Felix Houphouët-Boigny (October 18th 1905? with Yamoussoukro - December 7th 1993), called the " sage" , successively traditional chief, doctor, deputy, President of the National Assembly and Prime Minister of the Ivory Coast he was then the first president of the Ivory Coast of 1960 with 1993.

Years of training

Origins and education

Felix Houphouët-Boigny is born, according to his official biography, the October 18th 1905 with Gokro. However, a doubt remains on the exactitude of this date; indeed, at the Baoulé, its Ethnos group of membership, the civil statue does not exist and it is thus extremely probable which its birth is former to 1905.

Originating in a tribe Animist of the Akouè, he is the son of called a Houphouët . who gives him at the origin like first name Dia , being able to mean, in his language, prophet or magician.

Taking into account its row, the colonial administration decides to send it to the school of the military station of Bonzi located close to the village, left doctor to the reduction where it founds “Friendly” gathering the indigenous medical personnel. However, showing true professional capacities, it is promoted with Abengourou, the September 17th 1929 Décidé to act, it takes the head, in 1932, of a movement of African growers hostile to the white great landowners and the economic policy of the colonizer who support them. He however asks his change to approach his village and is thus sent to Dimbokro the February 3rd 1934, Houphouët-Boigny transforms, with the assistance of the Groups of communist studies of Abidjan, SAEB ERAKAT in Democratic party of Ivory Coast (PDCI). This last becomes itself, after the Congress of Bamako of the October 18th 1946, a territorial section of the very new party inter-African: the African democratic Gathering (GDR) whose Houphouët-Boigny assumes the chairmanship.

Not enough many to form a parliamentary group, the African elected officials are constrained to be connected with one of the great existing parties to be able to sit together at the Palais Bourbon.

This alliance, if it proves to be practical, is it only as long as the Communists are with the government. But, as the cold war is affirmed and, consequently, that the PCF passes in the opposition, the French administration expresses a hostility growing so that it calls “Stalinist Houphouët”, of dangerous riots burst in Coast-D' Ivory. To defuse the crisis, the President of the Council, Rene Pleven, entrusts to its Minister of France of overseas, François Mitterrand, the mission of detaching the GDR of PCF. Thereafter, Houphouët-Boigny becomes Minister for the Public health and the Population in the Gouvernement Felix Gaillard of the November 6th 1957 with the May 14th 1958 where it is harnessed to reform the public health code. The last station which it occupies is that of minister adviser of the government Michel Debré of the July 23rd 1959 with the May 19th 1961.

With the head of the Coast-D' Ivory

A partisan of autonomy

Following the adoption, the June 23rd 1956, outline law Removes iron giving autonomy to the African colonies, a territorial election is organized in Coast-D' Ivory the March 3rd 1957, during which the PDCI gains a crushing victory. Houphouët-Boigny, already occupying the functions of minister in France, of President of the territorial Parliament since 1953 (having succeeded Victor Capri Djédjé) and of mayor of Abidjan since November 1956, even if it remains, for Paris, the only interlocutor of the colony. ; Rétorque Houphouët-Boigny him then:
“Your experiment is extremely tempting… But because of the human reports/ratios that maintain between them French and African and taking into account the requirement the century, the interdependence of the people, we estimated that it was perhaps more interesting to try an experiment different from yours and single in its kind, that of a Franco-African community containing equality and fraternity. ”

Indeed, contrary to many African leaders who claim an immediate independence, Houphouët-Boigny carefully wishes a transition within the “French unit” Only sound protected Guinea N, Ahmed Sékou Touré ose to say “not” preferring, contrary to Houphouët-Boigny, “freedom in poverty with the richness in slavery”. Pushed by the Federation of Mali which wishes independence, the Franco-African community collapses and Houphouët proclaims, in a certain manner with back-plate, the independence of Ivory Coast the August 7th 1960.

