an unfavourable reaction on behalf of the French community of Tunisia and its partisans in France and Algeria. The following day, Mendès France goes, in secrecy, in Tunis and announces, in an official discourse in front of the bey with the palate of Carthage, the granting of internal autonomy in Tunisia. Joined together the August 3rd with Geneva, the political office of Néo-Destour decides to take part in the government.

Opened the September 4th in Tunis, the negotiations tuniso-Frenchwomen see serious divergences appearing concerning the contents of internal autonomy and the times of making of the capacities. Whereas the Tunisian government claims a truce, the French government requires of the Tunisian delegation to persuade the resistant ones to go down from the maquis and to return their weapons, estimating that the continuation of the armed struggle is incompatible with the participation of Néo-Destour in the government. This claim having been satisfied, the November 20th, the way is opened with the continuation of the talks. The January 31st 1955, Mendès France joined the group of the negotiators to try to arrive to a decisive result before the behavior of the parliamentary meeting which must be devoted to the discussion of its Tunisian policy. But the government Mendès France must face violent criticisms on behalf of the right-hand side colonialist which causes its fall the February 5th.

Internal confrontation

After the accession of Edgar Faure with the presidency of the Council, the February 23rd, the negotiations take again the March 15th to succeed, the June 3rd, with the signature of the agreements relating to internal autonomy. Following this signature, Tunisia saw one period of serious sedition which opposes the direction of Néo-Destour inside the country and its representatives abroad (of which the general secretary Ben Youssef). Indeed, contrary to Bourguiba which preaches an independence obtained peacefully “, through stages, with the assistance of France and under his aegis”, Ben Youssef supports a line panarabist and wishes total and immediate independence. In a confrontation without mercy, the partisans of Bourguiba and Ben Youssef, the “bourguibists” and the “youssefists” multiply the popular meetings to denounce and beat in breach the position of the opposing party. Joined together the October 8th, under the presidency of Bourguiba, the political office of Néo-Destour decides to hold the congress of the party the November 15th, to dislocate Ben Youssef and to exclude it from the party. The congress, held in Sfax, slices the conflict in favor of the political office by considering that the agreements constitute “a big step on the way of the independence” which represents “the supreme objective of the fight of the party. However”, Ben Youssef continuous to make countryside in the South where it organizes, at the end of November, a certain number of meetings which give place to confrontations with the partisans of the political office. Consequently, the disagreement is transformed into armed confrontation. Having been informed of the resolution taken by the Tunisian government to stop it, Ben Youssef takes the way of the exile, the January 28th 1956, and continues, starting from the foreigner and in particular of Egypt, its opposition to the agreements which its partisans and itself described as “step behind. ”

Last stage

The conditions being joined together to assert the recognition of independence, Bourguiba goes to France where it meets, the February 3rd, Guy Mollet, then general secretary of the French Socialist party, which has just reached the presidency of the Council. It is agreed to send a delegation to discuss the claims. Negotiations are actually started the February 29th and, after 18 days of tergiversations on the French side, an agreement is reached the March 20th. It is signed with 17:40 by the French Minister for the foreign affairs, Christian Pineau, and the Tunisian Prime Minister Tahar Ben Ammar. Devoting recognition, by France, of independence of Tunisia (except for the naval base of Bizerte which remains French), the agreement implies “the exercise by Tunisia of its responsibilities as regards external businesses, safety and defense as well as the constitution of a Tunisian national army. ” Less than one month later, a constituent National Assembly is elected and Bourguiba becomes president about it.

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