Fayette - SpeedyLook encyclopedia

Origin

Marie-Joseph Paul of Motier was born with the Château from Chavaniac, in Haute-Loire, close to Brioude, the September 6th 1757, in a noble family whose known origins would go back to the XIe century. Family name finds its origin with Fayette, commune of Aix-the-Fayette, Puy-de-Dôme, site of a mound castrale documented.

Michel Louis Christophe Roch Gilbert Paulette of Motier, marquis of Fayette, his father, Colonel of Pomegranates, is killed at the age of twenty-six years on the battle field of Minden, in Westphalia on July 9th 1759. His/her mother, born Marie, Louise, Pretty of the River in 1737, dies on April 3rd 1770.

Thus, at the 13 years age, the marquis of Fayette finds himself orphan and fortunate.

Studies and family

Fayette completed its studies with Paris, with the Collège of Plessis, and it seems that he showed early leaning for independence and freedom.

At 16 years, it Marie with Marie Adrienne Francoise de Noailles († 1807), second girl of the duke of Noailles, and downward of one of the most influential families of the kingdom. Fayette then chooses to follow a military career, like his/her father.

Fayette appeared at the court of Louis XVI; but, either that it spoiled there, to saying Mirabeau, by the sinistrality in its manners, a obséquieux language until humility, or that it displeased there, on the contrary, it says itself, by the independence of its language and the indocility of its ideas, it obtained no success there.

The war of independence of the United States of America

It enters to the military household of the king in 1772. The first news of the American insurrection came from in Europe in 1775. Fayette, then captain of cavalry, embraced with heat a cause which so highly flattered its patriotism and its taste for freedom. The young captain of the dragons is 19 years old when the British colonies of America declare their independence.

The departure for America

Circumstances

Already sensitized with this cause by Benjamin Franklin, arrived at Paris the December 20th 1776, the engagement of Fayette had already been accomplished with Silas Deane. It is the count de Broglie, former chief of the secret cabinet of the king Louis XV, which had sensitized it with the American cause, when it was, ten eight months earlier, under its orders, with Metz.

He did not think any more, according to his expression, but to join his flags. He goes to Paris, entrusts his project to two friends, the count de Ségur and the Viscount of Noailles, which decide to accompany it. The count de Broglie, that it also informs some, tries to divert it of his intention. He however puts Fayette in relation to the old agent 1768, that is to say nearly ten years earlier of Choiseul to the Canada, the baron de Kalb, which will become his/her friend. This one presents it to Silas Deane, which, finding it too young, tries to dissuade it to conclude its project.

The departure

The news of the disasters wiped by the Americans in front of New York, with White Lime pits and the New Jersey confirmed it in its resolution. A ship, baptized the Victoire by Fayette, was bought and armed for forwarding. It is the secretary of the count de Broglie, Augustin Martin of Boismartin (" small Dubois") who advanced the sum, because Fayette, still minor, could not have its fortune freely and disguised its preparations by going on a journey to London. Its intention was however revealed at the Court and its family irritated itself against him. Defense was made to him pass in America, and, to ensure the execution of this kind, one launched against him a Lettre de cachet. It left nevertheless Paris with an officer named Mauroy, and, especially, with the baron de Kalb, subordinated of the count de Broglie, who was going to be used to him as mentor. Disguised in mail, it went up on its building to Pasajes, in Spain and put at the veil the April 26th 1777, facing the prohibition of the king. It had on its board several officers of which the knight Charles-François of Buysson which told their crossing and their arrival in America in memories addressed to the count de Broglie.

The army of the United States of America

After seven weeks of a hazardous crossing, it arrived at Georgetown in the Caroline. It bought horses and, provided with the letters of introduction of Deane, it went to Philadelphia, seat of the government of the colonies. It offers its services to the Congress while declaring: “ It is per hour of the danger that I wish to share your fortune ”, and: “ I want to obtain to you only one favor, that to beat me like a private, volunteer and without balance ”.

It is incorporated, not without difficulty, in the army of the the United States, with the rank of general Major, the July 31st, in consideration of the illustration and alliances of its family.

Fayette assisted, the September 11th, with the Bataille of Brandywine, where still going as a simple volunteer with the head of a brigade, it accepted a ball with the leg while seeking to rejoin the runaways. It spent six weeks at the Moravian Frères to Bethlehem, dreaming in this retirement thousand means of attack or diversion against the English, writing on this subject with the French ministry of the letters which one still did not answer, and making groan good Brothers transport of his quarrelsome frenzy.

Towards the end of November, Fayette attacked, under the control of the Greene, the English camp of Gloucester, opposite Philadelphia, and forced it to be folded up. This light advantage made him give the command of the Virginia NS, to replace Stephen.

However the situation of the insurrectionists became increasingly critical. The army of Philadelphia, reduced to five thousand men and weakened by desertions day laborers, missed of all. The congress itself was delivered to deplorable divisions. One highly spoke to deposit Washington, because it had been unhappy, and to replace it by the general Gates. Finally this storm was calmed, and Fayette was charged, in January 1778, of the command of a forwarding intended to act in the Canada; but this forwarding, stripped of sufficient means of action, did not have any continuation, and the intrepid volunteer was recalled to spring with Valley Forge, where Washington had taken its winter quarter. Fayette employed this time to actively assist the negotiations open between the French ministry and Deane, Arthur Lee, illustrates John Adams and it Franklin, which, by the intelligence and the activity of its steps, conquered second half of its currency, if known.

These negotiations determined a first sending of the government of Louis XVI, which was composed of twelve ship of the lines and six frigates, under the command of the count d' Estaing. Fayette took part in all the combat which the army of Washington delivered, and in particular with those of Barren Hill and Monmouth, where its presence of mind and its courage preserved the body which it ordered of imminent dangers. Its control in this last business was worth the right congratulations of the congress to him. However noises of war between France and Great Britain started to be spread.

The return in France

In 1779, its role military is stopped by one 6 months period when George Washington the missionne to convince the king of France to send a true task force. Fayette asked for the Congress the authorization of turn over to France, either to be used in a more effective way for the Court the American cause, or to take again service in its country if the war became continental. It was retained with Fishkill by a dangerous disease, during which Washington, which appreciated more and more the intelligence and the honesty of its contest, did not cease filling it testimonys of interest and affection.

At the end of three weeks, it embarked with Boston, on Alliance , the January 11th 1779, filled thanks and congratulations of the Congress. This crossing failed to become to him disastrous. A plot, which did not go to nothing less than to deliver it to the English, him and the principal officers of the crew, was discovered one hour before the moment marked for its execution. Fayette made put at guilty thirty-three irons, and the order was restored.

The arrival of Fayette at the court of France in February 1779 again drew to the situation of the Americans the attention of the government, more up to that point worried of intrigues and futilities that of policy and war.

Overcome by the authorities of his ministers, Mr. Necker except, Louis XVI had signed, one year front, the treaty by which France recognized the independence of the United States, by the fact alone of their separative declaration of the metropolis . This decisive pact opened a free field with its steps.

Fayette united its authorities with those of the American envoy John Laurens to obtain from the king a help as men and silver, and the news of the failure undergone by the count d' Estaing in front of Savannah was the last argument which decided the cabinet of Versailles to carry out in all its rigor the treaty of offensive and defensive alliance concluded with Franklin the February 6th 1778. Accommodated cordially, it receives the title of Colonel of cavalry.

Fayette was worried then means of execution. It made to include/understand with ministers that, if it did not order as a chief the task force, which would be surprising for the Americans, it were at least necessary to put at its head a French general who would agree to be useful only under the orders of the American general-in-chief.

The decisive return

No matter what the congress had prohibited to him to solicit France of the auxiliary troops, because of the jealousy which the foreigners with the American bodies inspired, Fayette predicting the need for new reinforcements, pressed the sending of the one second forwarding, and made choice, for point of unloading, Rhode Island, in an island given up by the English. This reinforcement, especially intended to raise the moral one of the insurrectionists, was composed mainly of officers, among whom one noticed the count de Rochambeau, the Baron de Vioménil, Mathieu Dumas, Duportail, since Minister for the war, Charles de Lameth, Berthier, since prince of Wagram. This simple reinforcement is converted soon into a forwarding of four thousand men, whose command was entrusted to the Rochambeau general.

The choice which under these conditions was made of the count de Rochambeau satisfied it fully. Fayette, before setting out again for America, accepted with the Havre, of the hands of the grandson the Franklin one, a sword of honor, that the congress had decreed to him in reward of its services.

It was charged to announce the departure of the task force, it embarked with Rochefort, the February 18th 1780, on the frigate the Hermione , that the king had given him as being very-good Voilière.

It returned on the Hermione to Boston, the April 28th 1780, to take again its station in the war of independence, preceding the helps as men, of effects and silver which it had obtained from the French government. The instructions given to Mr. of Fayette by the Foreign Minister carried that, to prevent very mistaken and any delay, it would place as well at Rhode-Island as at the course Henry, with the mouth of Chesapeak, a French officer charged to await the squadron, which was to land in one of these two points, and to give him all information for which it would need while arriving.

See also: Preparation of the French task force in the United States (1780), Arrived at the United States of the French task force of 1780

The French task force unloaded a few days after its arrival, and remained a long time in observation with Rhode-Island.

Fayette took the command of the avant-garde of the army, to which it made present of a flag where a gun with this inscription appeared: Ultima ratio (the word regum was removed). It was prepared to attack the traitor Arnold, in Philadelphia, when it accepted from the general in chief the order to help Virginia, threatened by the English. It receives then on request for Washington, with which it will maintain a durable friendship, command of the troops of Virginia.

Fayette, charged to operate in Virginia against forces four times higher of number, still sacrificed part of its fortune to maintain its soldiers under its orders, and, uniting prudence with courage, it knew, by sudden forced marches and returns, so much to tire Cornwallis and to badger its troops, that the English general, after having scorned his youth, was forced to fear his skill.

See also: Franco-American Countryside in the United States (at the beginning of 1781), Franco-American Countryside in the United States (August-September 1781)

The count de Grasse, which had dropped anchor in the Baie of Chesapeak, with powerful reinforcements, could advance without obstacle and cut the retirement to Lord Cornwallis, on the side of the sea. After having held in failure during several weeks all the British forces, Fayette operated, the September 13rd 1781, its junction with Washington, which brought with him the body of Rochambeau and the division of Lincoln.

