François Mitterrand , born the October 26th 1916 with Jarnac (Charente) and dead the January 8th 1996 with Paris, was a statesman French, 4th President of the V {{E}} République and 21e President of the French Republic of the May 21st 1981 with the May 17th 1995.
It holds the record of longevity (14 years) to the head of the French Republic.
See also: Mitterrand
François Maurice Adrien Marie Mitterrand was born in a middle-class Catholique and preserving family from Charente. His/her father, Joseph, were engineer of the Company Paris Orleans, then industrial vinegar manufacturer and chair federation of the trade unions of vinegar manufacturers. It has three brothers (Robert, polytechnician, Jacques, general, and Philippe) and four sisters: Marie-Josèphe, Marchioness of Corlieu, Colette, wife of the Landry captain, Genevieve, Mrs. Eugene Delachenal, Antoinette, Mrs. Ivaldi.
1925-1934 : Secondary studies with the Saint-Paul college of Angouleme where François Mitterrand becomes member of JEC, structure coed of the catholic Action.
1934-1937 : Private school of political sciences (diploma obtained in July 1937).
1934-1935 : It militates approximately a year with the Volontaires nationals, youth movement of the Cross-of-fire of the colonel of Rocque. It takes part in the demonstrations against “the invasion wog” in February 1935 then with those against the professor of Droit Gaston Jèze, after the nomination of this last as legal adviser of the Négus of Ethiopia, in January 1936. It cultivates thereafter family or friendly relations with members of the Hood. It is a critical time literary and written on the contemporary company and the policy in the Revue Montalembert and the daily newspaper the Echo of Paris of Henri de Kerillis, near to the Parti social French. It in particular written an article considering it regrettable there that the Latin Quarter was let invade by the “outside”. “From now on, the Latin Quarter is this complex of colors and sounds if désaccordés that one with the impression to find this Tower of Babel in which we do not want to believe. ” It also publishes the March 18th 1936, a report of the conference given by Marcel Griaule on the Ethiopia, concluding in particular that It is always useful to know the history of so particular people, and, at the same time, if similar with the others, because, at the bottom, it is not the color or the shape of the hair which gave some value to the hearts. . It would have also worried about the Expansionnisme Nazi at the time of the Anschluss in one of its articles.
1937-1939 : Military service in the colonial infantry.
1938 : It binds with Georges Dayan (Juif and Socialiste) after having saved it aggressions of anti-semites of the French Action and becomes his best friend. In September, it is built-in for its military service in the 23 {{E}} regiment of colonial infantry.
September 1939: To the engagement of the France in the Second world war, whereas it finishes its lawyer studies with Paris, it is sent on the Ligne Maginot with the rank of Sergent-chef, near Montmédy.
May 1940: It becomes engaged to Marie-Louise Terrasse (future Catherine Langeais). She breaks in January 1942.
October 28th 1944: It Marie with Danielle Gouze (current president of the foundation founded France Freedoms in 1986). They have three wire:
Of its relation with Anne Pingeot it had a girl:
See also: François Mitterrand and the Second world war, François Mitterrand and the extreme line
June 14th 1940: the Mitterrand sergeant is made prisoner by the German Armée.
1943 :
A little later François Mitterrand takes part in the Gouvernement of the general secretaries wanted by the general de Gaulle before the installation of the provisional government with Paris.
Invited with “floor” in front of the workshop “the Gregoire Abbot”, affiliated with the maconnic cabin Big room of France (GLF), it is expelled manu militari at the request of Jean Pierre-Bloch, which cannot tolerate the presence of a person decorated with the Francisque in a cabin.
The October 27th 1944, it marries Danielle Gouze.
In 1945, François Mitterrand and André Bettencourt bear witness in favor of the founder of the group L'Oreal, but so collaborator and former financier of the Hood, Eugene Schueller. François Mitterrand (briefly) is then engaged as general president-director of the Editions of the Roundabout (and director of the magazine Your Beauty) pertaining to the group founded by Schueller.
In February 1946, François Mitterrand adheres to the democratic and socialist Union of the Resistance (UDSR), which it then chairs of 1953 1965 and which offers a first political laboratory to him.
The November 10th 1946, François Mitterrand is elected appointed Nievre with the head of a list “Unit and republican action”, with the program anticommunist.
In 1949, it is elected general adviser of the canton of Montsauche. He is re-elected in 1955, 1961, 1967 and 1973. In 1947 François Mitterrand becomes the youngest minister of France with the wallet of the War veterans in the government of the Socialiste Paul Ramadier. In the years which follow, it holds several ministerial wallets, of which those of Information, the France from overseas, and the delegated minister with the Council of Europe.
