Fascism in France

This article discusses the presence and the importance of the Fascism in France between the two Great Wars. The article describes also the movements facists or with connotation facist in France during the same period.

Fascism is a Doctrine political born in Italy in 1919. The question arose for the specialists in political sciences and the historians to so determine fascistic movements, in a strict sense term, had also existed in France in the inter-war period and if the Régime of Vichy (1940 - 1944) had been able to constitute a French alternative.

Some French movements claimed Italian Fascism openly (Beam, Francisme, PF) but these movements remained very minority.

A “fascistic temptation” in the broad sense developed coming from two directions:

  • toughening of nationalist and preserving leagues during two waves in reaction primarily to the Trust of the left (1924-1926) and to the Block of the lefts (1932-1936);
  • the search for " third voies" non conformist in reaction primarily to the economic crisis of the years 1930, revealing new convergences (planning, néo-socialism, technocracy, etc) between political people arrivals of different political scenes to see opposite.

Question of French Fascism

To simplify, there exist (at least) three great theories of historians on French Fascism:
  • For the historian Rene Rémond and the major part of French historiography (who cross the ideological “purity” of the movements with their political weight), there did not really exist because true Fascism was tiny room to small bunches without influence.
  • For the historian Zeev Sternhell (more attentive with the ideology than with the political weight of the movements), there existed by the meeting of elements of left and of elements of Extrême right-hand side (Socialisme and Nationalisme) and a “prefascism” appeared in France at the end of the 19th century.
  • For the American historian Robert Soucy or the German historian Ernst Nolte (more attentive with the audience of the movements than to their " pureté" ideological), there existed in an important way within the lines thanks to the ideology maurrassienne allowing its diffusion.

Traditional French thesis

Following the French of Rene Rémond, exposed line analysis in the Lines in France in 1954 and that will deepen Serge Berstein, Pierre Milza or Michel Winock, French historiography proposes the fact that there no really was Fascism in France insofar as:

  • It did not have a great movement of fascistic mass there (the only movement of nationalist mass, the Parti social French the Colonel of Rocque is currently mainly regarded as “a social Christianisme patriotic” (Pierre Milza) and a prefiguration of the Gaullisme).

  • It thus did not have there a legal or violent come to power in the inter-war period as in Italy or Germany. One will need a really exceptional event (the invasion of France in one month by Germany in 1940) to see arriving at the capacity a “fascistic” mode (in the broad sense) French: the Mode of Vichy.
  • In spite of periods of tension (February 6th, 1934), the French political life of the inter-war period was not built around a confrontation between fascists and antifascists, but, more classically between the left (SFIO, PCF) and the republican right-hand side (democratic Alliance and republican Fédération), arbitrated by the center (Parti radical socialist).

This traditional thesis recognizes that there was a French Fascism within leagues, parties and newspapers, but that its audience was very limited. The leagues being for Rene Rémond heiresses of the Bonapartism via the Boulangisme, the fascistic movements are reduced from this point of view to bunches absent from the political scene. However, French historiography will reformulate this thesis while sticking to the reception of Fascism in France, with its concrete demonstrations, certain historians moving away from the initial thesis of Rene Rémond in front of the contributions of Anglo-Saxon researchers.

However, holding them of this thesis affirm that France would have been protected from Fascism by several elements:

  • economic Explanation: the economic crises were less strong there than in other countries (Germany).
  • political Explanation (1): the democratic spirit (heritage of the Lights) there was established for a long time and thus firmly (more than in Germany, Italy, Spain, etc), relayed by influential institutions within the elites intellectual (Ligue of the human rights, CVIA, etc). The masses thus did not fall into the Fascism by the pregnancy from the republican model and the ideological otherness and of its practices which it represented.
  • political Explanation (2): the dissatisfied middle-classes did not fall either into Fascism. They turned to the Croix of Fire and the Parti social French who maintained them in republican legality.
  • political Explanation (3): the line monarchist and catholic were not attracted by Fascism, retained in a more preserving attitude by the Maurrassisme of the French Action, thought built very well and exposed in the works of Maurras, and thus more convincing than fuzzy fascistic doctrines. More largely, the three existing traditions of the right-hand side - Legitimism, Orléanisme, and Bonapartism - what synthesizes the maurrassism made impossible the rooting of Fascism by squaring the territory according to Rene Rémond.

