Face of national release (Algeria)

See also: Face of national release

The Face of national release (or FLN , in Arab: rear جبهةالتحريرالوطني Jabhat At-Taḩrīr Al-Waţanī ) is a socialist Political party Algerian, chaired by the president of the republic Abdelaziz Bouteflika.

He is created in November 1954 to obtain France the independence of Algeria. The FLN and its armed wing, the ALN (Armed with national release), then begin the armed struggle, which is translated at the beginning by targeted attacks. Thereafter the movement is organized and in 1958, the FLN forms a provisional government, the GPRA. It is with the GPRA that France negotiates into 1962 the Accords of Evian. With independence, the FLN seizes the power thus “legitimately”, and is ensured some exclusiveness by founding the system in Sole party. After important internal struggles, Ahmed Ben Bella takes the head of the party, and thus of the state. It will be reversed three years later by Houari Boumedienne (1965-1978) which takes the full powerss, largely reducing the place of the party. The FLN takes again a central importance with Chadli Bendjedid (1978-1992), which in the Années 1980 is thorough, by many protests, to approve a new constitution and to introduce the Multipartisme. With the first free elections, in 1991 the FLN undergoes a heavy defeat but the rise of MADE (Islamic front of the hello) is prevented by a military coup d'etat. The military capacity directs and Co-directs then the State, legitimated by the urgency of the “civil war”, but without the support of the FLN put at the variation. The party leaves this weakened “black decade”, whereas its existence even had been blamed. Having definitively lost its statute of “party of the capacity”, it however preserves an important place in the Algerian life political.

History

War of independence

See also: War of Algeria

Founded the October 10th 1954 in Algeria, the FLN appeared on November 1st 1954 publicly to engage a national liberation struggle against the “colonial France”, presents since 1830, and for the creation of a democratic and popular Algerian State .

It was created on the initiative of the revolutionary Comité of unit and action (CRUA), while calling with the union of all the nationalist political clouts for the liberation struggle of the country. It is composed by those who will become the nine “historical leaders” of the FLN: Hocine Has Ahmed, Ahmed Ben Bella (future first president of the independent Algerian Republic), Krim Belkacem, Mostefa Ben Boulaïd, Larbi Ben Me Hidi, Rabah Bitat, Mohamed Boudiaf (Head of the State in 1992), Mohamed Khider and Didouche Mourad.

Its first appearance was translated in the facts by more or less disordered attacks against military installations, police stations, warehouses, equipment of communications, and public buildings mainly in the areas of Kabylie and the Aurès. These attacks, which took thereafter the red name of All Saints' day , were accompanied by the declaration known as of the “1 {{er}} November 1954”, in which the FLN invited the people of Algeria to join the “national fight”. The Algerian nationalist face is the first nationalist movement to be used of violence adopting it like principal mode of action. It thus marked a rupture with the other movement such as the democratic Union of Algerian proclamation (UDMA) of Ferhat Abbas, the Algerian National movement (MNA) of Messali Hadj or the Association of the oulémas Moslem Algerian. This rupture with the MNA was then largely consumed with true massacres made by the members of the FLN against the forces of the MNA.

The FLN was equipped with an armed wing, the Armée with national release (ALN) equipped with a staff as of a military organization by which the zones of combat were divided into 5 military regions. The armament came primarily from Egypt and was conveyed via the Morocco or the Libya. From 1958 the combatants Fellagha S were sufficiently well equipped and involved to carry out a war of guerilla. In front of the strong repression of the French forces, the leaders of the rebellion had to constitute deposits of weapons in territories Tunisian and Moroccan. When France reinforces the control of the borders and installs the lines Challe and Morice, most of the armament is not conveyed. It results from it at the end from the conflict from an army from the borders from the surarmée FLN, which generally escaped the French forces, and from the “innate Moudjahid” from the maquis in Algeria almost inéquipés.

The movement structured then grace in particular to the political platform of the Congrès of Soummam of August 1956, organized mainly by Abane Ramdane, which gave a statute for the army of national release having to subject itself to the “laws of the war” and the political authorities directing the “Revolution”, and affirmed the “primacy of the policy on the soldier and the interior on outside”. In continuity with this construction institutional, was created the Provisional government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA) to complete the installation of the institutions of the Revolution and the rebuilding of a modern Algerian State. This provisional government, which gave an international recognition to the movement, had put the French authorities in front of the accomplished fact which had other choices to only negotiate.

Independence of Algeria

The combat armed on the Algerian and metropolitan territory for independence, with the slogan “the Algerian Revolution, people with the combat against cruelty colonialist”, lasted until March 27th 1962 date on which the French government signed the Accords of Evian which ended in an agreement of Cessez-le-feu with the FLN. In July of the same year, the Algerian people voted by referendum for independence and ratified the agreements of Evian which envisaged an economic cooperation and social between the two countries.

As of the proclamation of independence, the FLN seized the power seeming the movement having made it possible Algeria to reach independence. However, of important internal conflicts tore the party, and started many “purgings”. Thus Ahmed Ben Bella, in favor of a military capacity, supported by the army of the borders over-equipped which was imposed largely upon the militants of the almost disarmed maquis, dissolut the GPRA working for democratic Algeria, and took the report heading.

Also the party of “after independence” is more same as the “historical FLN”, face gathering the various political clouts of the old nationalist parties of before 1954. And it is by adapting this historical legitimacy that the successive directions of the FLN justified the monopoly of the sole party, prohibiting the Communist party in 1963, as well as the Party of the socialist revolution of Mohamed Boudiaf and, later, the Front of the Socialist forces (FFS) of Hocine Has Ahmed.

