French Action

The French Action (AF) is a movement Politique French founded Royaliste in 1898 at the time of the Affaire Dreyfus by Henri Vaugeois, professor of philosophy, and Maurice Pujo, journalist and writer. Charles Maurras converts, at the beginning of the Années 1900 the members of the French Action with the need for a monarchical restoration. This movement had a considerable influence throughout the Third Republic.

It is necessary however to distinguish the monarchism from Maurras, rejoined with the support for the branch orleanist, of the traditionalism of the Légitimistes. Indeed, the French Action does not merge with the old traditional royalist movement, less present at the end of the 19th century. Charles Maurras conceives a combination of the Nationalisme, which was, until the Affaire Dreyfus, synonymous with Républicanisme, with the royalism and Catholicism. He converts thus with the royalist idea of the future members of the French Action such as Henri Vaugeois, Maurice Pujo, or Leon Daudet, which belonged rather to the nationalist republican circles of center left. Maurras itself had adopted the monarchical idea only in 1896.

Maurrassism

See also: Maurrassisme

The French Action is thus not a party which merges with the Traditionalisme and the Réaction legitimist, not particularly obvious in the Agnosticisme of Maurras, which supports the capacity of the Catholic church as a force of social cohesion, i.e. for a practical reason, but is not very interested by the speech evangelic itself.

Within the French Action, Charles Maurras insufflates a new ideological synthesis, the Maurrassisme or the Intégralisme, which takes again traditional elements all while narrowly mixing them with more modern ideas at the time, such nationalism. This new synthesis, logical construction good framed, had a great force of seduction on the intellectual elites of first half of the 20th century.

First years

See also: the French Action (daily newspaper)

The French Action (which makes following the Revue French Action ) appears for the first time the March 21st 1908, and reached a diffusion of 30.000 specimens. New personalities join the rows of the party, which undoubtedly counts 20.000 members: the polemist and novelist Leon Daudet (wire of Alphonse Daudet), the historian Jacques Bainville, the critic Jules Lemaître, the economist Georges Valois.

The militancy of the French Action does not hesitate to resort to physical violence, with in November 1908 creation of the Camelots of the King, group of young people in charge of the sale of the newspaper and the “knacks” in the street. The French Action then has a very great prestige among youth coed reactionary. The Street pedlars of the King are characterized by many blows from glare.

In June 1908, they appear bruyamment during the transfer of ashes of Zola to the the Pantheon of Paris. Their posters of the time denounce the republican mode, “government from these more or less naturalized abroad or wogs who, these days, will soil corpse of their Zola the unused Pantheon”.

In December 1908, it is the Affaire Thalamas; the Street pedlars chahutent violently the courses of Amédée Thalamas in the Sorbonne - Thalamas had already been the target of the French Action in 1904, whereas he was only professor of history to the Condorcet college, “to have insulted Jeanne d' Arc” by offering to its pupils a vision positivist of his life.

In 1911, they start again the anti-semitism in the Latin Quarter while rising against a part of Henri Bernstein, Jew and shown to have deserted during its military service.

As of 1919, Charles Maurras requires the right to vote of the women, which was granted to them only by the ordinance of April 21st, 1944 of the Provisional government of the French Republic (GPRF). Maurras indeed considered, not without bases, that the women would be more sensitive to the arguments traditionalists and catholics that the men.

The judgment by Papacy (1926-1939)

The principal reproach made with the maurrassism by Rome east subordinate the religion to the policy and nationalism; because Maurras, rationalist, are defined as agnostic, and supports Catholicism only like the means of unifying the Nation.

Delayed several times (even if certain works openly agnostic of Maurras are already put at the Index), the judgment of the French Action by Rome will take place the December 29th 1926. The pope Pie XI condemns the French Action which, in its eyes, has a too great influence on catholic youth: the books of Maurras as well as the Journal are put at the Index by decree of the the Holy Office. The March 8th 1927, the members of the French Action are prohibited sacraments. This carries a very hard blow to the movement, and traumatize a certain catholic line supporting it sincerely. Many of its members leave it like Georges Bernanos or Jacques Maritain and it enters during one time of decline. Pie XII will raise this judgment in 1939, following the war of Spain, which sees a revival of the anticommunism within the Church, and the pressure of an ecclesiastical fort running.

Inter-war period

During the inter-war period, the French Action develops. With the legislative elections of 1919, the list of National union, supported by the French Action, obtains 30 elected officials, of which Leon Daudet with Paris.

The continuous French Action to recruit new generations (Georges Bernanos, Robert Brasillach, Thierry Maulnier, Lucien Rebatet, etc) but is struck by multiple dissidences (Georges Valois which leaves with 2000 members to found the Beam, Louis Dimier, the Hood, etc).