It takes part in 1781 in the decisive battle of Yorktown, which leads to the capitulation of Cornwallis following an attack to which Fayette took a glorious share. This announced advantage put an end to the war, by involving the fall of the English ministry.

Fayette accepted the last instructions of the congress, and lives again, at the end of twenty-eight days of crossing, France, where accommodated universal congratulations. The marshal of Ségur, Minister for the war, sent to the young hero a patent of Brigadier, carrying the date of the October 19th, day of the capitulation of Yorktown. Fayette went then to Madrid, in order to pacify a remainder of disagreement between the Spain and America.

II was accommodated by Charles III with courtesy, but with distrust. As one spoke in front of him to entrust with Fayette the government Jamaica II gave soon to the veil for the United States, where its voyage was a true triumph. It moved away for the third time from this American ground, on which it was not to bring back any more but one old age furrowed by the stormy contact of the revolutions.

Return in Europe

Germany

Before returning to Paris, he traversed the Germany, where the emperor, large the Frederic of Prussia and prince Henri, his brother, treated it with benevolence, in spite of the frankness which he put to expose on any occasion his maxims of independence and freedom. However old king de Prusse, who had penetrated it, says to him one day while smiling: “I knew an young man who, after having visited regions or reigned freedom and the equality, wanted to establish all that in its country. Do you know what arrived to him? - Not, lord. - Sir, it was hung. ” By leaving Germany, Fayette stopped some time in the South of France, in the intention preparing there the emancipation of the Protesting S, which, since the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, had not returned in the pleasure of their civil laws.

Paris

It was the first test which it tried of the application of the theories of American independence to the French company. The intention of Fayette was to be sharp with the reforms which he contemplated. Fayette came to Paris in the last days from 1785. Its return excited an enthusiasm carried until is delirious.

Guyana

The gradual emancipation of the slaves was one of its favorite Utopias. Eager to call with its help a beginning of experiment, it bought a considerable plantation in the French Guiana, and devoted itself to it to various tests, which the events of the French revolution stopped. It caused, in 1786, the formation of a committee charged to discuss abolition of the monopoly with the tobaccos, and it pled there with heat the cause of the American trade, that this monopoly struck of a damage of almost thirty million. The efforts happier than it deployed in favor of this nation, during the negotiation of the treaty which France concludes with her, caused of its share of new testimonys of recognition, by tightening the bonds of friendship which linked it with its glorious liberator. The correspondence established between these two so plain men of intentions, if different of character, ended only with dead of Washington, which took place the December 14th 1799.

Parliament of the notable ones

Fayette was included/understood in the first Assemblée of notable the, joined together with Versailles in February 1787, and belonged to the office chaired by the count d' Artois. It greedily seizes this occasion to produce some of the reforms which it had contemplated, made vote the suppression of the Gabelle and the setting in freedom of the people held at the time of this tax, claimed the abolition of the lettre de cachets and the prisons of State, and the revision of the criminal laws. He formulated even the wish of a convocation of the general states, like the only effective remedy for the evils of the situation; but this wish remained without echo. It made the Motion express (word pronounced for the first time) of the convocation of the nation represented by its agents.

The French revolution

Spokesperson of the liberal aristocracy, appointed of the nobility of Auvergne to the General states, member of the Company of the friends of the Blacks and freemason, it dreams to appear, him, the “hero of the freedom of the two worlds”, like French Washington.

1789

State-Generals of 1789

Initially favorable to the Revolution, Fayette belonged to the General states like deputy of the nobility of Auvergne. It does not fulfill any role in these first engagements, where almost only the great figure of Mirabeau dominates. II supported the motion of Mirabeau on the distance of the troops, and presents a declaration plan of the Human rights to the constituent Assembly, made issue the responsibility for the ministers, the establishment of a civic guard, and he was elected by it commander.

Human rights

Two days after the report/ratio of Mounier on the French constitution, the July 11th 1789, it inaugurated its parliamentary career by the presentation of the project of Déclaration of the human rights and the citizen, that the assembly later at the head registered two years her constitution. This project, borrowed from the Declaration of independence of the United States of America, was the first direct monument of this spirit of assimilation between two so various people of origin, situation and character. The Declaration of the rights constituted a true body of revolutionary jurisprudence.

National guard

The National guard was born under the pressure from the disorders which ensanglantèrent Paris in the days of the 12 and July 15th, and composed of forty-eight thousand citizens, recorded in one day, the national guard unanimously elected for chief Fayette itself, at the moment when, as vice-president of the assembly, it came to congratulate the voters on Paris, joined together with the town hall, of the conquest of the Bastille. The Viscount of Noailles, his brother-in-law, was to him assistant in the capacity as general major, and one tore off Bailly with his studies to raise it at the perilous post of mayor of the capital.

Tricolor rosette

Its following act as ordering national guard was to make demolish the Bastille (July 16th). The July 26th, it had to the voters of Paris the new national colors, the tricolor Cocarde

Fayette saved by its firmness the life with a great number of people whom threatened the popular furies, and contained the faction of Orleans, which aspired to reorganize the old French guards. But it could not prevent the massacre of Foulon and Berthier, and this testimony of its impotence carried it to dislocate command of which it was covered; unanimous acclamations had just recalled it to its functions, when the events of the October 5th and 6th occurred.

Days of the October 5th and 6th 1789

At the time of the Days of the October 5th and 6th 1789, where the Parisian ones go up to Versailles to require bread of Louis XVI, the National guard is late, initially leaving the king vis-a-vis the people. Responsible for the safety of the castle, it will be unable to prevent its fatal invasion.

The 6, it saved in Versailles the royal family, and brought back it to Paris where the constituent Assembly was also established. II asked the English jury, the civil laws of the coloured men, the suppression of the monastic orders, the abolition of the hereditary nobility, the equality of the citizens.

1790

The insurrection is holiest of the duties

The first days of 1790 were marked by the arrest and the torment of the marquis de Favras, shown of a plot Contre-révolutionnaire with the participation of Sir, brother of the king. The speech that this prince pronounced with the town hall, to repudiate its honest and unfortunate agent, excited the indignation of Fayette, which had extremely exaggerated the importance of this business, and became between these two characters the source of an enmity which had as a term only death.

It was in these tumultuous economic situations that the assembly had to discuss the law on the assemblies, and in this discussion. that Fayette made hear with the platform a sentence become famous: “ For the revolution, one needed disorders, because the old order, was only constraint, and, in this case, the INSURRECTI0N the HOLIEST EAST OF the DUTIES; but for the constitution, it is necessary that the new order is strengthened, and that the laws are respected. ” It should be recognized, however, that Fayette, faithful, at least at that time, in the conditions of the principle which it had posed, did not cease showing the firmest adversary of anarchy. Its firmness disconcerted several seditions which could become fatal with public safety.

Club of Breaking into leaf

He got along with Bailly to found the Club of Breaking into leaf the, company intended to balance the influence of the Club of the Jacobins. When the assembly promulgated the Constitution of the clergy, Fayette, full with the American ideas on the practical equality of the religions, protected, in the interest even of freedom, the worship not sworn in, and this worship was constantly of use in its own family. Lastly, he proposed to the king the recall his bodyguards, bachelors after the events of October; but the queen opposed fear it of putting in danger the life of these faithful soldiers.

Federation celebrates

It dealt with the organization of the Fête of the Federation (July 14th 1790) which symbolizes the reconciliation of the king with the revolution. The general appeared with glare with the festival of the Federation, with the head of a delegation of eighteen thousand national guards, surrounded by a many staff and assembled on the white horse which was useful to him usually in these solemnities, it supported with much zeal the acclamations addressed to the king, and whose heat revived in all the friends of the order and of the throne of the hopes which were too promptly to disappear.

The return of the duke of Orleans became the signal of the first hostilities of the party Jacobin to the constitutional ones and Fayette, that the popular clubs and groups started to indicate name of traitor. The energy with which he decided for the repression of the caused disorders with Metz and Nancy by the revolt of three regiments of line which had driven out their officers, strengthened these provisions. Its popularity declined obviously. A new revolutionary episode noted this discredit.

1791

Disorders of at the beginning of 1791

The February 28th 1791, Fayette accepted opinions that many an assembly, led by Santerre, had gone on the Donjon of Vincennes, to make undoubtedly test with this castle the same fate as with the Bastille. Helped of some riders, it attacked the factious ones, which were folded up on the Faubourg Saint-Anthony, of which they disputed with eagerness the access to the body remained faithful. Fayette triumphed over their resistance and returned in Paris to the acclamations of all the friends of the law and order.

At the same moment, a scene of another nature occurred to the Château Tileries. The dangers of the royal family, obviously threatened by this seditious movement, had attracted there a certain number of royalists out of weapons. The hastened reception that made them the queen and Mrs Elisabeth excited the shade and the murmurs of the national guard, and Louis XVI, informed of these rumors, ordered with these gentlemen to deposit their weapons between its hands. They had obeyed with resignation, when Fayette arrived at the castle. It took with heat the party of the guard which it ordered; he suffered that this small number of faithful knights was in charge of threats and insults, and expelled, under his eyes, of the palate which they had come to defend. The following day, in an day order, the general commander fades “the zeal very precisely suspect which had carried some men to be dared to place itself between the national guard and the king” and added that “the king of the constitution did not have and wanted to be surrounded only of the soldiers of freedom”.

The Emigration

These shy persons cares were from now on impotent to save the royalty. Each day worsened the dangers which threatened it. The emigration, started as of on July 15th, 1789, was propagated with an alarming activity. Some spirits thought of calling the foreign intervention in the French inner struggles, and Louis XVI had secretly addressed, as of the December 3rd 1790, a report with the European cabinets to request the establishment of a continental congress intended to impose, by its only existence, with factious which entreated the ruin of the throne. These steps were actively assisted by the count d' Artois and by the many emigrants who had fled of imminent persecutions.

The last blow with the royal cause

Fayette served the order without zeal for the king. The death of Mirabeau carried the last blow to the royal cause.

The April 18th, Louis XVI, who had announced highly the intention to go to fill in Saint-Cloud his religious duties, was prevented by it by a multitude assembled on the noise that this departure was only one beginning of escape. Fayette vainly ordered with the national guard to make circulation free: he was not obeyed; and the king, forced to return in his apartments, complained, without more effect, at the assembly, violence which had been made to him.