Inversion of June 19th, 1965

In fact, the inversion of Ahmed Ben Bella was foreseeable as of 3rd the Congress closure of the party of the FLN (April 1964) of which the final resolutions granted to the President prerogatives such as it affirmed not to be responsible, neither in front of the leading authorities of the FLN, nor in front of the National Assembly. Ben Bella, had for a long time started the dismantling of what it was advisable to call the “group of Oujda” (entourage close to the colonel Boumédiène, then First Vice-president of the Republic and Ministre for National defense).

After dismissals of Kaïd Ahmed, Sherif Belkacem, Ahmed Medeghri and the catch in personal hand of the vacant ministries, the decision to put an end to the functions Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Foreign Minister was going to precipitate the events. Houari Boumédiène, pressed by its entourage, remained convinced to be able to bring back Ben Bella to better feelings and the respect of the institutions of the State. Two meetings at least proceeding between the two men without Ben Bella changa of attitude.

When Houari Boumédiène understood that next list of eliminated would be itself, it decided to put an end to the mode of Ben Bella. He entrusted to the Commander Hoffman, to person in charge of the armoured tanks, the monitoring of the building of the radio, the Palate of the People (Seat of the Government) and of the Villa Jolly (Seat of the Political office of the Party of the FLN and residence of Ben Bella). Colonels Tahar Zbiri and Abbès were in charge of the arrest of the deposed president, gathered with the jump of the bed. The following day, Boumédiène appeared on television to announce the end of the mode of personal capacity and a proclamation, known as “of June 19th” which contained the catalog of criticisms of the management of Ben Bella, was read. Coup d'etat, for the ones, and inversion of president Ben Bella; rectification Revolution naire for others.

Boumédiène era

The vision of Houari Boumédiène was in complete opposition with the preceding political system and devoted the primacy of the construction of the State on the political action. In a nationalism etatist - Socialist and Anticolonialist, Boumédiène reigned by decree and according to a “revolutionary legitimacy”, marginalizing the FLN in favor of its own capacity and that of the army, while maintaining the system of Sole party. Starting from 1976, the first revision constitutional made country a “State socialist” under control of the FLN, which was used however still as support for the decisions of Boumédiène.

Presidency under Chadli

With died of Houari Boumédiène in 1978, the successor Colonel Chadli Bendjedid reorganizes the party, which then takes a central place after one long period of setting to the variation. The soldiers still kept a broad representation in the Central committee of the FLN, and had the control of the State mainly.

During the Years 1980, the FLN moderates the “socialist” content of its program, operating some reforms of free Marché and drawing aside the lieutenants remaining of Boumédiène. However, the principal democratic projections could take place only with the great riots and the demonstration popular of 1988 which shook the country towards essential political reforms. February 28th 1989, a constitutional revision founded the Multipartisme and the Freedom of expression; the mode of the sole party was thus dissolved. The FLN thus cut its bonds particular with the national armed and privileged with equipment with the State.

These first attempts at openings allowed the Islamic front safety (MADE) to arrive at the head at the first turn of the legislative elections of 1991. MADE obtirent 188 seats out of 231, FFS 25 seats and the FLN only 15 seats, whereas the independent candidates gained 3 of them. Taking note of this rise of the Islamist party S, the army decides on January 11th 1992 of a true military coup d'etat by pushing president Chadli Bendjedid with the resignation and by stopping the elections.

Black decade

See also: Algerian Civil war

In January 1992, Mohammed Boudiaf accepts the position of president which is proposed to him, but is assassinated a few months later. Algeria falls then still under direct control from the soldiers. The party remains then in the opposition to the government during the “civil war”. After a restoration partial of the democracy, in 1995 a presidential election is organized. But this one is been sulky by great filing oppositions, and the FLN, as DID it and the FFS, calls some with the abstention.

November 16th 1995, the general Liamine Zéroual is elected president, the first following a pluralist poll. The FLN remains external with the capacity; the military clans indeed supports their political legitimacy on other parties. The FLN signs with six other political trainings in 1995, the platform of Rome, which in particular strongly criticized the military capacity and its management of the crisis; however, after important internal debates, the official position of the party changed for one supports presidency.

In 1998, Liamine Zéroual announces officially the behavior of presidential election anticipated for February 1999, to which it will not be presented. This precipitated exit of the president is then allotted to the generals fearing a new rise of the integrist monks to the capacity with which Liamine Zéroual held of the increasingly close relations. For the election, with dimensions of the principal candidates as Hocine Has Ahmed, Mouloud Hamrouche and Taleb Ibrahimi, the generals appeal, to allot to him supports to them, with Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the former faithful minister of Boumédiène which had left the political scene since 1981, and which is then supported by the FLN. April 15th, Abdelaziz Bouteflika gains the presidential election with 73,8% of the votes, but the opposition denounces massive frauds.

The FLN today

The party receives, at the time of the legislative elections of 2002,34.3% of the parliamentary voices and obtains 199 members at the Parliament. In 2004, Ali Benflis is presented to the presidential election, like candidate of the FLN, and obtains only 6.4% of the voices, against 85.0% for Abdelaziz Bouteflika, but in a poll extremely disputed. The victory of Abdelaziz Bouteflika thus involves a resumption in hand of the party. In 2005, the eighth worms national FLN names Abdelaziz Bouteflika chair party and Abdelaziz Belkhadem general secretary of the FLN, which is then named Prime Minister, on May 24th 2006, by president Abdelaziz Bouteflika, succeeding Ahmed Ouyahia of the RND. The FLN forms today part of the parliamentary coalition called “presidential alliance” with the democratic national Rassemblement (RND), and the Mouvement of the company for peace (MSP). It forms the nationalist wing of left theoretically of it.

Leaders of the party

Presidents of the FLN since his creation:

General secretaries:

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