The free trade is a system of International business resting on the absence of tariff barriers and noncustoms with the circulation of the goods and the services. In a strict sense, the concept does not extend to the movements of workers or capital.
The international agreements supporting this objective primarily rest on
This presentation reveals national protection as the standard and free trade like the exception, which is in conformity with historical truth. But the agreements of free trade are necessary only because the States initially set up barriers. In this direction, free trade is on the contrary the natural state of the economy, before any official intervention.
In 1720, Isaac Gervaise written the system or theory of the trade of the world ( The System gold Theory off the Trade off the World ), and employs the principle of the Opportunity cost to question the capacity of the intervention of the State to increase the national wealth. Applied to the international business, he concludes that this principle pushes manufactures protected to extend beyond their natural capacities, at the expense of the other activities.
At the 18th century, the physiocrats French consider that a policy aiming at reducing the price of the agricultural food products in order to promote manufactures - such as some consider it mercantilists - would lead to the ruin.
Following Smith, the economists of the traditional École develop its ideas and reinforce the presumption which free trade makes it possible a country to obtain a quantity of goods higher than what it could produce by itself. Robert Torrens and David Ricardo continues the development of this theory by introducing the concept of comparative Avantage between 1815 and 1817, which makes it possible to show that no country needs to be “the best” to be able to obtain profits with the exchange.
If List is a great popular success, its analysis, entirely founded on preceding histories and without the least theoretical projection, does not convince the economists. It is still John Stuart Mill which légitimise “doctrines of the emergent industries” in its Principes from political economy (1848). Its guarantee meets a frank opposition during the following decades (Alfred Marshall speaks about “sound only regrettable failure with the healthy principles of the economic straightness”), Mill itself considers it regrettable that the protectionists strongly exaggerate the range of its doctrines, and ends up partially disavowing it in 1871. The doctrines become however generally accepted at the beginning of the 20th century like a legitimate theoretical exception with the principle of free trade, in spite of the blur of its assumptions, and the difficulty of transposing it in a concrete Industrial policy. The modern analysis of the doctrines of Millet rests on the study of the Défaillances of the market in order to determine which type of public intervention would be most effective. Thus, James Meade concludes that the customs intervention is not justified: if a Entreprise is able in the long term to become profitable, it will be always investors to provide him the required funds, provided that the Marchés of the capital are efficient. And, if they are not it, the method of intervention preferable would consist in correcting this precise failure, rather than to impose restrictions on the trade. If it did not disappear, the doctrines of the emergent industries lost most of its seal, and is not regarded any more as a pure problem of International business.
The following year, Frank Knight detects a major fault in the reasoning of Graham: he does not explain the origin of the economies of scale, and in particular he does not make a difference between internal or external economies at the firm. However, if they are internal economies, they are by nature incompatible with competing balance, since in this case only one firm finishes by all producing and becomes a Monopole.
In 1937, Jacob To fortify looks further into the study of the case of the external economies. It shows that the interest of protection depends on if those come from the size of world industry or national industry. It takes the example of the increasing outputs in the industry of the watches, and supposes that those depend on the tools for manufacture: if free trade exists for these tools, then the producers of watches profit from the increasing outputs gotten by the tools, even if they are less and less numerous inside the country. It is not necessary then to protect them. It also introduces the distinction between “technological” economies of scale (the Fonction of production of each firm is affected directly by the production of industry) and “pecuniary” (it is affected by producers upstream or downstream). The case of the pecuniary economies of scale is, him also, incompatible with competing balance. The assumptions of Graham are found some very reduced, Viner concludes that the model of Graham is not better “not than a technical curiosity”.
(to be followed…)
According to its defenders, free trade supports the general Economic development in the long run and makes it possible to obtain a better effectiveness by allowing an optimal use of the factors of production by the geographical specialization of each country and area (see comparative Avantage). It would be then about a system Gain-gaining.
For its detractors, preaching the Interventionism or the Protectionism, free trade causes costs of adjustment (in term of employment, activities, etc) to the shocks created by the opening on the exterior market. It involves also the appearance of an exogenic constraint on the national economic policies , which become more difficult to carry out in order to seek to reduce unemployment. Lastly, certain social categories can be underprivileged by a liberalization of the exchanges.