The escape and the arrest of the king

The general conceived then and carried out the project to dislocate command which he exerted. But its resolution bends one second time in front of the authorities and the protests of the militia citizen, and it had misfortune to be at its head, when the escape and the arrest of king (June 20th) worsened the responsibility for this command.

During the escape of the King and his family until Varennes (June 20th 1791), it spread the rumor which one had removed the royal family. This attempt of the king had been in no way had a presentiment of by Fayette, which reassured, independently of meticulous precautions, precise assertions of the king.

Popular aggravation was very sharp against Fayette, which one highly showed in complicity with the court; it only calmed per degrees these provisions menaçantes while advancing and without escort ahead of of the multitude, widespread on the Place of Strike. Mandé at the assembly, it was restricted to confirm the explanations which its aide-de-camp Gouvion had provided, with which keeps it castle was especially entrusted. However he secretly asked to the president Beauharnais and to the mayor of Paris if, in their opinion, the arrest of the king imported with the hello of the State; and, on their affirmative response, it dispatched an aide-de-camp on the road of Montmédy, supposing that this prince would seek to meet there in the body ordered by Bouillé.

When Louis XVI was descended to the Tuileries, Fayette was presented to him with tenderizing and respect. The effect of this unfruitful attempt was to make narrower the monitoring to which the royal family was submitted, and Fayette was, by its functions, the natural instrument of these severities.

In the middle of these rigors, Fayette did not contradict a remainder of monarchical feelings. It supported the motion of Barnave tending to maintain the authority royal with Louis XVI, and it added to this occasion that this prince was “the best of his family and the best of the sovereigns of Europe. ” Accused of tyranny towards the king by the marquis of Bouillé, his cousin, in a letter threatening at the assembly, it restricted himself to answer “that it was ready to pour his blood” for the established government.

The July 13rd, Lily of the valley of Nanthou, rapporteur of the open survey on the event of Varennes, concludes that this voyage did not have anything culprit, and that besides the king was protected by his constitutional inviolability. This peaceful conclusion was accommodated by a decree of the assembly which tore off sharp clamors with the party Jacobin, and it was decided that a petition having for object the carryforward of this decree would be carried Sunday with the Champ de Mars, where each citizen could sign it on the furnace bridge of the fatherland.

The episode of the Champ de Mars

He united with Bailly to prevent the meeting of the patriots to the Champ de Mars the July 17th 1791 to sign the petition relating to the royal capacity; but it could not succeed.

A considerable crowd meets with the place and the day indicated. Fayette was presented to it soon, with the tète of a detachment of the national guard; it reversed some barricades and essuya a blow of fire which did not reach it. Two invalids, that an imprudent curiosity had attracted under the furnace bridge were seized, involved with the Comité of the Large-Stone and were cut the throat of by the people. Invited by the National Assembly to provide for repression with these disorders, Bailly went to the Champ de Mars, accompanied by several municipal officers and a many escort of the national guard.

It made deploy the red flag and addressed the legal summations to the factious one, which answered only by one hail of stones. The general made draw some blows in the air; but this demonstration having done nothing but enhardir the disturbers, it ordered fire. A hundred of these exaggerated fell dead or wounded; some officers wanted to employ artillery; it was opposed with force and pushed even resolutely its horse to it in front of the mouth of the guns.

The martial Loi was proclaimed, blood ran, and this day was worth in Bailly the scaffold at some time from there, and Fayette the loss of its popularity and its command.

Haï of the Court, the revolutionists doubt his patriotic sincerity. Marat launches out in a large press campaign against him. It calls it infamous Motier .

The constitution

The constitution, completed with haste, was sanctioned by the king the September 13rd. This solution caused a universal joy: the revolution seemed finished. Fayette supported and made issue the proposal for a general amnesty. It was its last vote at the constituent assembly. Deprived of the majority of oratories qualities, he had hardly exerted on this assembly but the species of ascending which derives from the personal regard and a constancy inébranlable in opinions conceived with heat and courageously defended. Its military command appeared to him finished by the acceptance of the constitutional act and the installation of the legislative assembly, and it made remove the use of general colonel of the national guard.

The resignation

The October 8th, it addressed to the militia citizen a letter of good-bye noblement formulated, and resigned its capacities between the hands of the general advice of the commune. Some remarkable homages honoured its retirement.

II withdrew itself at once in Chavaniac, from where a great number of voters thought later of pointing out it, to replace Bailly, in the difficult and perilous post of mayor of Paris. But Pétion, was named with a strong majority, and this choice advanced the defeat of the constitutional party quickly.

The revolutionary army

However the war became imminent on the borders of North and the East. In December 1791, three armies are made up on the face to push back the Autrichiens, and Fayette is placed at the head of the Armée with the Center then of the Armée with North. Three army corps, training approximately a hundred and fifty thousand men, were joined together there under the command of Luckner, Rochambeau and Fayette.

Fayette, which had been promoted a few months before (June 30th) with the rank of general lieutenant, is in charge of the command of the one of the three armies at the time of the First coalition. It left the December 25th for Metz, where it establishes its general headquarter. It introduced into the service of the useful improvements, it restores the discipline, imagined the system of the Tirailleur S, organized light artillery, created the body of the artillerists to foot, and organized that of the artillerists with horse

1792

The army of North

The war having been declared in early April, it entered immediately to shift and went, with twenty-five thousand men of very beautiful troops, on Right Bank of the Meuse, close to Givet, having its avant-garde with four miles from there, in wood beyond Philippeville. This last position was badly selected. The Austrians, who occupied Mons with higher forces, fell one morning to the improvist on this body from troops, composed of approximately three thousand men, and dispersed it before the general had had time to be informed of this engagement.

A few days after, Fayette went to give a another opinion in the fortified camp from Maubeuge, having still its avant-garde very far from him, in the wood of Malplaquet and of the Glisuelle. This avant-garde was still surprised by the same Austrian body, party of Mons to the favor of the night. The battalion of the volunteers of the Coast-with Or had to suffer much in this meeting, which cost the life to the general Gouvion, aide-de-camp and devoted friend of Fayette. The general occurred, restores the combat and forced the enemy to fold up himself in disorder on the road of Mons. But this weak advantage was hardly specific to balance the influence annoying that these two failures, though not very considerable in themselves, could exert on moral army at the beginning of a campaign.

Warned better, Fayette was cut off with Tesnières under Bavay in the intention to hold to with it in failure the Austrian general Clairfayt, which operated to meet in the enemy army, which camped under Tournai. But it was at once called with the command of the army of North, to replace Rochambeau, and carried its general headquarter to Cerfontaine, with Longwy, then with Sedan.

It beats the enemy with Florennes. Wanting to go Metz on Namur, he learns with Dining the defeat on the two bodies on Dillon and Biron, and hastens to operate his retirement.

The constitutional monarchy

However, the increasingly serious events of the interior of France drew all the attention of Fayette. Raised at the price of so many blood and sacrifices, the constitutional building collapsed quickly under the redoubled blows of the Jacobins and the of Gironde ones. Fayette supposed enough a remainder of popularity to hope that the exposure of its ideas on this alarming situation could produce a useful effect. Indicator who the life of the royal couple was, each day, increasingly threatened, it opposes the party Jacobin, with the intention to use his army to restore a Constitutional monarchy.

The letter of June 16th, 1792

The June 16th, it wrote, of its camp of Maubeuge, a long letter at the legislative assembly, where it denounced with energy the faction jacobine as the obvious instigator of all the disorders whose good citizens had to groan. It then endeavoured to prevent any personal inculpation noblement while speaking, of itself, its intervention in the war of Independence, of its zeal to defend the freedom and the sovereignty of the people and recalled the Déclaration of the rights , of which he had been the promoter. He entreated, while finishing, the assembly to restore the civil equality and the religious liberty on their true bases; to make respect the integrity of the royal capacity, and to destroy the mode of the organizer of the clubs and the secret societies. The reading of this letter, whose Fayette had addressed a copy to the king, excited in the assembly a sharp rumor.

The right-sided only applauds it and made some issue the impression. The of Gironde ones, by the body of Vergniaud and Guadet, endeavoured to alarm their colleagues on the dangers which to freedom similar remonstrances, addressed at an assembly deliberating by a military chief made run, and affected hypocritical doubts on the authenticity of its signature; they asked that the letter was returned to a committee, so that the assembly could avenge the general for the coward who had dared to cover himself with his name. This proposal was adopted, and some voices claimed without success the sending of this proclamation at the departments. But, few days after, seventy-five departmental administrations adhered formally to the considerations developed by the general.

This letter was badly accepted majority. Fayette learned from it the bad impression at the same time as the day of the June 20th. It cannot go on Paris, its army stationed with Bridge-on-Sambre refuses to follow it, in particular thanks to the opposition of Gobert.

The day of June 20th, 1792

At the time of this June 20th, 1792, other revolutionary Day , with the Louvre, the National guard is absent, letting the people approach the king one-to-one

Several friends of Fayette, and in particular Dupont de Nemours, mandèrent to him that this day had produced in the public a rather sharp feeling of reaction so that its presence with Paris could print a decisive impulse to him. Fayette did not hesitate.

timorés opinions of Luckner, Fayette left its army at once, and the 28 it was with known.

In continuation of a last review the following day, in the presence of the king, and in which Fayette tried vainly to return some energy to the citizens, the general moved away despair his army and was burned in effigy in the streets of Paris.

The charge

While the Jacobins caused to him with the army thousand annoyances of detail, they refused to him reinforcements which it needed, intercepted or denatured its dispatches, circumscribed sound command, and called Luckner, exclusively with him, the federation of July 14th, its enemies, on another side, did not remain inactive. It ran out little of days that it was denounced with the bar of the assembly by some section of the capital, like a citizen rebel, like another Cromwell, which aspired to substitute the military despotism for the mode legal and to reverse the constitution by the constitution itself. These denunciations met imposing supports in appoint Vergniaud and Delaunay, which pronounced one and the other of long discourses on the dangers of the fatherland.

These vague inculpations became complicated of an incident which, more skilfully combined, had been able to become fatal with Fayette. However, in the meeting of the August 6th, Jean Debry, body of the Commission to which had been submitted the test driving of the general, concludes with his committal for trial; but this proposal, supported by Brissot, and fought with heat by Vincent-Marie Viénot de Vaublanc and of Quatremère de Quincy, was pushed back in the majority of 406 votes against 224. This decision failed to be expensive to the deputies who had caused it. With leaving the meeting they were attacked, struck, death threats, and last their safety only with the protection of the national guard. According to Hippolyte Taine: “As for the principal defender of Fayette, Mr. de Vaublanc, attacked three times, it had the precaution not to return at his place; but of furious invest its house while shouting that “eighty citizens must perish with their hand, and him it first”; twelve men go up to his apartment, excavate there everywhere start again the searching in the close houses, and, not being able the empoigner even, seeks its family to him; it is informed that if it returns in its residence, it will be massacred”.