In May 1948, among 800 deputy (whose Konrad Adenauer, Winston Churchill, Harold Macmillan, Paul-Henri Spaak, Albert Cope and Altiero Spinelli), it takes part in the Congrès of $the Hague, at the origin of the European Mouvement, to which it adheres.
In 1950 overseas, Rene Pleven appoints it Minister for the . It is in favor of the introduction of a Franco-African union where the overseas territories would enjoy a negotiated autonomy and freely agreed and endeavors to improve the fate of the Africans, still subjected to a very hard mode. It is then treated of “surplus stores merchant of empire”: it attracts itself as of this time a sharp hostility on behalf of the colonists and of RPF, the party gaullist of the time, which is expressed in particular by the voice of Jacques Foccart, Edouard Frederic-Dupont and Maurice Bayrou. It takes part in the negotiations started by Rene Pleven to legalize the African democratic Rassemblement and to connect deputies GDR with the UDSR. In order to consolidate this liberal policy, “François Mitterrand raises the governor Laurent Péchoux, who had been named by his predecessor Paul Coste-Floret to dismantle GDR. François Mitterrand alienates MRP then. ”
In August 1951, the popular Republican movement obtains from Rene Pleven that François Mitterrand leaves the ministry for Outre-Mer. Not forming part of the government more, François Mitterrand becomes president of the parliamentary group and reinforces his influence on the UDSR, and obtains the election, at the position of secretary general, of one his partisans, Joseph Perrin. For as much, there remains honest in Rene Pleven, remained president of the Council.
In 1952, it deals with the Tunisian file in the government of Edgar Faure and outlines an internal plan of autonomy. But the Faure government is reversed six weeks only after its formation. The colonial matter liberals (i.e. those which refuse systematic repression, and preach the equal rights between colonists and colonized, then autonomy, even independence if she is claimed with force by the population and a credible interlocutor) are temporarily isolated capacity.
After the formation of the government of Antoine Pinay, François Mitterrand criticizes the systematic participation of the UDSR in the governments and request a centring on the left. He denounces with the Parliament the policy of oppression of the government and defends with strength the right of the Tunisians to autonomy.
In 1953, it becomes deputy Ministre with the the Council of Europe, but resigns quickly because of its hostility to the repression carried out to the Morocco and in Tunisia; he recommends with respect to these countries, like for the Indo-China, a more liberal policy. He signs, with personalities like Albert Camus, Alain Savary or Louis Vallon, the France-Maghreb Proclamation, asking that “be implemented all the legal means so that the principles of the human rights are applied without distinctions in North Africa”.
The November 23rd 1953, it is elected president of the UDSR by the management committee. It then supports a liberal line for overseas: stop of the war of Indo-China, constitution of a unit Franco-African, federal then confederal (what amounts granting autonomy, even independence-association with the colonized territories). It publishes in the same moment At the borders of the French Union. Indo-China-Tunisia , prefaced by Pierre Mendès France. He decides for the independence of Indo-China (with, if possible, an association) and for a recasting of the bonds with the African countries: defense, the currency and the foreign politics must concern the French Union, with a full association of the Africans to the decisions; the other fields must concern the autonomy of the local populations. More generally, the election of François Mitterrand marks an evolution of the UDSR towards positions on the left, however that the new president of the party “positions consequently to reach the Matignon hotel”.
In 1954, it is named Minister of Interior Department in the Gouvernement Pierre Mendès France. He is then opposed to the independence of Algeria. Its attempts to transfer the Léonard general governor and the director of the Mosque of Paris, then to increase SMIG Algeria, meet the hostility of the colonists and the administration.
Of 19 to the October 23rd 1954, it goes to Algeria, where it meets a clear hostility on behalf of the partisans of French Algeria.
The November 5th of this same year, with the platform of the National Assembly, whereas the first conflicts of the Guerre of Algeria burst, it declares: The Algerian rebellion can find only one form final: the war. .
In November 1954, the government announces a strong increase in the social investments in Algeria in agriculture and education, and intends to prepare equality of the citizens '' of the chances equal to all those, whatever their origin, which are born on the Algerian ground. François Mitterrand, Minister of Interior Department, authorize Germaine Tillion then to carry out a survey in the zone of insurrection, so, inter alia, to announce the possible police exactions. In agreement with the president of the Council, it amalgamates the police force of Algiers with that of Paris. The decrees of the January 20th 1955, which put an end to the autonomy of the police force of Algeria, contribute to allow the change of two hundred agents suspected of acts of torture or to have encouraged it. Among them, the director of the General informations of Algiers. The preserving colonial matter deputies criticize this decision firmly. According to François Mitterrand, suppression of it hateful system is at the origin of the fall of the government Mendès-France, one month later (letter with Pierre Mendès-France, August 31st, 1959). In any event, the senator Henri Borgeaud, spokesperson of pied-noir, had thus threatened: If you amalgamate the police forces, we will vote against your government.