Introduction of the personal capacity

Houphouët-Boigny takes officially the head of the government of the Ivory Coast on May 1st 1959. If he does not suffer from any opposition with regard to the rival parties, PDCI them having neutralized all in 1957 (becoming de facto single)

Having the freehands, Houphouët-Boigny launches out in the drafting of the Constitution of 1960 which it cuts with the measurement of its ambitions. Taking as a starting point the American constitution which establishes a powerful executive, and French constitution of 1958 which limits certain capacities of the legislature, it transforms the National Assembly into a simple room of recording voter the laws and the budget. The deputies, as for them, are designated directly by him

But, again, from the protests emanate from the interior, mainly, of the Jeunesses of the African democratic gathering of Ivory Coast (JRDACI). To make them conceal, Houphouët-Boigny benefits from the putsch carried out with the Togo which shakes all the French-speaking Africa to show them “subversive activity of communist inspiration”; three ministers, seven deputies and 129 other people resulting from the JRDACI are then imprisoned. But, this forgery “Complot of January 1963” does not have discounted success; a strong feeling of injustice involving a stressing of the disputes. Houphouët-Boigny reacts then in the same way, but this time in a way much more radical; the designated “plotters” are the communist sympathizers of the Ivory Coast supported by the African leaders progressists (Kwame Nkrumah, Ahmed Ben Bella, Gamal Abdel Nasser), the freemasons, them holding of the multi-party system, the former opponents with the PDCI, the graduates returned of France impregnated of Marxist ideology, and certain areas of the country which expressed a certain antipathy towards the mode (country Sanwi and Bété de Gagnoa). A climate of terror falls down on the Coast-D' Ivory with in particular creation, the August 26th, of a Milice with the service of the gathering party: 6000 men, of demonstrations organized in favor of the president and the arrest, during one year, of very many “bad citizens” including seven ministers and six deputies. Having thus consolidated its capacity, Houphouët-Boigny which controls consequently in absolute Dictateur, releases however the political prisoners in 1967.

With the capacity during 33 years, he refuses plurality trade-union Politique and until in 1990: he affirms “to prefer the injustice with the disorder”, fearing a political partition on ethnic bases. Many attempts secessionists are repressed violently (1959-60, 1970-71).

The craftsman of the “miracle of the Ivory Coast”

If Houphouët-Boigny were a Dictateur, it was not less lucid. Its choice, pragmatic, of the economic Libéralisme made it possible the Ivory Coast to profit from the confidence of many foreign investors, in particular French. Advantages granted by its code of the investments of 1959, allowing the foreign companies to repatriate up to 90% their benefit in their country of origin (the 10% remainder being obligatorily reinvested in Coast-D' Ivory), and its policy of modernization of the infrastructures with, in particular, the construction of the district of businesses of the Plate with Abidjan (on the North-American model) where luxury hotels accommodate tourists and business men, allows the Ivory Coast to know a formidable growth from 11 to 12% during the period of 1960 with 1965, while the trade balance does not cease recording surpluses. , those of Café increase half, passing from: 185500 with: 275000 tons. A “modern” cereal strong demand emerges then in Coast-D' Ivory, in particular with regard to the Maïs and the Riz, this last, like in Africa, being compared everywhere to a social advancement. On the basis of this report, Houphouët-Boigny is made the champion of Africa of the fatherlands which would prefer to create richnesses rather than to share misery with the other territories, thus wishing to release the Coast-D' Ivory of “heavy” the supervision of the AOF.

But this outline law is far from achieving the unanimity among its African compatriots. The Senegalese leader, Léopold Sédar Senghor, is the first to be risen against these projects of “balkanization” of Africa, asserting that the colonial territories “do not correspond to any reality: neither geographical, neither economic, neither ethnic, nor linguistic” and, that on the contrary, AOF in federal Ėtat maintains it their would make it possible to be able to hold a stronger political credibility, to develop in a harmonious way, and to emerge culturally as true people. On these points of view, Senghor is joined by the majority of the members of GDR, gathered behind Ahmed Sékou Touré and Modibo Keita, which puts in Houphouët minority at the time of the congress of Bamako in 1957.