Galiot Mandat of Grancey replaces it with the head of the National guard. But, the August 10th, it is massacred and Fayette relieved and issued charge. With the news of the August 10th 1792, first aid of Fayette was to go to the directory of the department the Ardennes, the constitutional body more close to him; he declared his refusal to him to recognize the new government, and an assembly obviously oppressed by the faction which dominated in Paris.

He then addressed to the troops an energetic proclamation, and tried to organize, between several departments of the East, a federation in the object to resist to the Jacobins; but the duke of Brunswick having, in this moment even, begun its invasion of France, this company could not have any continuation, Fayette was restricted to make stop three police chiefs sent to his army by the assembly. These raised shields had been able to determine a salutary impulse, if his/her comrades in arms had assisted it: but Rochambeau had been dislocated of its command, Luckner weakens; the general Biron, friend of the duke of Orleans, supported the Jacobins, and Dillon treated with Dumouriez, instead of punishing its disobedience to the orders of Luckner, which had mandé to him to come to join it. These successive defections returned the situation of extremely critical Fayette.

Traitor with the nation

The August 19th 1792, it is declared treacherous with the nation. The assembly, in her meeting of August 19th, had issued it charge, and the directory of Sedan had ordered its arrest. It had one moment the thought to go to present itself in person to its indicters; but this step appeared as sterile to him as dangerous. Reduced by the inferiority and the abandonment of its troops to the impotence to attack the enemy with advantage, he thought of seeking an asylum in foreign country.

After some precautions intended to ensure the safety of its army, it left Sedan secretly, in the night of the August 19th, with César de Latour-Maubourg, Alexandre de Lameth, Bureau of Pusy and some other officers, and moved towards the Forêt of the Ardennes, under pretext of make a recognition. He wanted to then pass in neutral country, obliged to take refuge with Liege.

Captivity and the exile

Captured

Bureau of Pusy was appointed with Rochefort to require the passage “ in favor of officers forced to leave the French Army ” what was granted. But, at its entry in Rochefort, Fayette was recognized and constrained to name itself. Informed of this unhoped-for capture, the Austrian field-marshal Moitelle, which ordered from Namur, there made bring the fugitive ones under good escort, and one warned Fayette that the prince Charles of Lorraine was going to come from Brussels to consult it on the interior state of the France. The general, Lameth, Latour-Maubourg and Bureau of Pusy were led to the Château of Luxembourg. Before its departure, Fayette dictated with Romeuf, its aide-de-camp, a declaration intended to be made public if he would succumb in his captivity: energetic declaration and even threatening for the absolute governments

Captivity

Few days after, the prisoners were given by the Austria to the Prussia, and transferred in the citadel from Wezel, in spite of the interventions of his wife and the the United States. Fayette fell dangerously sick. It was transferred to Magdeburg, where it spent one year in an underground and wet apartment, ridges some with the most inhuman monitoring, and reduced to resort to a toothpick soaked in soot watered to correspond secretly with some friends.

Transferred to Neisse, in Silesia, it was treated there a little less rigorously. Lastly, in May 1795, in consequence of the peace treaty concluded between France and Prussia, Fayette, Offices of Pusy and Latour-Maubourg were returned to the Austrians and conduits in the fortress of Olomouc in Moravie, where they were separate and private of any communication with the outside, and where it undergoes all tortures during five years.

While Fayette essuyait all thus the anguishes of the hardest captivity, the faction which dominated in France did not omit any persecution suitable to be avenged for a retirement which had concealed its head with the scaffold

Terror in France

Madam of Fayette, stopped in her ground in September 1792 was slackened by the order of Brissot, with which it had complained about this act of rigor, but was consigned in her castle of Chavaniac, then imprisoned again in 1794 initially in Brioude and transferred on Paris (order of May 27th, 1794), and definitively recovered freedom only in the month January 21st, 1795, after having seen perishing on the revolutionary scaffold the marshal's wife de Noailles, her grandmother, the duchess of Ayen, her mother, and the viscountess de Noailles, her sister. This woman makes a success of, after thousand difficulties, to go to Vienna, where it obtained to share, with his/her two daughters, the captivity of her husband, in the fortress of Olmutz. She remained until the release of her husband in spite of very serious troubles of health.

Escape bid

It was the first softening which the fate of the general had still tested. But it worsened soon the weight of its detention by an unfruitful attempt at escape undertaken in October 1794, in.liaison.with Doctor Boliemanu, and a young American named Huger, which had devoted themselves to its interests. Faculty to walk around the citadel was pitilessly withdrawn to him, like with the two other prisoners. The character of Fayette was not contradicted in front of these long and painful tests. Only one concern dominates in all the reports/ratios which it could maintain with the outside, that of the wrong that with the cause of freedom persecutions will be able to make that it suffered within its fatherland. It applies to this end, with a pious solicitude, to attenuate its own objections; he does not want that the offense of an obscure citizen harms the success of a whole principle. He preserves, without ostentation, bitterness, under the bolts of Olmutz, the intrepidity of his political faith and his devotion to the interests of freedom. A painful circumstance had however disturbed this faith strengthened so well.

The hour of the delivery

However the hour of the delivery approached. The countryside of 1796 had been just achieved, and the preliminaries of Léoben had been followed from there. Napoleon Bonaparte and Clarke, treating in the name of the French Republic, had insisted for the setting in freedom of the three prisoners like one of the conditions of the peace of the Traité of Campo-Formio (September 19th 1797), in the condition which they could not return, as for present, on the French territory. The Directoire however prohibits to him to return to France. After five months of talks, Fayette and its two companions of captivity were free, under their simple promise to leave in twelve days the States of the emperor. Arrived at Hamburg, their first aid was to thank the Bonaparte general for the miracle of their resurrection.

Relations with Napoleon

Fayette passed then in Holland, where it was well accommodated, and some time was fixed at Utrecht, épiant impatiently the occasion to return to France, where a powerful party, having with its tète the ex component Sieyès, was agitated in its favor. ; It was there that he learned the unloading from Napoleon Bonaparte, with the port of Fréjus, from where its walk in Paris had been only one triumphal race. Fayette wrote in Bonaparte to compliment it on its return; but this step, probably interested, did not bring any result. Its relations with Napoleon are complex. Thus it expresses in writing its gratitude for its release to him and it also congratulates it at the time of its return of Egypt. But Napoleon, without never to have met it, is hostile for him and prohibits to him to settle with Paris.

The return in France

The Brie

Lastly, in 1800, tired of the role of outlaw, the general manda with the First Consul that the prolongation of its exile was appropriate neither for the government, nor with itself, and that it arrived at Paris. This unforeseen return caused with the Head of the State a mood which it could not dissimulate. One noticed the assignment with which, in the praise of Washington, which Fontanes at that time pronounced by its order, the speaker omitted until the name of his auxiliary brilliance.

However Fayette was withdrawn in its Château of Lagrange to Courpalay, (Seine-et-Marne), in a property of his wife whom he had inherited his mother-in-law, and this act of prudence gradually calmed the ombrageuses provisions of the first Consul.

Fayette binds friendship with Joseph Bonaparte and initially is seen granting some favors. It is striped list of the emigrants, receives a retirement of 6 000 francs while his/her son, Georges Washington of Fayette becomes officer in a regiment of hussards. It obtained for his son a rank in the army and for him the title of member of the general advice of the Haute-Loire, with the maximum of the retirement pension of its rank.

Napoleon

Finally Napoleon and Fayette meet, via Lebrun, shortly after the Bataille Marengo. Fayette refused the dignity of senator who was offered to him by Talleyrand and Cabanis, by adding that the shortly after his promotion he would see himself obliged to denounce the first Consul and his administration. he refused also the legation of the United States, looking at himself, says he, like too American playing the part from abroad there.

Although a little wounded these successive negations, the winner of Marengo had shown with Fayette of the opening and simplicity. During the rotation of the Consulate to life, Fayette declared that it would not approve it as much as public freedom would not be guaranteed, and it developed this opinion in a letter from which the frankness did not appear too much to displease to the Master of France; however, it was whereas the relations of these two men entirely ceased. The rupture intervenes in 1802 because Fayette is opposed under Consul with life of Napoleon in a written letter the May 20th.

Fayette protested with energy against the execution of the duke of Enghien. Fayette refuses, on several occasions, to enter to the Senate and does not hide its hostility with the mode.

Empire

The advent of the first Consul to the empire was for the austere democrat the subject of a life more withdrawn even. He abstained from any participation, even indirect, with the public affairs.

In 1804, it votes against the title of Emperor. As from this moment Fayette keeps away from the public life and is devoted to agriculture and the breeding in its briard field.

At the time of the institution of the Legion of honor, the emperor made him propose, by the count de Ségur, his relative, to be one of the dignitaries of the order; but Fayette refused this cord like ridiculous, and one did not return there any more. Its insulation ends up upsetting Napoleon, who supported with difficulty any position apart from his government; and, when, after the countryside of Ulm, Georges de Lafayette, only sons of the general, who was used as lieutenant as hussards, was proposed for a higher rank, the emperor himself pushed back this promotion with perseverance.

Increasing splendors of the empire completed to condemn Fayette to an absolute darkness. Its enemies supposed that it endured this situation with sorrow; as, a fall engraves as it made on the ice, at that time, having excited some interest, one claimed that the hero of the two worlds had been able only this to make speak about him. One highly requested it then to visit the America, this theater of his first exploits; but it was defended some by the fear which the imperial government did not put obstacle at its return. This apprehension was not without base.

Napoleon, who did not lose sight of the fact it, said one day to the Council of State: “ Everyone in France is corrected, except Fayette: you see it quiet, eh well! I say to you, me, that it is ready to start again. ”

The rallying with the Bourbons

It adopts the Bourbons in 1814. With Fouché, it takes part in the forfeiture of the Emperor.

The general teaches us itself, in his Mémoires , which he revives with pleasure the pacificatory mode of the restoration, of which the princes, its contemporaries, had been his/her companions of childhood or youth. Yielding to the universal drive, it appeared with the Tuileries with the uniform of general officer and the white rosette, and it was well accommodated there.