François Mitterrand assists Pierre Mendès France in the negotiations which lead to the autonomy of the Tunisia and of the Morocco.
In 1956, it is named Minister of Justice in the Gouvernement Guy Mollet. François Mitterrand takes part in work of the government, which grants independence to Tunisia and Morocco, autonomy in the Black Africa. On the Algerian question, he firmly criticizes (into private) the repressive drift which follows the failure of the attempt at liberalization, in February 1956. Nevertheless, it is him which is charged by the Council of Ministers, to defend the bill giving the special capacities to the army. Nevertheless, François Mitterrand remains with the government, because he wants to reach the presidency of the Council where, he thinks, his room for maneuver would be broader, where he could thus make more liberal the Algerian policy.
In very an other field, it makes adopt the statute of the Agency France-Press (AFP).
After the resignation of Guy Mollet, François Mitterrand refuses to take part in a government, unless directing it. He does not reach that point, although the president Rene Coty seriously planned to call upon him.
June 1st, 1958, he refuses to vote confidence with Charles de Gaulle, thus explaining his vote:
When, the September 10th 1944, the de Gaulle general was presented before the provisional Consultative Assembly resulting from the combat of outside or Resistance, it had close to him two companions who were called the honor and the fatherland. His/her companions of today, that it undoubtedly did not choose, but which followed it up to now, name the takeover by force and sedition. In right, the de Gaulle general will hold this evening his capacities of the national representation; in fact, it holds them already takeover by force.
In September 1958, it invites to vote not with the Référendum on the Constitution, which nevertheless is adopted with a very vast majority, then promulgated the October 4th 1958.
François Mitterrand is beaten with the legislative elections the November 30th 1958 (legislature put on leave until the installation of the new institutions in January 1959).
In March 1959, it is elected Maire Castle-Chinon (it remains it until May 1981), and a month later senator of the Nievre. It is registered with the group of the democratic Gauche.
In October 1959, takes place the forgery Attentat of the Observatory in which François Mitterrand is implied and who leads it to being accused for Outrage with Magistrat. The law of Amnistie of 1966 puts an end to the procedure.
The May 18th 1962, François Mitterrand has to testify with discharge with the lawsuit general Salan by Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour. The testimony of Mitterrand related to the “Affaire of the Bazooka”, attempted murder perpetrated against the Salan general the January 16th 1957 and which had made a death, colonel Rodier. Mitterrand supported the thesis of Salan in connection with the plot gaullist fomented (more or less indirectly, it is according to) by Michel Debré (of other personalities like Roger Frey and Alain Griotteray were also quoted like taking also more or less share with the plot). This thesis of the plot gaullist fomented directly by Debré was taken again by Mitterrand in a leading article of the Courrier of Nievre . The authors and silent partners of the attack, Philippe Castille, Michel Fechoz and Rene Kovacs in particular, had justified their action by the need for replacing the Salan general, considered with Pierre Mendès France as the liquidator of Indo-China, by a general authentically favorable to French Algeria. For François Mitterrand, Raoul Salan keeps the right to challenge some of his indicters which, to correct awkwardness to have missed it, made of him later its accomplice in the events of May 1958 which brought back the de Gaulle general to the capacity . Part of the left was caught some then in Mitterrand, reproaching him for being intervened in a settling of score within the French line, to have been until greeting Salan in its box and for having taken seat in the middle of its partisans.
The November 25th 1962, Mitterrand finds its seat of Député of the Nievre and gives up that of senator.
At the time of the Referendum of 1962, it invites to vote against the election of the President of the Republic to the direct suffrage. Yes carries it with 62,25 % of the votes cast (46,66 % of the registered voters).
In 1964, he becomes president of the general advice of the Nievre. It takes the head of the Convention of the republican institutions (CIR) and publishes the permanent Coup d'etat , which reinforces its position of opponent of left to Charles de Gaulle.