But, the problem of the federalism really arises in 1958, at the time of the referendum suggested by de Gaulle about the Franco-African Communauté where the colonies have the choice to acquire the statute of Ėtat member to in an individual capacity, or to divide it while grouping. For Houphouët-Boigny, the choice is simple:

“No matter what it occurs, the Coast-D' Ivory will adhere directly to the Franco-African community. For the other territories, free with them to group between them before giving their own adhesion. ” In spite of this “success”, Houphouët-Boigny is well decided definitively to stop the hegemony of the Senegal in West Africa; truly a political confrontation begins between the leaders ivorien and Senegalese. Houphouët-Boigny thus refuses to take part in the conference interafricaine of Dakar of the December 31st 1958 which must pose the bases of the federation of French-speaking Ėtats of Africa Ainsi, in co-operation with the France, it manages to convince the the Upper Volta, the Dahomey and the Niger not to adhere to the federation Malian which, made up of Senegal and the French Sudan, will end up bursting in August 1960.

The African unit according to Houphouët-Boigny

Following the example Charles de Gaulle which always refused integrated Europe, Houphouët-Boigny is opposed to the idea thePlain ones of Africa proposed by Kwame Nkrumah which would call into question recently acquired national sovereignties. However, directing it is not against the African unit which it on a case-by-case basis conceives in the form of a co-operation.

Thus, the May 29th 1959, it creates in co-operation with Hamani Diori (Niger), Maurice Yaméogo (the Upper Volta) and Hubert Maga (Dahomey), the Conseil of the Agreement. This very flexible regional organization, founded with an aim of blocking the Malian federation, provides three major functions. On the one hand, it pemet the common management of certain public services such as the wearing of Abidjan instituted in public corporation or the railway line Abidjan-Niger. Then, it guarantees a solidarity fund between the Member States, fed with more than 90% by the Ivory Coast. Houphouët-Boigny even envisages, in 1966, to grant the dual nationality to the nationals of the countries of the council of the Agreement, but the project is abandoned following the pressure of the street. Thus, in exchange of their respective allegiances at the Coast-D' Ivory, Houphouët-Boigny agrees to support them financially, while trying to attenuate their economic difficulties.

Ambitious, the leader of the Ivory Coast envisages greater intentions for the French-speaking space of Africa, and claims to gather them within a large organization of which the goal would be to support the ones mutually the others. The project concretizes the September 7th 1961, during the signature of the charter giving birth to the African Union and Madagascan (UAM). Agreements, then, are signed with an aim of tightening the solidarity of Ėtats French-speaking people, in particular in the economic domain, soldier, and of the posts and telecommunications. ; the president of the Ivory Coast yields, but with back-plate, and transforms, in March 1964, the UAM in African and Malagasy of economic cooperation and cultural Organization.

Regarding the OAU as a siding, more especially as Paris is hostile there, it decides to create the African and Malagasy common Organization (OCAM), a purely French-speaking and concurrent organization at the OAU, which is born in 1965. This “moderate and moderating” block gathers, in its center, sixteen countries of which the goal is to break revolutionary inclinations in Africa.

Lastly, in 1974, Houphouët-Boigny and Senghor put side their quarrels and are linked in order to thwart the plans of the Nigeria which aims at being essential in West Africa, to the detriment of the Coast-D' Ivory and Senegal, thanks to the creation of a large interlinguistic organization, the CEDEAO. The two accomplices thus create the Economic community of West Africa (CEAO) who supplant the old customs unions in the area francophoneet of which the goal is to block the operation of CEDEAO

Meanders of Houphouët

Already shown to have organized the assassination of Kwame Krumah, in 1987 it is also shown to have organized with Korhogo (jointly with the Elysium) in the presence of Laurent Dona Fologo, Robert Guéï, Pierre Ouédraogo… the coup d'etat of Blaise Compaoré and the assassination of Thomas Sankara, and offers to Compaoré of the Ivory Coast the Chantal Terrasson for woman.

Its love for Gokro

See also: Transfer of the capital of the Ivory Coast

As of 1964, the president can show ambitious plans and make start to build. In 1965, takes place one day, called later the Grande lesson of Yamoussoukro, where one makes visit the plantations with the executives of the nation, with the guests, inviting them to transpose to the level from their own villages, the efforts and agricultural achievements concluded up to now. And the July 21st 1977, Houphouët offers its plantations to the State.