Thesis of Zeev Sternhell

The historian Zeev Sternhell renewed the approach of French Fascism exhibitor who France is the true cradle of Fascism, even if this one did not arrive at the capacity before 1940. Zeev Sternhell states that the fascistic ideology was born in France from the meeting occurred little before the First World War from a nationalism anti-republican (French Action) and revolutionary Syndicalisme (Georges Sorel), within the Cercle Proudhon of Georges Valois. For Zeev Sternhell, France is even a ground favourable with Fascism taking into account a strong anti-liberal tradition preaching an organic company (anti-individualism, antiparliamentarianism). However, Fascism could not merge with the old ideology Contre-révolutionnaire. Fascism being a movement suitable for the era of mass of the 20th century, it is born from the fusion of nationalism, elements of extreme right-hand side and elements of left (Mussolini in Italy; Georges Valois, Marcel Déat and Jacques Doriot in France; Goebbels in Germany, etc).

In Neither right-hand side, nor left, the fascistic ideology in France , Zeev Sternhell thus extends the fascistic term to the Néo-Socialists, Planistes, Technocrate S, even some Personnalistes of the years 1930 (all groups which one can gather under the broad name of Non-conformistes of the years 1930, by taking again the title of a work of Jean-Louis Loubet del Bayle.). This extension of the “fascistic” term is disputed by the majority of the French historians, on the bottom and for its method, which amalgamates detached texts of their logical and chronological context, while giving so that it calls the “Fascism” of the characteristics which are not usually associated for him.

In fact, the years 1920 and even more 1930 were marked by an intense ideological boiling. Within all the parties, men think of new solutions. (SFIO and even PCF) to renew the hurdy-gurdy on the left Guesdiste with the profit of a socialism reformist practices which had been theorized never before. To exceed parliamentary liberalism on the right whereas the Third Republic does not manage to be reformed to gain of stability (see the fallen through attempt of the president Gaston Doumergue to reinforce the institutions in 1934).

Men of all edges could exchange novel ideas within multiple think tank (X-Crisis, etc) and re-examined ( Nouveaux books , Plans , etc). These men return, for Zeev Sternhell, within the broad framework of Fascism for the following reasons:

  • In their search of innovation, they consider new nonliberal and unparliamentary solutions and even sometimes explicitly look at side of the fascistic modes which appear young people and modern then. Rather than of “Fascism” to the full direction, one can often speak for these men about “fascistic temptation” or “fascistic seduction”, at least as long as the interest does not last.
  • Within these groups and reviews, the resistant futures work with the Vichyist or collaborator futures, the same words and the same ideas. The distinction between fascists and not-fascists is often possible only after 1940. At this point in time is made the decisive choice: to benefit from the fall of the Republic to impose its ideas whereas there is place for new experiments (these fall into the Régime from Vichy and the Collaboration), or to give priority (by patriotism or republicanism) to the Libération of the country before reforming it (these will be resistant, then will carry out the great reforms of the Fourth Republic and Fifth Republic). The attitude under the occupation remains the Justice of the Peace between fascists and nonfascistic which should not make forget convergences of pre-war period projects.

Theses of Ernst Nolte and Robert Soucy

Other historians have a broader vision of French Fascism than the two preceding theories.

Working on the French Action, Ernst Nolte affirms that the formation maurrassienne is one of the three facets of Fascism with German national-socialisme (NSDAP) and the Parti national fascist Benito Mussolini, considering that the cause of their respective formation is the antimarxism. According to him, France would have known a strong fascistic mobility by the importance of the weight of the ideology of Maurras in the company, qualifying the inter-war period of “time of Fascism”. Like Zeev Sternhell, he sees in France the elements of a " préfascisme".