In 1965, although representative of a political small formation (the CIR), he is the one applicant of the left to the presidential election. Its result is unhoped-for (in second position with ten million voice) just like that of the center candidate Jean Lecanuet (15 % of the votes). François Mitterrand then receives the support for the second turn of all the left but also of the centrist Jean Monnet, the moderate conservative Paul Reynaud and of part of the Extreme-right-hand side: Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour and of the partisans of OAS. At the evening of the second turn, Mitterrand is beaten with the score of 45,51% of the votes compared with 54,49% with the de Gaulle general.
Extremely of this result (nobody thought that de Gaulle could lose, nor of even being put in ballot), it takes the head of the Fédération of the democratic and socialist left (FGDS), which gathers the noncommunist left (primarily the SFIO, the radical party, the CIR and various clubs). It also forms the first Contre-gouvernement in France, in 1966, experiment which lasts only one year. With the legislative elections of March 1967, the uninominal system with two turns and the new provision which raises the threshold and eliminates from the second turn all the candidates not having obtained with the first turn at least 10 % of the registered voters, support the outgoing majority vis-a-vis an opposition heteroclite (PC, PS and centrists of Jacques Duhamel) and divided. But with 194 seats, the whole of the left parties (FGDS, Communist party) manages to gain 63 seats, the Communist party remaining the main force of left with 22,5 % of the votes. Nevertheless, the government coalition is renewed with a majority reduced to only one seat with the National Assembly (247 seats out of 487 including 231 seats in metropolis). In Metropolis, with the first turn, the whole of left (FGDS, PSU, PC) even more voice obtains than the only governing parties gaullists and giscardiens (46 % against 42,6 %) whereas the democratic Center of Duhamel moves back of three points with 7 % of the voices. But with the exceptional rate in France of 38 % of the votes (in rise of two points compared to the preceding poll), the Union for Ve republic remains the first party of France.
The May 28th 1968, it declares: it is appropriate as of now noting the vacancy of the capacity and organizing the succession. This declaration makes following the absence of the de Gaulle general, party to consult the general Massu in Germany and more generally at a real vacancy of the capacity. He proposes the name of Mendès France to form the provisional government and announces that he is candidate with the presidency of the Republic, if an anticipated election would take place. De Gaulle indeed announced that it would organize a referendum, and that it would resign if the not carried it (an idea to which the General finally gave up).
The speech of May 30th of De Gaulle counterpart in a dry way. The anticipated legislative elections of June 1968 show a tidal wave gaullist (293 seats for only the UNR and 61 seats with the independent republicans) and a majority ever seen on the right since the national Bloc of 1919 whereas the left crumbles from 194 to 91 deputies. François Mitterrand manages however to save his seat of deputy.
In 1969, discredited, Mitterrand cannot be presented to the presidency of the Republic: Guy Mollet refuses to grant the support of the SFIO to him. The left, represented by Gaston Defferre for the Socialists and Jacques Duclos for the Communists, is eliminated from the second turn of the presidential election, which sees the victory of Georges Pompidou vis-a-vis the centrist Alain Poher.
In June 1972, it signs the common Program of government with the Communist party of Georges Marchais and the Mouvement of the radical lefts of Robert Fabre.
In March 1973, with the legislative elections, the Socialist party obtains almost as much voice than the Communist party with the first turn and more with the second, putting fine at a superiority which went back to 1946. The cantonal elections which take place in September of the same year confirm this evolution. In addition, the PSU falls from 4 to 2% compared to 1968. With the congress of the PS held in Grenoble the same year, the final motion of François Mitterrand obtains 96% of the voices.
The April 2nd 1974 is announced the death of Georges Pompidou, president of the Republic in exercice.
The May 19th 1974, one applicant of the left to the presidential election, François Mitterrand loses vis-a-vis Valery Giscard d'Estaing with 49,2 % of the voices to the second turn.
During the summer 1974, François Mitterrand goes incognito on the Larzac to a festival gathering several thousands of militants fighting against the extension of the close military camp. Recognized by crowd, it is the target of invectives and stone jets. Non-violent peasants surround it, protect it then look after it. Seven years after, elected president in 1981, it will cancel the project of extension of the military camp and will return their grounds to the peasants.
With the cantonal elections of March 1976 and with the municipal elections of March 1977, the PS largely precedes PCF.
In September 1977 takes place the rupture of the Union of the left, the Communists putting of the conditions exorbitant at the actualization of the common Program.
With the legislative elections of March 1978, the left which was majority with the first turn nevertheless is beaten by line (UDF-RPR). Always according to Lacouture, Aron and Mitterrand, this defeat is largely ascribable with the roueries of the Communist party. Michel Rocard calls then into question François Mitterrand and the direction of the Socialist party.