In this city he undertakes great work and makes gather more the universities of West Africa (dye stick noncomplete): Institut National Polytechnique de Yamoussoukro (INP) which gathers several schools:

  • Higher National institute of Technical education, (INSET) founded in 1979
  • 3Ecole Nationale Sup3erieure of Public works (ENSTP)
  • 3Ecole Nationale Sup3erieure of Agronomy, (ENSA) founded in 1989
  • Center of Animation and Teacher training (CAFOP)), founded in 1979
  • Scientific College of Yamoussoukro - first college of excellence of the Ivory Coast (this College competes with the best French schools such as INP Grenoble (ENSIMAG, ENSERG, ENSEEG, ENSGI, ENSIEG, PAPETE,…), Central School Paris, Central School of Lyon, ENST Telecom, ENSTA Paris, Polytechnic school (in the south of Paris), Polytechnic school of Lausanne, HEC and national colleges of business ESC).
  • College Granny Houphouet Adjoua de Yamoussoukro - Created in 1962, the College in the past called Lycée of Young girls was baptized since 1988 College Granny Houphouet Adjoua.
  • Polytechnic Institute Felix-Houphouët-Boigny.

Yamoussoukro concentrates also several monuments (noncomplete list):

In January 1978, Valery Giscard d'Estaing made there a visit.

In March 1983, Yamoussoukro (famous in homage to the Queen Yamousso in the Years 1930), became the political and administrative capital of the Ivory Coast, after, in one century, Large-Bassam (1893 - 1900), Bingerville (1900 - 1933) and Abidjan (1933 - 1983). The major part of the economic activities is always located at Abidjan, but current president Laurent Gbagbo decided to make effective the project to make of Yamoussoukro the political capital of the Ivory Coast, in spite of the events which currently paralyze (2002) the dynamism of the country.

Lastly, in 1993, Yamoussoukro accommodates the Funérailles of Felix Houphouët-Boigny, President-founder of the Republic of Ivory Coast, many leaders of country make the voyage: Idriss Déby, Mobutu, Omar Bongo, Jacques Chirac, François Mitterrand…

Private life

August 1st

Its relations in policy

Among his friends and craftsmen of the decolonization one counts Auguste Denise, Ernest Boka, Modibo Keïta, the Général De Gaulle, Mathieu Ekra, Germain Coffi Gadeau, Philippe Yacé, Arsène Usher Assouan,… Its friendship with Victor Capri Djédjé, déterriore during the inauguration of the Port authority of Abidjan in 1951. About 1970, arrives on the political scene of the Ivory Coast and international its protected young people of which it financed for some the Instruction: Denis Bra Kanon, Gustave Kouassi Ouffoué, Alphonse Djédjé Mady, Henri Konan Bédié, Auguste Debray, Djéni Kobina…

On the international plan, it is in contact privileged with the France and counts with the number of his friends Jacques Chirac, one of her young people protected. With the Gabon Omar Bongo is also her protected young person. Anticommunist it remains in close relation with the China, the the USSR and Cuba, which it moreover attacks during the cold war.

Relations with Wodié and the Gbagbo couple

August 1st

After Houphouët

He dies the December 7th 1993 following a cancer. In 1980 it places Henri Konan Bédié as President of the Parliament in the place of Philippe Yacé (companion of Houphouët it will not forget nor will never include/understand this decision, in 1998 the concern kill it), so that Bédié is the future president, protected from Houphouët it was that who had more confidence, indeed, the law indicates that the president of the National Assembly becomes president of the Republic if the holder dies. But when Bédié takes seat, he known to follow the policy of Houphouët, notices that Gustave Kouassi Ouffoué in 1998 makes him. With died of the President, the unit of the country, symbolized by its imposing and consensual funerals, is however always maintained. In 1995 it sets up the Ivoirité what pushes with the crisis as from 1999 especially, by the set of personal competitions between its successors (Henri Konan Bédié, Robert Guéï, Laurent Gbagbo) and his former Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara: these competitions will revive the concept “of ivoirity”, the ethnic fights that Felix Houphouët-Boigny had always endeavoured to avoid with the profit of the construction of a “Nation” of the Ivory Coast. In 2002, the conflict politico-soldier accentuates this crisis.

Governmental functions

in France

In Ivory Coast

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