Robert Soucy regards the preserving and unparliamentary nationalist movements of mass of the years 1930 as the true expression of French Fascism. If appearances gives him reason, the French historians of the traditional thesis worked out by rétorque Rene Rémond him that the antiparliamentarianism in France (where the defects of the parliamentary mode were real, to see for example the reflections of Pierre Brossolette within resistance) necessarily does not lead to Fascism (see for example the Gaullisme). Moreover, it is him is reproached for having an extensive design of Fascism in France without taking the care to define this concept and to put in comparison the reception of this ideology in France with the rest of Europe.

Towards a reformulation of the debate?

The contributions of Anglo-Saxon researchers (such those of Robert O. Paxton or of Zeev Sternhell) allowed the introduction of a scientific controversy around the existence (and of the concept) Fascism in France. Zeev Sternhell made it possible to raise the questions of the significance of men going from the left to Fascism and the very characteristics of Fascism to France even if the major part of historiography is opposed to its thesis “prefascism” in France.

Thus, of many historians call into question the analysis of Rene Rémond who refuses to see in the leagues the expression of a French Fascism by attaching them to a new expression of the right-hand side “Bonapartist”, by the activation of the old plebiscitary bottom in France. Thus, Philippe Burrin allowed the renewal of the studies on the question by questioning the specificity of French Fascism (its concept of “nebula fascistoïde”) in particular by analyzing the reception of Fascism within the company and its replanning by certain politicians (its concept of “overdrawn Fascisms”).

More recently, a recent collective work of nine French researchers and foreigners under the direction of Michel Dobry renew the approach of the question. By showing the errors and dead ends of the classifying authoritative line logic which prevailed a long time, the work stresses the relations, spaces of competition and of historical economic situations where the various lines acted and redefined themselves. Thus, the various contributions show the mechanisms of reappropriation in France of successes of European Fascisms. Across, the will is to show the relationship of many components of the right-hand side with authentic Fascism in the line line of the thesis of Robert O. Paxton into 1973 who, the first, regarded the mode of Vichy as being the product of a long process of incubation.

Beyond this question, part of the new French historiography reconsiders the landscape of the right-hand sides in France during the inter-war period, period during which intense changes take place. The stress is laid on the major traditional line destabilization (defined by Rene Rémond) involving their disunion vis-a-vis the appearance of new right-hand sides in Europe in a French context marked by the prevalence of the extremism and the end of governments of " conjunction of the centres". From there, takes place political and ideological reclassifications leading to a redefinition of the landscape of the right-hand side and balance between republican and right-hand side unparliamentary, between liberal and right-hand side authoritative.

French Proto-Fascisms

The genealogy of Fascism cannot be gone up too high with the risk of anachronism. It is necessary to await the entry in the era of the masses to be able truly to speak about Fascism (1870 or 1914).

  • the question of the boulangism . The Boulangisme (1888 - 1889) perhaps compared with Fascism by its capacity to attract men of extreme right-hand side (Bonapartists, monarchists, nationalist) and of extreme-left of the time (blanquists, radical socialists) around a synthesis resting on a chief, a strong State, a nationalist ideology and a social will. Baker was however not ideologist and one does not find in the boulangism a will of reorganization of the company around a project either totalitarian, or organicist.

  • the bringing together nationalism-trade unionism . The historian Zeev Sternhell makes go up the beginnings of French Fascism at the beginning of the 20th century with the bringing together between part of the Anarcho-syndicalisme and Nationalisme (which was itself still near at that time of its republican origins and left). This mobility is mainly represented by:

In the years 1920

In spite of the first bringing together of the years 1910, the true appearance of Fascism appears traumatism of the however First World War and Révolution Bolshevik of 1917.
  • Contrairement to its promises, the majority of the French left takes part in the governments to support the effort of war. Some Socialists will convert on the occasion with a savage nationalism (Gustave Herve in France like Benito Mussolini in Italy).
  • the Revolution Bolshevik of 1917 involves a parallel movement of seduction and repulsion which will give birth to the first fascistic groups (to take again the power of seduction of the revolutions Bolsheviks, but to put this force at the service of the anticommunism).
  • the war revealed a new world more violent and militarized, where the technique, big industry, speed, have a paramount importance (see in particular the movement of the Italian Futurisme, the technocratic movement).
  • In 1918, the invalids of war are 6 million, they gather with the other war veterans in associations to defend their interests. The ideology of the war veterans will play a big role in the development of French Fascism within the leagues of extreme-right-hand side.

