February 6th, 1934
The date of the February 6th 1934 refers to an organized unparliamentary demonstration with Paris by groups of right-hand side and the leagues of extreme right-hand side and which turns to the riot on the Place of the Harmony.
The crisis of the Years 1930 and the Business Stavisky
France was touched starting from 1931 by the Grande depression, born in 1929 with the the United States. The economic crisis and social striking particularly middle-classes, traditional supports of the Republic. However, the capacity appears unable to bring solutions, which results in a very strong ministerial instability (five governments of May 1932 at January 1934) contributing to feed the rejection of the parliamentarism.The Antiparlementarisme was also fed by a succession of scandals politico - financial: Business Hanau (Marthe Hanau had used its political supports to attract, thanks to its newspaper the Gazette of the franc , the economies of the small savers), Affaire Oustric (the fraudulent bankruptcy of the banker Oustric precipitated in 1930 the fall of the government of André Tardieu, with which the Minister of Justice was mixed with the business), and finally, causes direct events of February 6th, Affaire Stavisky.
This new scandal, implying the Municipal credit of Bayonne, bursts in December 1933. Appears then the character of Alexandre Stavisky, a swindler related to several radical members of Parliament, of which a Minister for the government of the radical Camille Chautemps. The press reveals then that Alexandre Stavisky profited from nineteen handing-over of his lawsuit, whereas the Parquet floor is directed by the brother-in-law of Camille Chautemps. The January 8th 1934, Alexandre Stavisky is found died. According to the police version, it would have committed suicide, which causes general incredulity. For the line, he was assassinated on the order of Chautemps, in order to avoid revelations. Consequently, the press breaks out, the Extrême right-hand side proclamation, and, at the end of the month, after the revelation of a new scandal, Camille Chautemps resigns. It is another radical, Edouard Daladier, which succeeds the January 27th to him.
Since the January 9th, thirteen demonstrations took place in Paris. While the line tries to use the business to replace the majority resulting from the elections of 1932, the extreme line exploits its traditional topics: Anti-semitism, xenophobia (Alexandre Stavisky is a naturalized Ukrainian Juif ), hostility with the Franc-maçonnerie (whose Chautemps is a dignitary), antiparliamentarianism. As noticed it Serge Berstein, the Stavisky business is exceptional neither by its gravity nor by the personalities blamed, but by the will of the right-hand side to make fall a left government on this topic, profiting owing to the fact that the radicals do not have the absolute majority with the House of Commons and thus form fragile governments.
It is however the dismissal of the prefect of police Jean Chiappe who causes the mass demonstrations of February 6th. Man of right, Chiappe indeed expressed a great indulgence with regard to the Extreme-right-hand side. For the left , its displacement is related to its implication in the Affaire Stavisky, while the line denounces the result of a bargaining with the Socialists: departure of Chiappe against support for the new government.
The evening of February 6th
Involved forces
In the middle of the demonstrations of January, the leagues of extreme right-hand side. Old phenomenon (the Ligue of the patriots was founded by Paul Déroulède since 1882), the leagues play a very important part in the inter-war period, in particular when the left is with the capacity, which is the case since the legislative elections of 1932.Among the principal leagues of extreme right-hand side present on February 6th, it is initially necessary to mention oldest, the French Action. Founded into 1898/1899 by Maurice Pujo, Henri Vaugeois and Charles Maurras (60 000 members) is to reverse “the pig mould” (the Republic) in order to restore monarchy. It rests on the Camelots of the King, which, in spite of limited enough manpower, are very active in the street. Of more recent foundation (1924), the patriotic Jeunesses, which assert the heritage of the Ligue of the patriots, count 90.000 members of which 1.500 belong to the “mobile groups”. Created by Pierre Taittinger, appointed Paris, they maintain the close connections with politicians of right-hand side, and count in their rows several city council men of the capital. As for the French Solidarity, founded in 1933 by the richissime perfumer François Coty, it is deprived of precise political objective and its manpower are less low. Let us mention finally, although its manpower are unimportant, the Francisme of Marcel Bucard.
Among the main characters, it is also necessary to evoke the Cross-of-fire. Created in 1926 in the form of an association of war veterans, their recruitment was extended to other categories under the impulse of their chief since 1931, the colonel of Rocque, and they are connected from now on with a league, the first of many members. They also are equipped with groups of combat and defense, the “dispos”.
Finally invite to express as of January the Fédération of the taxpayers, whose leaders have political objectives close to those of the leagues.
In addition to the demonstrators of January, very powerful associations of war veterans also call with the mobilization on February 6th. Most important of them, the National union of the combatants (UNC), to which the ideas are close to the right-hand side and who is chaired by a city council man of Paris, does not count less than 900.000 members. But the republican Association of the war veterans (ARAC), semi-official satellite of the French Communist party, also invites its troops to ravel on February 6th, although on different watchwords.