This visit, however, was the only one that it returned to the brothers Louis XVI; the general spirit of the government, of the semi-official attacks directed against him, were not long in awaking its old resentments, and he abstained from reappearing with the castle. This retirement was a regrettable fault of the Bourbons; some regards without consequence had been enough to rejoin or neutralize that which became soon their more relentless and their more dangerous adversary. Fayette at that time had several conferences with the emperor of Russia, and this liberal sovereign of a despotic State openly complained with him little about liberalism about this dynasty that the bad faith, much more than the error, so often reproached him for having imposed on France.

The return of Napoleon

In spite of personal discredit that the royal family inspired with Fayette, he lives with fear, in March 1815, the return of Napoleon, who called in question this European peace bought to the price of so many sacrifices. Some royalists having come to ask to him whether the government of the Bourbons could, in the line of its opinions, to count on its devotion, he answered yes without hesitating: not doubting, he says, that with the favor of a well directed opposition, one could benefit better from Louis XVIII only of that which it for a long time looked at like the most frightening enemy of freedom.

In a meeting to which it was called, at Laine, to discuss the most suitable party with the circumstances, it seriously proposed to put the duke of Orleans at the head of the troops, and to bring together all the surviving members of the National Assemblies since 1789, in order to oppose a great moral fiber to the material power of Bonaparte. This opinion, as one thinks, remained without echo.

Fayette remained three days in Paris, like making parade of personal safety, then it went to be buried, in its castle of the Barn. Napoleon had returned to Tileries without blow to férir. A republican less austere and not involved than Fayette, Benjamin Constant, than had recently announced the heat of his hostility to the imperial mode, had just agreed the title to advise State.

End of the First Empire

However he promised to contribute to push back the foreigners and the Bourbons, by putting at his services the same condition that he had imposed on the Bourbons themselves, namely: the meeting of a room of representatives freely convened and largely elected.

It is encouraged to reconsider the front of the political scene; called with the presidency of the electoral college of Seine-et-Marne, then with the delegation of this department at the time of the Hundred Days. He saw reopening himself for him, after twenty-three years of interruption, the parliamentary career, in the economic situations most favorable to his theories of opposition and democracy.

An imposing contest of votes raised it with the vice-presidency of the room of the representatives, and it formed part, in this quality, of the delegation charged to receive Napoleon with the palate of the room, when it in person opened his short session. Fayette so to speak did not take any share with the debates of the Chambre of the Hundred Days. : it seemed to be reserved entire for higher circumstances. The Bataille of Waterloo burst like a love at first sight on the capital and whole France.

Napoleon reappeared, and thousand noises of dissolution and military dictatorship agitated the spirits. It was whereas Fayette went up to the platform (June 21st) to raise, says it: afterwards many years, a voice which friendly truths of freedom would recognize. This energetic motion, which was accommodated, was less inopportune than unconstitutional. Fayette was not, on this occasion, that the instrument of an intrigue skilfully warped by Fouché, which, despairing of the success of its secret wishes in favor of the duke of Orleans, accepted the elder branch of the Bourbons like a makeshift.

Napoleon agree with sorrow to let go his ministers to the room, and associated Lucien Bonaparte to them, which defended with much vehemence the interests of his/her brother. This speaker, in the heat of the improvisation, having spoken about the lightness of the French, Fayette answered that this charge was libelous, and that if the nation had not followed Napoleon in sands of Egypt, in the deserts of the Russia, and on fifty battle fields, the country would not have three million French to regret. The next morning, it made warn the emperor that, if it did not decide to abdicate, itself was going to propose its forfeiture. Napoleon abdicated, the rooms proclaimed Napoleon II, and the commission of government, on the proposal of Fouché which chaired it, appointed with the allied sovereigns of plenipotentiary charged to stop their walk on Paris, and to treat peace in the name of France.

Fayette and Voyer d' Argenson belonged to this delegation whose apparent object was to divert the foreign powers of the project to restore the Bourbons on the throne of France. But this frivolous embassy did not have an other goal, actually, only to amuse impatience revolutionary party, and to move away an agitator suitable to oppose the projects of restoration to which Fouché had been devoted. The plenipotentiary ones moved on Mannheim, then on Haguenau; but they could not be allowed near the emperor Alexandre of Russia, whose Fayette requested an audience vainly, and their negotiations were limited to some conferences without results with police chiefs appointed by this prince and the other united sovereigns. It was in one of these talks which the English police chief having made hear that France would obtain peace only by delivering Napoleon to the united powers Napoleon, cut down, inspired with this great heart sympathy that Fayette had constantly refused with its high fortune. It made offer to its former liberator the means of ensuring his passage the United States; but the ex-emperor, who had to the tomb the memory of his last aggression, preferred to entrust to British generosity.

Second restoration

The return of the Bourbons, could not be seen with favor by that which had just pushed back them. The mission of Haguënau had broken without return the weak reports/ratios which had been established during the First Restoration between the court and Fayette. It was compromised too much not to be not irreconcilable.

The general passed in an absolute retirement the first three years of the restoration of 1815, period of incriminations and violences, where the outraged enthusiasm of the royalist reaction had with difficulty allowed a political position the former promoter of the Declaration of the rights. To November 1818, the electoral college of the the Sarthe sent it to the room, and it took, with the extreme left, the place which it did not cease any more occupying until the revolution of 1830.

Deputy

He voted against the proposal Barthélémy, which tended to amend the electoral law of 1817 and was shown, as of the beginning, penetrated of the same doctrines that he had professed all his life. Full with the idea that the government of the Bourbons went, sometimes openly, sometimes by diverted ways, with the destruction of freedoms with which their return had equipped France, one always saw it in the forefront of the adversaries of the capacity, badgering the ministers with his energetic provocations, fighting unceasingly against the imperceptible of the counter-revolution, encouraging phantom without slackening, the top of the platform, the people close with resistance against the alleged oppressors to their rights.

Its principal speeches were those which he pronounced, in on the petition for the recall of the outlaws and on the budget of this year; in 1820, to request the reorganization of the national guard, on the maintenance of the law of election, on the relative bills with individual freedom, the censure and the elections. The revolutions Spanish and Neapolitan, to which its encouragements had had only too departure, had just failed in consequence of measurements taken in concert between the allied sovereigns. This impotence united with the increasingly sharp resentment of the general against the men and the system of the restoration, explains the resolution which precipitated it in the plots. Itself, in a feeling of uprightness, had taken care to declare with the platform which it looked at as untied of its oaths by the violations that had, according to him, tested the constitutional charter.

The way of the conspiracy

At his place, the monarchical faith was primarily subordinated to the respect of the government for the rights of the people, heard in their meaning, most unlimited. Any act apart from this frightening circle seemed to him a species of sacrilege which it was not made any scruple answer by the insurrection. Time raised only slowly the veil which covered these mysterious associations, and Fayette itself was shown extremely discrete, in its Mémoires , to the exact measure of its participation.

The first conspiracy in which its name was interfered a serious manner was it military plot of August 1820, where several declarations indicated it like one of the chiefs movement. These revelations appeared insufficient, however, to authorize a legal action. In the lawsuit brought in March in Goyet and with Sauquaire-Underlined, prevented attack against the state security, Fayette appeared like witness, and the public ministry did not hesitate to allot to the encouragements consigned in its letters, which were produced with the audience, the dangerous drive which had placed the defendants under the hand of justice. One of these letters, addressed to young people of the Mans, then offered the characters of one provocation to the revolt. Sharply challenged this occasion by the president of the Court of Assizes proudly, Fayette answered which it persisted in opinions for which it was responsible only with the House of Commons.

The failure of these first plots against the restoration inspired soon with the spirit of faction the establishment of secret societies permanent, intended to stimulate and regularize these attempts, to bind them between them, and to mark times and the places where entreated could act effectively. Fayette entered most important of these associations and became about it soon the most influential member by the illustration attached to its political past, by the facility of its access, its docility to answer all the insurrectionary proposals and to encourage all the plots.

Spendthrift indeed of encouragements and hopes, the veteran of the insurrection did not commit himself in any company before having been calculating of them carefully the resources and the means of action, and, it took part in it only after having taken all the clean precautions, in the event of failure, to guarantee its personal safety. It gave up with the conspirators subordinates the batch of the aggression and the danger, being stated only with one extreme prudence to the attacks of a government stripped of strength and initiative, and whose policy secretly spared in Fayette a principle of strength and counterweight to the heats of the ultraroyalists.

Charbonnery

It was under the auspices of the Charbonnerie to which it adheres in 1821 that was formed, in the town of Belfort, a vast plot of which entreated fixed the execution at the first days of 1822. The general was to leave Paris to put himself at their head. Particular circumstances carried it to differ its twenty-four hours departure. It is with this delay that it had not to be not surprised in red-handed of conspiracy. Informed, with little distance from the town of Lure, the abortion of the plot, the general and his son could change road immediately, descend the valley from the the Saone and go to Gray, from where they regained Paris precipitately. Their car, which could be used as testimony of their presence, was removed by the care of Misters Kœchlin, which made it transport beyond the the Rhine, where one reduced it in ashes. Remained available for other plots, Fayette was soon announced by precise declarations like one of the instigators of the seditious movement undertaken on Saumur by the general Berton in February 1822, and which had failed by the treason of the Woelfel warrant officer. A magistrate burning, but honest, the public prosecutor Mangin, touched agreement of these testimonys, did not fear to reproduce them in his bill of indictment. He presented like benches the relationships of Fayette with the principal ones entreated, and wrapped in the same inculpation several deputies of the opposition, inter alia the general Foy, Voyer d' Argenson and Benjamin Constant. This energetic proclamation raised () a violent storm within the room.

The Foy general repudiated, with a probably sincere heat, the complicity which was allotted to him, and supported that they infamies were the work of the ministry. Fayette went up to the platform in the middle of the tumult, and made hear some words which one can perhaps regard as the most daring provocation whose ever resounded a deliberating assembly One generally supposed that this provocation addressed to Louis XVIII itself, and that it had milked with some characteristic little known of the control of this prince towards the marquis de Favras. At all events, to slice this bright challenge, one needed with Fayette a quite major conscience of the power of its revelations or weakness of the government which it thus overpowered of the feeling of its impunity.