The February 6th, 1934, the members of a league of French Action are in the forefront of the demonstration, pseudo Coup d'etat still-born child. In Political foreign, Maurras and Bainville recommend Italian alliance against the Germany Nazi E.

The 1935, of the students of faculty rejoin the French Action and express against the “invasion of the wogs” and strike.

The war

Charles Maurras qualifies “divine surprised” come to power of the Maréchal Pétain. It then supports actively the policy of Vichy, and in whom it sees the symbol of the unit, in the prolongation of the Sacred union of 1914. However, the French Action divides deeply:
  • Of the maurassiens is found in the first Régime of Vichy which appears influenced by the ideas néo-traditionalists (Raphaël Alibert, which does not belong to the French Action, but is a secret maurrassien), appointed Minister for the Justice, etc): catholic authoritarian regime, references S, return to the ground, Anti-semitism, etc
  • Of others maurrassiens join the Résistance or the general de Gaulle: Gilbert Renault (colonel Rémy), Alain Griotteray, Henri d' Astier of Vigerie, Jacques Renouvin, Pierre de Bénouville, Paul Dungler, the Marshal Leclerc (Philippe de Hautecloque), Daniel Cordier, Honore d' Estienne d' Orves, etc;
  • Lastly, some take an active part in the collaboration with the Germany, disavowed and vilified by Maurras.
  • For its part, Charles Maurras keeps his position Pétain persuaded ist, will say it, that Pétain plays a double game (this one indeed feeds the resistance network of Paul Dungler in Alsace). Maurras does not manage however to make return in the row Résistant S and collaborator S.

Post-war period

In 1944, Maurras is stopped and condemned to perpetual detention for “intelligence with the enemy”, although it does not have itself not collaborated with the Germans. It will be pardoned in 1952.

The French Action is reconstituted in 1947 around the newspaper Aspects of France (initial transparent) and of the movement “national Restauration”. After the death of Maurras, in 1952, two rival newspapers, Aspects of France and the French Nation of Pierre Boutang assert the heritage maurrassien, until in 1967 where the French Nation disappears.

In 1971, a scission sees leaving four members the management Committee (Yves Lemaignen, Bertrand Renouvin, Jean Toublanc, Georges-Paul Wagner) as well as many executives of the movement, to found the Nouvelle French Action, which will become soon the Nouvelle royalist Action (orleanist). This movement will invite to support François Mitterrand in 1981. At the beginning of the Years 1980, other figures of the French Action, such Georges-Paul Wagner or Philippe Colombani joined the rows of the National front.

Today

The French Action, now called royalist Center of French Action (CRAF), is the political main movement Royaliste in France. It is defined as “royalist, Nationaliste and Souverainiste”. She preaches the re-establishment of the Monarchie in France (with the family of Orleans at its head) and is opposed to the federal Europe, with the Mondialisation like with the “system of the parties” around the unconditional defense of the “national interest”. The French Action evacuated the Antisémitisme and the Xénophobie of its doctrines, topics supported in the leading line of the newspaper following the business Dreyfus and of the First War or in the speech of some of its members before the appearance of Hitler on the political scene.

The attitude to be adopted with respect to the National front divides the militants of the French Action: part of the militants of the royalist movement considers that the royalists must keep away from the republican parties . For others, the National front is the principal party of the right Souverainiste and Nationaliste and to vote for him constitutes a means of advancing the ideas Nation ales. Whereas in 2002, the French Action had chosen to support the candidature of Jean-Pierre Chevènement (what caused a crisis interns), it chose into 2007 to support Jean-Marie Le Pen.

Today, the French Action is organized in local sections. It diffuses every two weeks its newspaper the Action Frenchwoman 2000 , directed by Pierre Pujo (available in kiosk). The title the French Action had however been interdict with perpetuity with the Libération of France. After being itself named the French Action hebdo , the daily newspaper was constrained to name the Action Frenchwoman 2000 , title considered to be acceptable by the court.

The young people of French Action are gathered around the French Action coed which joins together student, high-school pupils and young people hard-working. Having at their head Thibaud Pierre, they count about fifteen local sections; their militancy is centered around political training: circles of formation, debates, conferences, etc, and of the Action: campaigns, towings, meeting. Each year, the young nationalists meet for their summer school: the Camp Maxime-Real del Sarte (created in 1953) which proposes 10 days of political training and militant. Antimondialist, antilibéral, the movement asserts defense in all its forms of the “national interest” and preaches a nationalism inherited the ideas of Charles Maurras.

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