In April 1979, it is combined with the CERES of Jean-Pierre Chevènement against Michel Rocard (the second left) to gain the congress of Metz of the Socialist party.
In January 1981, with the extraordinary congress of Creteil, it is designated as candidate of the PS and adopts the “110 Proposals” like program.
The April 24th 1981, with the first turn of the presidential elections, François Mitterrand pursues the outgoing president with 25,85 % of the voices against 28 % for Valery Giscard d'Estaing. Jacques Chirac is third with 18 % of the votes.
At the evening of the May 10th 1981, François Mitterrand is elected president of the Republic with 51,76% of the votes cast against 48,24% with Valery Giscard d'Estaing. The support of Jacques Chirac for the outgoing president remained extremely ambiguous: he states to be able to vote, with personal capacity, that for Valery Giscard d'Estaing but refuses to give a call to vote.
See also: First presidential mandate of François Mitterrand
The May 21st 1981, the septennate of the new president opens by a ceremony with the the Pantheon. Then it names its first government directed by Pierre Mauroy.
The following day, it dissolves the National Assembly. The elections which follow, June 14th and 21st 1981, give him the absolute majority with the Parlement. A second government of Pierre Mauroy makes enter four communist ministers. Many social reforms are then adopted.
On the economic plan, the septennate is marked initially by a wave of Nationalization S and by a policy of control of the Inflation, inflected towards the austerity starting from the Turning of the rigor, passage to a Culture of government.
The septennate is completed in 1988 under the first Cohabitation of the V {{E}} République.
; Government Mauroy (May 1981 - July 1984)
" Hello,
With the maltreated priests,
With the imprisoned trade unionists,
With the unemployed who sell their blood to survive,
With the Indians pursued in their forests,
With the workers without rights,
With the peasants without grounds,
With resistant without armes".
1982 :
1983 :
; Government Fabius (July 1984 - March 1986)
; Government Chirac (March 1986 - May 1988)
1987 :
; ; Second septennate (1988 - 1995)
See also: Second presidential mandate of François Mitterrand
Although it knows, since November 1981, that it is reached of a Cancer of the prostate, it announces its candidature for a second septennate the March 22nd 1988 for the newspaper of Antenna 2. Information relating to this cancer will not be revealed that well later in a book the Great Secrecy , published by its attending physician. This book will be, exceptional thing in a democracy, interdict during several years. It revives the controversy of the confidentiality of the health condition of the Head of the State that François Mitterrand had however stated to want to make public.
The May 8th, François Mitterrand is re-elected by carrying the presidential election against Jacques Chirac with 54 % of the voices.
The second septennate of François Mitterrand is marked by the introduction of RMI and CSG, the celebrations of the bicentenary of the Revolution, engagement in the first war of Iraq, the Référendum on the Traité of Maastricht but also by the political matters, the disease of the President, the public revelation of the existence of his/her hybrid daughter Mazarine Pingeot and the disclosures on " its jeunesse".
; Government Rocard (May 1988 - May 1991)
It names Prime Minister Michel Rocard and dissolves the National Assembly. The group socialist and related gains a relative majority then, the Communists refuse a governmental alliance. The socialist governments are constrained with a play of rocker between the communist group and the moderate elements of the opposition, especially the Union of the center (UDC, autonomous parliamentary group resulting from the UDF).
1988 :
1989 :
1990 :
1991 :
; Government CRESSON (May 1991 - March 1992) In May 1991, it replaces Michel Rocard by Edith Cresson which quickly deteriorates her image by awkward remarks on the English (“of homosexual”) and the Japanese (“of the ants”). His remark “the Stock Exchange, I have anything of it to wax” exhausted his credibility still more. It yields the place ten months later to Pierre Bérégovoy.
1991 :
1992 :
; Government Bérégovoy (March 1992 - March 1993)
1993 :
May 1st, 1993, Pierre Bérégovoy commits suicide. The May 4th, at the time of its funerals, François Mitterrand denounces those which could deliver to the dogs the honor of a man , aiming at the media in general.
; Government Balladur (March 1993 - May 1995) François Mitterrand cannot prevent the right from very largely gaining the legislative elections in 1993: the group socialist and related counts nothing any more but 67 Député S). The president names then Edouard Balladur with the head of the government: it will be its last Prime Minister.
1993 :
1994 :
He dies the January 8th 1996 of sound Cancer of the prostate. Its funerals, the January 11th 1996, will give the opportunity to see side by side its two families, official and semi-official. It rests with Jarnac, Charente, in the family vault.
Town planner:
Various:
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