Nothing was the truer, indeed, than complicity of the general with entreated of Saumur. It is in the hotel even of Fayette, and its involved, that two of them Grandmenil and Baudrillet, had formed the plan and had concerted the political tendencies of the plot. These circumstances had been revealed with justice by Baudrillet; but an unqualifiable omission had made some disappear the importance. The proportions easily are appeared that such an event had given to the debates and the revelations of which it had become the source. The concern of the room concealed this incident to him, which was revealed only many years later.

When one month after, the debates of the lawsuit of Berton took place before the Court of Assizes of Poitiers, Mr. Mangin supported with force his first assertions, and made hear these words, which characterized only too accurately the relationships of Fayette with entreated: The plot of Berton was the last to which was mixed the name of Fayette, and the sales of the Carbonarisme ended themselves in 1823.

The war of Spain of 1823

During the expulsion of Manual, it was number of the sixty-four deputies who protested against this parliamentary act of violence. In a meeting of deputies of the opposition which took place at that time, it went as far as proposing to declare clearly by a proclamation with the people, which the tax had ceased being obligatory since this violation of the charter; but this extreme opinion was unanimously pushed back. The favorable exit of the war of Spain of 1823 had printed with the spirits a strong monarchical impulse, and this general provision, assisted by the active efforts of the ministry, drew aside from the House of Commons the majority of the chiefs of the opposition. Re-elected appointed in November 1822, with Meaux, Fayette was not re-elected and is beaten with the elections of 1823.

The voyage in America

It benefitted from this inaction forced to achieve a expensive wish in its heart: that to re-examine America, this theater of its glory the purest first and, and to visit these people which it had helped so strongly in the conquest of his independence. This company, opposed eighteen years before, was an implicit homage to the tolerance of the mode whose Fayette had not ceased conspiring the inversion. Informed of its desire, the American congress invited it with eagerness to carry it out, and placed at its disposal a vessel of the State. It turns over to America for a triumphal round in 182 towns of July 1824 to September 1825.

But the general left the Havre in June 1824, accompanied by his son and a secretary, on a simple building of trade. He unloaded the August 16th in the Baie of New York, where its reception presented a character of universality and amazing drive perhaps so far at any people. A squadron of nine steamships, elegantly pavoized and assembled by more than six thousand citizens of any age, any sex and any condition, was in station in the port. The vice-president of the United States and the former governor of the New Jersey received it on his board. Fayette went in the middle of an imposing procession, with the noise of the salvos of artillery and multiplied acclamations, with the town hall, where he was complimented by all the orders on the State.

The doors of this building were opened, and the person of the general, so to speak, was delivered during more than two hours to the worship of a multitude is delirious about it. A banquet many, the most flattering toasts, brilliant illuminations, finished this first triumphal day. Fayette visited successively the States of New York, of the Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Baltimore, Virginia, the Maryland, North Carolina and of South Carolina, of the Georgia, Alabama, stopped with Boston, Newburg, Hudson, Albany, Philadelphia, Baltimore; and everywhere it was accommodated with the same transports of enthusiasm, everywhere of the extraordinary homages were decreed with the host of the nation. The rural populations, says Mr. Levasseur, historian of this voyage, ran of more than twenty miles to the round ahead of of him. With Washington, seat of the congress, Fayette was accepted by the president Monroe, who gave him a splendid dinner, to which assisted all the foreign ministers, except those of France, England and Russia.

He visited with tenderizing and veneration, to Mount Vernon, the tomb of Washington, as well as the house and the garden of this large citizen, descended the Potomac, and stopped with Yorktown, theater of one of the most memorable actions of the war of Independence. The colonel Lewis, who it harangua with his unloading in this city, urged it in a pressing way to fix his stay in America the general made a short excursion among the Indian tribes with half savages of Uchee-Cruk and Line-Cruk, which accommodated it with a touching cordiality. Fayette visited Fayetteville, Charlestown, Savannah, where it posed the first stone of one monument to the memory of the general Greene; then, going up the the Mississippi, he traversed La Nouvelle-Orléans, to which the old French population testified a sharp eagerness to him.

He was presented the December 10th to the two rooms of the congress by their presidents, who addressed congratulations to him. Lastly, the December 20th, the congress unanimously adopted a bill by which a sum of two hundred and thousand dollars, with the property of a ground of twenty-four thousand acres in the most fertile part of the region, was offered to the general in reward of his services and allowance of the expenditure that it had made in the war of Independence. It receives from the American people 200 000 dollars and 12 000 ha in Florida. The Université Princeton decrees to him on this occasion a Doctorat honoris causa , allotted in 1790.

Fayette had the displeasure to find only one good small number of the officers who had fought with him for American freedom; but one presented several of the militiamans to him who had been useful under his orders, and he revives them with concerning interest.

Its stay in America was prolonged for fourteen months, which was only one walk hardly stopped in the twenty-four States of the Union, and a continual succession of honors, festivals and praises which he answered constantly with modesty and cordiality.

Charged by the family with Washington with sending the portrait of its famous Bolivar chief with , it united there a flattering letter for the liberator of the Colombia, which answered that Washington given by Fayette was most sublime of the rewards which ambitionner could a man. While going up, the Ohio, following a round in the provinces of south-west, the steamer which carried the general touched on a shelf and ran low, with a hundred and twenty-five miles approximately of Louisville, where it went; but this accident did not have any serious effect, and the general with his continuation was immediately accepted on board another building, on which it completed his crossing by Cincinnati, Pittsburg, Utica, Boston and New York. After having again remained during a few weeks in Washington, in the new president, Mr. Adams, Fayette was put in having to turn over in France. The September 7th 1825, it accepted the good-byes of the ministers, all the civil and military chiefs of the State, and a crowd of citizens brought together in the hotel of the president of the republic. Body of this imposing assembled, this magistrate, in an extended speech, recapitulated the life of Fayette, pointed out its devotion to the American cause, and firmness without deviation with which, during forty years, it had supported, in the middle of successes and of the reverses, the glorious cause of freedom. The general answered by a bright glorification of republican America; he exhorted the States with the harmony and with the union, separated for the last time from this ground, and, after a happy crossing on the frigate Brandywine , he took ground in Le Havre the October 5th 1825. The political aspect of France had favorably changed during its absence.

Fayette also benefitted from its stay in the USA to plead the cause of the Greece risen against the Ottoman Empire. With others philhellenes, it sought to push the USA to intervene in the Guerre of Greek independence.

Charles X

The advent of Charles X had appeared to extinguish or weaken the discords of the parties. The appearance of the famous report of Mr. de Montlosier abruptly put fine at the short truce that they had tacitly agreed. The dissolution of the National guard of Paris increased dissatisfaction by disarming the royal authority with the forces necessary to repress the effects of them, and the disorders of the street Saint-Denis revealed all the success which the genius of sedition could still promise of a call to popular passions.

It is in these circumstances that the voters of Meaux appointed Fayette with the room, in June 1827, to replace Mr. Pinteviller-Gernon.

New elections brought back on the benches of the opposition the majority of the former members whom the ministry had made draw aside from the septennial room, and Fayette still had by the district of Meaux to take part in this last fight against the restoration.

In a marked speech the June 23rd, on the budget of 1828, Fayette reproached the government its retrograde tendencies and pitilessly beat in breach the abuses which it had announced to various recoveries. The following year, in a speech on the additional appropriations, he denounced the the Holy Alliance like vast and powerful league of which the goal was to control and abrutir mankind, and raised by an allusion the ill-considered expressions by which Louis XVIII, in 1814, had thanked the prince regent for his contest.

It was, as it often arrives, by an extreme measurement that Charles X hoped to cross the difficulties of his situation.

Fayette, absent from Paris since the end of the session, had gone to spend a few days, after fourteen years of separation, in Chavaniac, place of its birth. It was with its passage to the Puy that he learned the advent from the ministry Polignac. A banquet was offered to him at once by the chiefs of the liberal opposition, Là resounded, in the toast shape energetic, the first popular protests against the new advisers of Charles X.

The voyage of the general took an exclusively political character consequently; the choice of the cities which it affected to cross and the extraordinary demonstrations of which it was the object there revealed the real goal of this round, obviously intended for will impose on the government by a parade threatening of the popular forces. Fayette visited successively Grenoble, Vizille, Voiron, Tour-du-Pin, Bourgouin, Vienna, and the September 5th it got under way for Lyon, where is delirious it revolutionary had prepared an almost royal reception with the patriarch of the French democracy.

Fayette made to its entry in Lyon in the presence of an innumerable contest spectators and accepted there delegations of the towns of Chalon and Saint-Etienne.

Of all shares, one prepared with resistance against the attempts liberticides of the ministry; associations were formed for the refusal of the tax, and of secret new businesses, organized with the manner of the carbonari of 1822, were established within the capital.

Fayette encouraged them highly, expressed even the opinion that the rooms were to refuse the budget until France had received a democratic organization, and direct with most seditious of these associations, known under the name of Conspiration Fayette contacted which had as a body the Platform of the departments . Famous Address of 221, by which the room denied its contest with a ministry whose system was still unknown for him, stimulated only too these disturbing provisions.

Fayette did not take any open share with the debates which preceded it. The leaders of the opposition were too skilful not to include/understand at which point the influence of its name and its doctrines had compromised the success of such a decisive fight.

This party did not prevail. An exaggerated feeling of the monarchical prerogative, a certain impatience, and, let us say it, certain dignity suitable for the character of Charles X, carried it, and the improvident monarch rained himself to tighten, by a pure and simple reference of the room of the 221, the narrow dead end in which the royal capacity was committed.

The Three Glorious ones

The fall of Charles X

The first impression that they excited was stupor; the absence of sizeable military forces encouraged resistance a succession of badly conceived provisions, mollement carried out, made soon take with the riot the character of a vast insurrection.

At the time of the revolution known as of the Glorious Three, in 1830, finding its popularity of the year 1789, it has its own partisans who push it to play a leading role. It runs of Lagrange to Paris and is adopted like a flag by the chiefs of the insurrection.

Fayette, absent during the promulgation of the ordinances, getting under way in the evening of the 26 and arrived at Paris in the middle of the night, without the government, in its incurie or in its respect badly heard for individual freedom, had thought of opposing this dangerous assistance. The general appeared the following day with the meeting of the deputies assembled at Mr. Audry de Puyraveau and with those which followed it; but, its attitude answered badly waiting of the leaders who started to direct it. It did not cease exhorting with calm and the inaction the turbulent youth which on several occasions requested its co-operation.