The riot
In the evening of the 6, the leagues, which gathered in various points of Paris, convergent towards the Place of the Harmony, separated from the House of Commons by the Seine. The police officers and guards manage to defend the bridge of the Harmony, in spite of projectile jets of all kinds. Some rioters are armed, and the police force shoots at crowd. The disorders last until 2:30. Finally, the human account of 17 died and 2.309 wounded, among which the militants of the French Action pay the heaviest tribute.In fact indeed the leagues of extreme right-hand side played the main role. Joined there, in spite of the later denials of the Communist party, part of the demonstrators resulting from ARAC. “They are the War veterans without weapons which shouted “With bottom the robbers! Live France” that the Trust made kill” proclaims a poster of propaganda shortly after. Actually, the large one of the demonstrators of UNC, in spite of some clashes towards the Elysium, kept away from the events from the Harmony.
While, on Right Bank, the loads of the police force managed with difficulty to contain the attacks of the rioters, the Cross-of-fire had chosen to ravel left bank. The Palate-Bourbon was much more difficult to defend on this side of the Seine, but the demonstrators are satisfied to encircle the building without major incident before dispersing in good order. This attitude was worth with the Cross-of-fire the nickname, in the shape of spoonerism, “Cold Tails” in the press of extreme right-hand side. Readily described then by the left like the principal fascistic threat in France, Rocque refused to leave legality and to reverse the mode, which was the more or less acknowledged objective of the other leagues.
With the House of Commons, the line tries to benefit from the riot to force the government with the resignation. But the left makes block behind Daladier. The meeting is finally raised after exchanges of blows took place in the hemicycle, between deputies of right-hand side and left.
The range of February 6th
Resignation of Daladier and formation of a government of National union
In the night, Daladier takes the first measurements to obtain the re-establishment of the law and order (it in particular plans to found the state of siege). But the following day, its instructions are followed little by justice and the police force. Moreover, it records the defection of the majority of its ministers and his party. It is finally solved to resign. It is the first time that a government must resign under the pressure of the street.The crisis is finally solved with the formation of a new government under the presidency of the former president of the Republic (1924 - 1931) Gaston Doumergue, recalled by Albert Lebrun, that with which the leagues seem to be satisfied. Qualified government of “national union”, it gathers especially the principal figures parliamentary line (André Tardieu, Louis Barthou, Louis Marin), even if several radicals or the marshal Pétain (Minister for the War, it is its first ministerial experiment) also form part of it.
Towards the union of the left
The left interprets the events of the February 6th like the proof of a fascistic plot . The Socialists and the Communists against-express the February 9th. The incidents which oppose them to the police force make nine victims. The February 12th, the CGT (socialist) and CGTU (communist) decide one day of general strike and SFIO and the Communist party call with a Parisian demonstration which does not have vocation to be common but however sees the two processions mixing on the initiative of the base. This day thus marks a first and timid bringing together between Socialists and Communists. It carries in germ the union antifascist between the two Marxist parties, enemies since 1920, which led in 1936 to the government of Popular front, composed of radicals and Socialists with the communist support. This union corresponds to calculations of Stalin which requires of the chiefs of the Communist parties joined together within the Komintern, to make alliance with the other left parties, including the social democrat or socialist parties, in order to avoid a contagion of the fascistic modes and anticommunists in Europe.
Toughening of the right-hand side
The violent methods of the leagues, their paramilitary pace, the worship of the chief, make that they are often comparable with the Fascisme. But beyond appearances and of their will to see the parliamentary mode yielding the place to a strong and effective mode, it is difficult for certain historians (Serge Berstein, Rene Rémond, Michel Winock) to distinguish at them a real fascistic project. Others, Michel Dobry, Zeev Sternhell regard them on the contrary as concerning Fascism. Brian Jenkins of its side estimates that it is vain to seek a fascistic gasoline in France and prefers to establish comparisons, which lead according to him at a clear convergence between Italian Fascism and a good part of the French leagues, in particular the French Action. In addition, the idea even of a plot seems excluded by the absence from dialog and the lack from precise objectives from the leagues.
After February 6th, the parliamentary line starts to harden its speech and to approach the extreme right-hand side. Several of its leaders lose confidence in the parliamentary institutions. This droitisation accelerates after 1936, with the Popular front and the war of Spain.
For the extreme line, on February 6th represents an occasion missed reversing the mode, occasion which will be found only in 1940. Disappointment that the leagues caused led to the toughening of some which turn then to the Fascisme or the national-socialisme.
See too
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