French fascists of the years 1920

From all these elements and others, will be born the first true fascistic movements in France, by meeting of men of extreme-right-hand side with men resulting from the left:
  • the Beam (1925-1928). the Beam is created in 1925 per Georges Valois (old of the Proudhon Circle), attracting and right-hand side, in particular young people men of the left of all horizons attracted by the innovation. This first French Fascism will be however a failure. In 1928, pulled about between several ideological directions (the search for a socialist Fascism, the pure and simple copy of Italy, the defense of the employers' interests), the Beam bursts in two groups:

  • the fascistic current of Gustave Herve

Gustave Herve, one of the 4 signatories of the creation of SFIO, revolutionary leader and antimilitarist of SFIO, converts with nationalism since 1912-1914. Herve thus followed the same way as Mussolini (leader of the extreme left of the Italian PS). Its synthesis of nationalism and socialism will lead it to Fascism. The review of Gustave Herve is called the Victoire (new name into 1916 of the social War .
The staff of Gustave Herve includes/understands some figures history of socialism: Jean Allemane (historical leader of French socialism), Emile Tissier (ex-Marxist Guesdiste), Alexandre Zévaès (former deputy of Marxist POF Guesdiste; future collaborator with Work of Marcel Déat under the occupation).
Gustave Herve created the Left the authoritative republic (1925), the national Socialist party then the national socialist Militia (MSN) (1932-1933) when Marcel Bucard arrives. The MSN crumbles at the end of 1933 with the profit of the Francisme, scission of MSN carried out by Marcel Bucard.

The first wave of the leagues of extreme right-hand side

The victory of the left to legislative of 1924 (Trust of the lefts) will involve the blossoming of many leagues of nationalist right reproaching him various aspects of its policy: laic policy, economic policy (falls of the franc), etc the historians speak about a “first wave” of leagues of extreme right-hand side in 1924-1926. The return of the right-hand side to the capacity in 1926 (the government of National union of Raymond Poincaré) and the good health of the French economy quickly will make fall down this wave of agitation, and this until in 1932.
The nationalist leagues of the years 1924-1926 generally do not preach a truly fascistic ideology (not of totalitarian State in particular) but rather an ideology Réactionnaire, inspired by Charles Maurras, the Bonapartisme (mixture of nationalism, Catholicism and militarism) even simply a republican nationalism. They however practice a verbal and vestimentary alignment on the young person Italian Fascisme who has a strong capacity of seduction. The leagues and nationalist movements reactionaries have their place however here because their hard wing is connected clearly with Fascism. It will be often detached from these too preserving movements judged to become fully fascistic.

The leagues of the first wave are:

  • the national republican League, founded in October 1924 by Alexandre Millerand which it conceives like a coalition gathering the republican lines and members of Parliament vis-a-vis the Trust of the lefts. It gathers various members, the democratic Alliance and the republican Fédération is members as affiliated groups.
  • the patriotic Youths (1924-1936), detached of the League of the patriots in 1926. Near to the republican Federation (conservative right). Dissolves in 1936, it transforms itself into party successively taking the name of national and social Party, national and social Republican party and popular national Party.
  • the Legion (June 1924 - 1925) of Antoine Rédier (war veteran, editor association of the French Review ) and the general Edouard de Castelnau. In spite of a fascistic style, the ideology in is made reactionary (French Action style). It is strong in the catholic areas. It will return in patriotic Youth in June 1925 then in the Beam in December 1925.
  • the League of the section heads Binet-Valmer (existed in 1922, in 1925)
  • the catholic National federation (FNC) (1924), directed by the general Edouard de Castelnau. Catholic movement preserving but not extremist, supported by the pope Black and white XI in order to be opposed to the policy Anticlerical E of the Trust of the lefts.
  • the Defense of the monks war veterans (Drac) (created in 1924 against the policy anticlerical of the Trust of the lefts).
  • the Cross of Fire (1927-Dissolved in 1936), association of war veterans ultra-nationalist at his beginnings, will be moderated gradually under the impulse of the Colonel of Rocque.