When the assembly had decided delegation sending to the duke of Raguse, with an aim of suspending the hostilities, Fayette insisted that it spoke with the marshal a severe language, and that one put under his responsibility all the blood which would be widespread.

With the meeting of the 28 at the evening, when it had taken all its development, the general, struck growing number of the victims, exclaimed with the majority of his colleagues, that it was necessary to direct the efforts of the people, to adopt his standard, and was declared ready to occupy the station that one would like to assign to him.

Fayette passed part of the night to stimulate and direct the popular activity: he visited several of the barricades which rose sure the various points of the capital, and his presence was greeted sharp acclamations. The unexpected abandonment of the Louvre got, in the morning of the 29 the victory to the people. An huge crowd and enthusiastic filled the streets. The provisional municipal Commission, of which the general had refused to form part, submitted to him the command of all the national guards of the kingdom

It was in these circumstances that, the 29 at the evening, two pars, Mr. de Sémonville and of Argdut, were presented, in the name of the king Charles X, at the municipal commission, and informed its members joined together revocation dice ordinances of the 28 and the call of a new ministry under the presidency duke of Mortemart. Fayette, mandé in the center of the commission, listened without anything to object the communication of the large chief clerk, and was restricted to ask to him whether the conquest of the Tricolor would not be at least the price of the victory of the Parisian people. Mr. de Sémonville answered évasivement, and one separated.

In the morning of the 30, Fayette, leaving an attitude of observation which was hardly in its character, made address to the bodies troops joined together around Saint-Cloud the daring summation to deposit the weapons. The duke of Mortemart, by particular reasons, not having been able to introduce itself to the meeting deputies the ordinances of revocation, this mission was filled by Mr. Collin with Sussy, which was listened without favor. II understood that the government in fact which sat at the town hall was the only court where the cause of Charles X and his dynasty could at this hour be still agitated with utility. Mr. Collin was allowed with sorrow at Fayette, which surrounded a procession threatening of deputy of the popular companies, national guards and workmen. Mr. de Sussy having testified the desire to be submitted to the municipal commission, Fayette itself put it in connection with Misters of Lobau, Mauguin and Audry de Puyraveau the reading of the ordinances excited new vociferations. It was in the middle of this popular hurricane that Fayette, made hear through a smile these simple words, which were to be a fatal stop By taking leave of the general, Mr. de Sussy vainly tried to draw aside it from the town hall, under pretext of a conference in Luxembourg with the duke of Mortemart; he answered that the delegate of the people could not have anything commun run with the envoy of monarchy déchue, and maintenance was finished.

Fayette highly rejected which was quoted to him to be the regent of Henri V, and the general Talon, one of the chiefs of the royal guard, having urged it to be explained on the effect of the ordinances of the 29, it answered the 31 by a ticket autograph.

The party Bonapartist, from time immemorial antipathetic with Fayette, had been agitated without any chance of success. Remained to choose between two caves governmental combinations the republic and the monarchy of the duke of Orleans. The call of this prince with the general lieutenancy of the kingdom, in the day of the July 30th, was a great step in the way of this solution; but it was important to decide Fayette, which had seen in this precipitated resolution only one purely provisional measure. These considerations, skilfully presented, overcame the instigations of the companies established with the town hall, and tipped definitively the scales in its favor. A fortuitous or prepared circumstance completed to fix the indecision of the general. Fayette, which had refused with a satisfying the presidency of the republic, renonça, temporarily at least, with its favorite Utopia.

The duke of Orleans

The 31, it receives a letter of Charles X which makes him the most tempting proposals. By distrust or conviction, and also perhaps because of its 73 years, he refuses, and answers: “II is not any more time”. The same day, it receives the duke of Orleans (Louis-Philippe Ier) to the Town hall of Paris, which comes to require its nomination of the natural referee of the outcome of the revolution.

It crossed the rooms of the town hall, and these provisions took another course only when the prince and the general linked themselves on the balcony of the hotel by an accodance which appeared to proclaim or consume the popular adoption. The following day, Fayette, submitting with wish expressed by several Members of the municipal Commission, went to the Palais Royal in the intention more or less acknowledged to have a presentiment of the future king of the French on his system of government. It begin with a praise from the American constitution, that the prince did not adopt without reserve, and that the general modified itself while restricting himself to ask “for a popular throne surrounded by republican institutions ”.

The duke of Orleans appeared to accept with eagerness this program, so famous since under the name of Programme of the town hall, and which defrayed during several months the illusions of the owner of the new monarchy. While the prince, by a skilful policy, thus adapted the fruits of a fight to which it had not contributed, Charles X, submitted to him on his side the title of general lieutenant and the crown in favor of its grandson abdicated.

These acts being remained without effect, the court appeared to lay out itself with a fight that the number and the devotion of the troops which surrounded it put it in a position to support with advantage. Police chiefs were dispatched with Rambouillet to exhort the king to be moved away. Their authorities having been vain, one obtained from the duke of Orleans the permission to cause this distance by a decisive demonstration. Fayette, which appeared to take on him all this demonstration, made beat the recall in Paris, and brings together five hundred men in each legion of the national guard to go on Rambouillet. In one moment all the capital was in rumor. It was formed with the Fields-Elysées a body of about ten thousand men, whose general Pajol took the command. It chooses for aide-de-camp Georges de Lafayette, wire of the general, and this troop, which is enlarged on the way from five to six thousand volunteers, arrived in the night around Rambouillet.

The departure of the royal family, determined by reports/ratios on the importance of this popular forwarding, prevented an engagement which, according to any appearance, had been fatal with the attackers. Fayette announced to the people of the capital, in an day order, this victory without combat. The room elected under Charles X opened, in early August, the discussion which gave up the principle of legitimacy. The Republican party, deeply irritated exit of the events, threatened to disturb it by disorders which the exhortations of Fayette succeeded in preventing. Itself took share there only to fight heredity of peerage and for launching against the aristocracy peerage-book some of these anathemas which were familiar for him. The August 7th, the two rooms carried to the duke of Orleans the resolution which submitted the crown to him. This prince, yielding to the popular acclamations, showed himself on the balcony of the Palais Royal, accompanied of Fayette, which he embraced arec overflowing. The general appeared deeply moved: “Here, he says to the people by showing him his new king, here is the prince that we needed; here what we could do of more republican! ” It is a question of knowing which name would take the new king.

Some of its advisers had imagined to call it Louis XIX or Philippe VII, so to attach it in a continuous way to the chain of the sovereigns of the third race. Fayette fought this so logical idea like implying a dangerous thought of legitimacy, and made prevail its opinion.

The orleanist cause

Fayette thus adopted itself the orleanist cause and supports Louis-Philippe, to which it gives the tricolor rosette.

National guard

Fayette finds the command of the National guard for a few months. During the first months of the reign of Louis-Philippe, the general appeared to be erased political scene to some extent to concentrate only in the reorganization of the national guard of the kingdom. He found for this favorite operation the zeal and the activity of his youths. Seventeen hundred and thousand national guards, equipped with artillery, accepted by its care a regular institution, it was faithful to its principles while returning to this militia citizen the election of its principal officers. Daily occupied receiving and with haranguer departmental delegations, Fayette did not aspire to any immediate influence on the direction of businesses of State, nor on the ministerial modifications which, in this first phase of new government, followed one another with speed.

The lawsuit of the ministers of Charles X

The guard plays a decisive part to maintain the calm one in Paris in December 1830, at the time of the Procès of the ministers of Charles X.

It supported the proposal of his friend, Mr. de Tracy, for the Abolition of the capital punishment, proposal which borrowed from the next judgment of the ministers of Charles X a generous opportunity. He denounced with energy the movement homicide which, in the current of October, had led a troop of disturbers around the keep of Vincennes, where they were held, movement to which the governor Daumesnil had opposed an energetic resistance.

The decision of this lawsuit, was for the establishment of the August 7th, one moment of frightening crisis. Under the cry of: Died with the ministers! the agitators disguised hardly the intention reversing the government which had gone the recipient of the revolution of July. The repeated exhortations of Fayette had inspired with the national guard only one dubious strength. The overflowing of one blood drops could deliver Paris and there whole France to incalculable disorders.

Fayette endeavoured without slackening to prevent this dreaded collision; it multiplied the precautions and the day orders, and made circulate of many patrols. However the Palais of Luxembourg was several times about to be forced by the assembled multitude. The December 21st, day of the debate closure, one gave the order to take back the prisoners with Vincennes, wise provision intended to withdraw them from popular aggravation, in the case envisaged of absence of a capital judgment. This order was carried out by the care of the count de Montalivet; Minister of Interior Department, which escorted show them with the danger of its life. Their removal produced a dissatisfaction of which the explosion threatened during several hours the Palais Royal.

Finally Fayette contributed, by the firmness of its provisions and its personal influence, to pacify this formidable conflict, and the king wrote to him on this occasion a full letter testimonys of the admiration which its control had inspired to him. Affected or sincere, these demonstrations touched in their term.

The law on the National guard

Once this course passed, Louis-Philippe carries out the risk that there is to preserve such an instrument in the hands of Fayette, that it judges not very reliable.

The December 24th, at its instigation, the House of Commons adopts a law which removes the title of commander of all the national guards of France, considered to be contrary with the Charte of 1830.

The king, protested of his personal ignorance, the good will of his ministers, and flattered himself to make reconsider the general his resignation.

Fayette gives its resignation as of the following day, not without to have returned visit with Louis-Philippe, whom he threatens to withdraw in his castle of the Barn-Bléneau:

- And which will you make without the support of my popularity?

- If you turn over with the Barn? Eh well, I would leave you there!.

This short correspondence brought soon, between the monarch and Fayette, an explanation in which this one, giving course to the feelings which it concentrated for a long time, declared with the king that the dissidence of their political doctrines and the shade which inspired its authority did not make it possible him to prolong the exercise of it.

The resignation

The king did not save any seduction suitable to disarm his interlocutor: he proposed the honorary title of commander to him , that Fayette had previously refused like an unimportant decoration. A little piqué this insistence: “Would Your Majesty, says it to him general, be satisfied to be an honorary king? ” The President of the Council, Jacques Laffitte, and the Minister of Interior Department, Camille de Montalivet, itself colonel of the national guard, seek to find a compromise, but Fayette lays down extravagant conditions: he wants the formation of a new ministry where would enter only his/her friends, the dissolution of the House of Commons and the abolition of the heredity of peerage.