According to Paul Bairoch ( Myths and paradoxes of the economic history , 1994), free trade constituted an exception in the economic history of the 19th century, the rule remaining protectionism. If the economic thinking were clearly directed towards free-trade throughout the century, the industrialized world of 1913 is similar to that of 1815: “an ocean of protectionism encircling some liberal small islands. ”, except notable for the the United Kingdom, and of a short bracket free-trader in Europe between 1860 and 1870. On the other hand, “the third world was an ocean of liberalism without protectionist small island”, the Western countries imposing on the colonized countries and even on those politically independent of the treaties known as “unequal” forcing with the lowering of the tariff barriers. Finally only the the United Kingdom would have benefitted from free trade because it had a technological lead acquired before which enabled him to take a lead in the worldwide markets. On the contrary, the rest of Europe saw the Great Depression (1873-1896) bursting at the time when the customs duties were with lowest, then the return to protectionism would have involved a return of prosperity.
One can thus distinguish two opposite examples. The United States which practiced a protectionism without concessions knew growth rates among highest in the world after the American Civil War (which opposes a South free-trader besides to protectionist North). On the other hand the third world could not develop and certain countries suffered from the free-trade imposed by the western powers. India for example, British colony, saw disappearing a textile craft industry very developed because of the trade imposed by Great Britain which had given up its agriculture in favor of the development of cotton industry.
One can however make several remarks with this analysis:
to also see the article Social dumping
In first half of the 20th century, far from this concern of the “social dumping”, three economists - Eli Heckscher, Bertil Ohlin, and Paul Samuelson - associated their names with the development of a theory of the international business known as “Théorème H.O.S.”. According to this theorem, within the framework of free trade, the nations tend to specialize in the sector which requires the most abundant factors of production on their territory. Thus, the nations strongly equipped in labor will specialize in industries of labor, conversely the countries strongly equipped in capital will specialize in the sectors which require an important capital intensive concentration. One can of course carry out more subtle distinctions: between skilled workers and workers little qualified in the case which interests us.
Which consequence for the countries opening with the international business? The countries of the South will specialize obviously in the most commonplace manufacturing outputs asking for a big number of slightly remunerated workers. Conversely the rich countries will concentrate the activities which require heavy investment or skilled labor. In fact, the world activity tends for example to see the activities of designs being carried out with the North and that of production in the South.
Which impact on the inequalities? In an article of 1941, Paul Samuelson and Wolfgang Stolper deduced that this dynamics of specialization would lead to the reduction of the inequalities and that it was thus necessary to give up the protectionist policies. Indeed, if one considers two distinct factors has and B, if has is very abundant on the national ground compared to B, it follows oneself from there naturally that the law of supply and demand will support the rare factor wrongfully has with the detriment of the factor B. On the other hand if the country trades with another nation having an opposite situation, the inequality will tend to disappear under the effect of specialization. Another logical effect, the remuneration of a factor will tend, in the long run, with becoming similar in the two countries: for the same qualification, the wages of the Chinese workman will be comparable with that of American.
Consequently, the wages of the little qualified workers of the rich countries would decrease, those of the skilled workers would increase. Obviously, left the theoretical framework, this evolution seems extremely uneven. But the effect in the poor countries would be opposite: the remuneration of the little qualified workers would increase. It is in fact in a convergence of the wages of the little qualified workers of North and South that one must expect. In the United States, the result would be the fall of the real incomes of these people over the twenty last years; in Europe where the wages are not flexible with the fall, one attends the rise of unemployment.
Conversely, David Ricardo had advanced in his Principes of the political economy and the tax that the product imports foreigners cheaper allowed a fall of the price favorable to the purchasing power. Consequently the companies could decrease the money wages (without reducing the real wages) and thus make work more competitive, supporting rise of industry resident and thus into définif employment.
According to a study published by INSEE, the French trade with the countries in the process of development would have caused to the maximum a loss of 330.000 employment, quantifies relatively weak within sight of the unemployment of the country. But these calculations are disputed. Thus for American economist A. Wood, the exchanges would have caused the loss of 9 million employment in the developed countries and would have created of them 22 million in the developing countries. It is thus noted that even the statistics showing the existence of the phenomenon known as of “social dumping” stress that it is on a total scale largely creative of employment, but this quantitative profit is relativized by the characters qualitatively different between employment lost and created.
One finds the same belief in the field of work: it is the Sophisme of a fixed mass of work. Applied to the international business, it pushes to believe that the imports would destroy work, and would be thus harmful.
One can however note that if it is considered that the currency is not only useful as an instrument of the exchange, but that its abundance can also have effects on the production (in the theory keynésienne for example), then the theory mercantilist is only partially false. Although it is an error to consider that exports are sources of richness (it is in truth the imports), they can according to certain theories stimulate the economic activity of a country by increasing the money supply, the imports having the opposite effect.
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