Other nationalist movements These movements, older, are not either fascistic in a strict sense term:

  • League of the patriots (1882). Old nationalist and republican league of the Third Republic. It is started again in particular by the general Edouard de Castelnau. In the years 1930, it is close to the republican Fédération (conservative right).
  • the French Action (1899).
  • the Call to the people (1923), Bonapartist. It fails vis-a-vis the competition of the JP and the LP.
  • National union of the combatants (UNC), great association of war veterans, directed on the right (center right for the base, extreme-right-hand side for the chiefs), which is one of the two components of the Confederation of the war veterans.

French Fascisms of the years 1930

A second vague fascist in France will touch France in 1932-1938, caused by the following reasons:
  • the economic crisis touches France in 1932.
  • the return to the capacity of the left (Bloc of the lefts in 1932) awakes the extreme-right-hand side.
  • the come to power of Hitler in Germany at the beginning of 1933 impels a new dynamics fasciste.

However, the seduction for the fascistic model will be more durable and deep that in 1924-1926 because:

  • the governments of the Third Republic pain to be stabilized and to be reformed (failure of the reform Doumergue in 1934).
  • France pains to solve the economic crisis (which is in fact less strong than elsewhere), while the fascistic modes (which lead policies Keynésiennes comparable with New-Deal of Roosevelt to the United States) seem to apparently better succeed.
  • the Popular front of 1936 will radicalize part of the right-hand side in an obsessional anticommunism which will be growing to the war.

The search for new political solutions, economic and social gives place to an ideological boiling and the blossoming of nonconformist movements of which some of members will be, unquestionable a time, others definitively, attracted by Fascism.

Movements reactionaries

These movements are not truly fascistic and fit more in the tradition counter-revolutionary, catholic, traditionalist, reactionary.
  • certain a number of organizations of extreme-right-hand side of the years 1920 or former still exist in the years 1930 (French Action, patriotic Jeunesses, Croix of fire (which will slip towards the center-right at the end of the years 1930), royalist etc
  • Comités of the Seine (scission of catholics of the AF in 1930 after the judgment by the pope in 1926)
  • Fédération of the taxpayers (about 1933)
  • Country Front (created by fusion of three movements in 1934)
  • Country Union
  • Ligue franc-catholic (= antimaconnic)
  • antimaconnic League of France
  • the Hood: nebula of several organizations of which:
    • a secret structure: the OSARN or CSAR (1936) (scission in 1936 the hard ones of AF.
    • a legal structure: union of the committees of self-defense (Ucad).
    • the " Hood militaire" (network " Corvignoles" or " Spirales" or UMF).
    • probably also the national Gathering for the rebuilding of France (RNRF) (about 1937) of which the general Maxime Weygand, Rene Gillouin (being an emanation of the Hood pourraît).
  • even also further the Young Right-hand side.

True Fascisms of the years 1930

Principal parties

French fascistic bunches

  • Left French national-Communist (then national collectivist) (PFNC) (1934). Founded by Pierre Clémenti (sports correspondent of the radical press), Mr. Degeilh (communist journalist), Mr. Maurer (advertizing). Press: Free Country .
  • popular National movement (MNP) (1933), created by Jacques Debû-Bridel.
  • Face of youth (1937) created by J.C. Legrand (lawyer close to the moderate republicans), becomes the National movement trade unionist and supporter of corporatism (MNCS) (disappears in 1939). Hebdo: the Challenge .
  • National committee of the committee of public hello (CNCSP).

Bunches French Nazis

  • (Various to supplement)

The “third way” of the years 1930

Beyond the political groups raising clearly of Fascism, the historians evoke a fascistic temptation within many groups non conformist seeking in the years 1930 a third way. These groups were attached to the fascistic phenomenon because:
  • their ideas: the new syntheses that they propose (out of matters policy, economic, social, or sociétale) connect with certain proposals or realization which the fascists will carry out.
  • of the courses of the men: certain members of these movements will find themselves in the Régime of Vichy and in the Collaboration. The attitude in 1940-1944 will be the final Justice of the Peace between fascists and democrats.
  • These 3rd ways will be sometimes stages between democratic ideas and Fascism.