Louis-Philippe asked for twenty-four hours to reflect; but this time not having brought any change in the negotiations, Fayette believed duty definitively to strip exorbitant capacity of which it was covered.

It made its resignation public by an day order of the December 27th, and developed the same day with the platform of confined the reasons for its determination, by declaring that if its conscience of law and order were satisfied, it was not the same of its conscience of freedom. The 26, it maintains its resignation. Louis-Philippe takes note in short at once and dries letter of regret of it. “Essence, will note Fayette later, was to pass without encumbers the great crisis of the lawsuit of the ministers. One liked me so much during this time! But you see that then, one did not lose a day. ”

All-carry to believe that the sacrifice of Fayette was for a long time stopped in the spirit of the king. But Louis-Philippe started to undergo the consequences of the accidental mode of his rise it could not separate with impunity from the men who had contributed to it by their steps of their condescension. The distance of Fayette, follow-up soon of that of Dupont of the Eure and Laffitte, was to him reproach like an act bursting of ingratitude, and this triple separation consumed its rupture with the democratic party, whose last events had naturally increased the forces and the requirements.

Parliamentary opposition

Returned with a purely parliamentary existence, Fayette took again with the extreme left of the Room the place which it had occupied during the restoration, and it was not long in becoming again the main leader of the opposition. Thus little by little it undergoes, like his political friends, the law which wants that all that proceeds of violence does not have duration. This man, who had demolishes a king and had made some another, found member always dissatisfied with the extreme opposition to the House of Commons.

(Missing word the) aggressive one of Fayette presented for essential character its application to the policy external of the government. The democratic party, which generally aspired to the cancellation of the expensive treaties of 1814 and 1815, was divided on the means of reaching that point. A fraction notable, excluding any decided aggression, decided for a system which guaranteed to the people the free development of their forces, It was the system of the non-intervention heard in its absolute meaning. This opinion was that of Fayette, and, soon with him that of the ministry installed the November 3rd under the presidency of Laffitte.

The European policy

But the posterior events showed how much, from agreement on the principle, they differed on the application. The Belgian Révolution, which burst at the end of August, was the first by-effect of the Frenchwoman. Fayette refused with dignity the royalty of these people and exhorted it, to choose one of its citizens.

Its secret desire was that the Belgium was constituted in federative republic, so as to form a septentrional Suisse in intimate alliance and under the immediate guarantee of France. The insurrection Polish E, which followed closely, excited its sharp sympathies. By documents whose cabinet vainly tried to cancel the value it establishes that the effect of this movement had been to retain on the edges of the the Vistula the Russian armies ready to invade the French territory. Or that its efforts led only to the sterile wish of the maintenance of Polish nationality, formulated since 1831 in all the communications of the rooms with the king knows.

Fayette obtained ministry the recognition of the new States of America; but its policy was less happy with regard to the Spanish insurrectionists, with whom it also maintained the reports/ratios since the insurrectionary junta of 1823. Ferdinand VII being itself, in the principle, obstinately refused to recognize the royalty of Louis-Philippe, the French cabinet lent initially one obliging ear at the instigations propagandists of the patriarch of the European democracy; funds were distributed to the insurrectionists; but the Spanish government having threatened to encourage, on its side, royalist gatherings of emigrants on the French southernmost borders, these rebels, delivered to themselves, failed in two desperate attempts. Lastly, the little of success of the insurrections of Modena and Bologna, for which Fayette had gotten the encouragements and the support of the ministry, brought soon disappointments to him even more cuisantes.

Interior policy

The defection whose cabinet was made guilty on this occasion was one of the texts on which the parliamentary hostility of Fayette was exerted with the most advantage and of base. Besides he did not neglect any occasion to censure the system of interior policy at the same time adopted by the government. The imprudent demonstration of the February 14th, in the church of Auxerre-native Saint-Germain-the, led it to openly expose to the platform the democratic spirit in which it supposed that the revolution of July had been achieved, and walk that it seemed to him to have to follow. But he highly blamed the profaners of this temple and the demolition contracters of the archbishop's palace, and made offer to the fugitive prelate an asylum in his own hotel. He was also indignant at the act of condescension of the king, who, in a sharp fear, had made disappear his weapons from the buildings of the capital. It was in these circumstances that C. Périer seizes with a hand closes the reins floating of the capacity, and its first aid was the dissolution of the room.

Fayette believed duty to address to its voters a detailed account of its parliamentary works. It there a bright homage to the last revolution returned, but it there décriait with bitterness the direction followed by the mode which of it resulted, and called upon, for, to affirm of it the violation, this alleged program of the town hall, to which its illusions alone had lent some consistency. This aggressive proclamation caused at the court a deep dissatisfaction and consumed the scission personal of the general with the king. Temporary compression demagogic party and the more decided attitude of the administration did not discourage its efforts. At the time of the second insurrection of the Spaniards, in 1832, it fades with energy the epithet the factious one which had been given to them in a diplomatic note.

Fayette fought heredity highly already peerage, and made stripe Penal code the article which punished the usurpation of the titles. It was him which, after the session of 1832, made adopt with the deputies of the opposition the idea to express, in the form of a report, their ideas on the interior policy and external. Three days before the publication of this part, the chief of the ministry, C. Périer, had died without to have attended the re-establishment of the order, to which it had immolé his rest and had lavished the energy of his character.

The funeral of the general Lamarque, which took place few days after, became the signal of the most serious disorders which, since the days of July, had ensanglanté the capital. Fayette attended these funerals, and it had just made an address on the tomb of the general, when the sudden appearance of a red Bonnet in the middle of the innumerable procession put all the population in rumor. Seditious cries were uttered. Some suspect men approached the general and exhorted it to go to the town hall by offering this symbol to him: but it pushed back it with scorn went up by car and was made lead to its hotel under the escort of a rabble threatening. The insurrection had taken formidable proportions. A great number of deputies of the opposition meets the evening at Laffitte, and one deliberated on the means suitable to stop the overflowing of blood. Fayette fought without success the idea of a delegation to the king and refused of in to form part. It accompanied this refusal by some memorable words of pain on the unfruitful ones efforts which it had made, at the two greater times of its life, to solve the problem of a monarchy sitting on the basis of national sovereignty.

Informed that one accused it to have received the red bonnet and that one spoke to stop it, Fayette remained a few days in Paris, to look at opposite, says it: the government of the state of siege; then it regained its ground of the Barn, a little astonished that this return to most complete arbitrary did not have excited more emotion in the spirits. It dislocated at once its functions of mayor and of city council man, not wanting, he says, preserving any relationship with the counter-revolution of 1830.

At the time of the first attack on the person of Louis-Philippe, in November 1832, it refused to join those his/her colleagues who went to Tileries, objecting that since the denial given by the king to the program of the town hall, its place did not appear to him there any more. In the session of 1833, it spoke on the law about departmental organization, and supported the request of a pension to the profit of the winners of the Bastille. The police force having stopped in her ground even Barn, and almost under its eyes, the Polish refugee Joachim Lelewel, to which it gave asylum, it complained highly about this amazing process, says he, under the restoration itself, and forced the Minister of Interior Department to repudiate this act of brutality.

The death of Fayette

The discussion of the address to the Throne, in January 1834, was the last parliamentary debate to which Fayette took share. A disease of bladder, of which it had collected the germ with the funeral of unfortunate the Dulong, worsened quickly and charms it, the May 20th 1834, in its 77e year.

Its coffin was accompanied with the church by the Assumption by many a procession, which was composed of the elite of the two rooms, the academies, the civil and military administration, by the national guard and abroad then in Paris. Narrowly supervised by the army, in spite of the protests of the left, its funerals do not give place to any republican demonstration, the Republican party have just been decapitated following the second Révolte of the Silk workers in Lyon in April.

Representatives chosen in each one of these bodies and the legation of the United States carried the corners of the pall. After the celebration of the religious service, the convoy, follow-up of an huge crowd, moved towards the Cimetière of Picpus, in Paris the May 22nd, where, according to his desire, the general was buried beside his wife. The ground used to bury it had partially from America, especially sent for this use. The two rooms of the American congress decreed to him the same funeral honors as in Washington.

Until the end of the session, the rooms of the meetings were tended of black, and Misters John Quincy Adams, Edward Everett, J. Upham and the Tailmadge general pronounced his praise in the presence of all the trades.

“Mr. of Fayette has just died, comments on in his Souvenirs the duchess of With a grid, personality legitimist but equipped with a not very common perspicacity. the hero of the two worlds went in the third. Its death did not make any political effect. It had become inconvenient and useless with its party, it was odious with different, its role was finished. ”

Homages and events

Few men were more variously appreciated that Fayette. Exalté in turn as the follower of Washington and like the glorious promoter of French regeneration, it was not, with saying Napoleon “that one denied without civil talents nor military, a limited spirit, a dissimulated character”, and of Chateaubriand “that a species of monomane, with which it blindness held place of genius. ”.

“Which had observed it, said Madam de Staël, could know in advance with certainty what it would do in any occasion. ”

The United States

Auguste Bartholdi carved a statue of Fayette at the end of the 19th century for the town of New York. Inaugurated in 1876, it is today in Union Public garden Park.

The role of the marquis of Fayette in the history of American independence is devoted of long time to Washington, by a public garden with its name, with, in the center, its statue equestrian, in front of the White House.

Every year, the July 4th (day of the Saint-Florent, birthday of the Declaration of independence of the United States), as a sign of recognition, the ambassador of the the United States in France deposits a spray of flowers on his tomb, with the Cimetière of Picpus, Paris.

Moreover, the August 8th 2002, it was high on a purely posthumous basis Citoyen of honor of the United States of America, a rare privilege, having been granted before only to five recoveries in the American history.

It is, with Churchill, the most popular foreigner and more recognized with the the United States.

Anecdotes

At the time of their unloading in France in 1917, the Pershing general, general-in-chief of the American armies would have exclaimed: “Fayette here us are! ”. This quotation in fact was invented by Gaston Leroux, which had not been able to attend the speech and had thus taken it again for its article. She in fact was said by the aide-de-camp of the general, colonel Stanton at the time of an organized ceremony on July 4th, 1917 in France.

The first unit made up of Étatsuniens volunteers was the air flotilla Fayette, before even the entry in officelle war of the United States.

At the month of June 2007, the furtive frigate Fayette of the National marine went to the United States for the commemoration of the 250e birthday of the birth of the Marquis.

See too

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