Capitalist technocrats

The capitalist technocrats, impassioned by the effectiveness of the industrial capitalism of mass, want to rebuild the company on the economic model: effectiveness, expertise of the decision makers, etc
  • French Rectification (1926)
  • Experiment Tardieu (1932-1934)
  • Survey firm and information
  • Confederation of the professional workers
  • Labor Movement French
  • Re-examined the Technical Producer
  • Group and Democracy

Néo-Socialists and planners

Before the government of Popular front (1936), SFIO suffered, according to the words of the time, from a practice without doctrines (a reformism step by step at the local level) and from doctrines without practice (the orthodoxe Marxism Guesdiste: to await the arrival of the revolution which would fall like a ripe fruit). But the SFIO refused to take part in the middle-class governments and did not lay out of an ideological corpus reformist. The Néo-socialism constitutes a first attempt to forge socialist doctrines reformist. It takes again elements of the Planisme (socialism by the Planification) particularly popularized by the leader of the Belgian working Party, Henri de Man.
  • Except SFIO: Socialist party of France-Union Jean Jaurès, socialist Life (Marcel Déat)
  • In SFIO: the néo-Socialists who will remain within the SFIO until 1940 (the such constructive revolution Group) will be saved by temptation to act immediately on the reality which was the motivation of certain néo-Socialists passed to Fascism.
  • Of the members of the CGT derrièe Rene Belin (future Minister for Labor of the Vichy government).
  • young radical Turkish , who wants to bring closer the radical party, considered to be dusty, of the Socialists reformists, of which Gaston Bergery, to see Drieu La Rochelle, Alfred Fabre-Luce, etc
  • Divers

Personalists

Zeev Sternhell pointed finger some temptations of the Christian Personnalistes towards certain romantic and spiritualistic aspects of Fascisms, like their interest for the beginning of the mode of Vichy. Ethics personalist and its orientation antietatist are however quite far away from Fascism.

Néo-traditionalists (Young right-hand side)

Following Mounier, one gives the name of Jeune right-hand side to young intellectuals more or less influenced by the French Action which, with the beginning of the year 1930, until 1934, are close to personalists groups like Esprit or New Ordre . Diagnosing, like the other currents personalists a “crisis of civilization”, they state to refuse the materialism of the Marxism as well as that of the middle-class company, while denouncing the drifts etatists of Fascism like Communism, while being declared favorable to a “spiritual revolution” of inspiration personalist.

One can distinguish two great groups from the Jeune right-hand side : - A first current organizing around Jean-Pierre Maxence in the Books (1928-1931) then in the French Review (1932-1933), these two publications translating the passage of a spiritualistic and catholic orientation to a more political and social, unparliamentary orientation and anticapitalist, in particular when Maxence approaches Thierry Maulnier and Robert Brasillach - A second current, in rupture with the French Action, is constituted as from 1930 around Jean de Fabrègues and of the reviews Réaction (1930-1932), ' the Review of the Century (1 ' 932-1934), the Review of the 20th century (1934-1935), with a less political side and a marked Christian identity.

After 1934, these currents will be found in a monthly review, Combat (1936-1939), directed by Jean de Fabrègues and Thierry Maulnier. Whereas they had contributed to diffuse the formula " previously; Neither right-hand side, nor gauche" , they will be found vis-a-vis the events, while continuing to preserve a specificity, with the borders of the extreme right-hand side, in particular with creation by Maxence and Thierry Maulnier of the weekly magazine the Insurrectionist (1936) (published under the patronage of Drumont and Valles). On the other hand, Jean de Fabrègues, while politicizing themselves, remain more faithful to the spiritualistic orientation and personalist of the previous period, in particular with the review Civilization (1938-39)

Meeting places of the partisans of a third way

  • the Plane of July 9th, 1934 (which joins together as well renovating of left and nationalist right).
  • Meetings of Pontigny (inspired in 1934 by the leader of the Belgian working Party Henri de Man).
  • New books (1934).
  • Group X-Crisis (1930), become CPEE (1933), plus the nebula of associations around X-Crisis.
  • the French Popular party (PF) was also a great meeting place of people come from all horizons, in particular of the two extremes.

French Fascisms after 1940

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