Democratic movement of the Malagasy restoration

The Democratic movement of the Malagasy restoration (MDRM) was an political organization instituted officially in Paris on February 22nd, 1946, in order to prepare the accession of the colony of Madagascar to autonomy and then, independence. Its president was the deputy Joseph Raseta and his two general secretaries Raymond-William Rabemananjara and Jacques Rabemananjara. This last belonged to the ethnos group Betsimisaraka, while the two others were Merina. Its other large leader, the deputy Ravoahangy - Andrianavalona was also merina, as well as Dr. Joseph Rakotonirainy who ensured the direction of the movement Madagascar. At once, the MDRM becomes the political main movement of the colony, being essential in all the local elections. Although its direction was openly merina, it recruited its militants in many coastal regions, in particular in the oriental party and Southerner of the island. Officially, its claims still limited to obtaining a broad autonomy of Madagascar within the French Union but it did not make therefore mystery of its true objective which was the restoration of the independence of the island. The colonial authorities thus undertook to neutralize it by all the means, while starting with him to oppose an indigenous competitor, through PADESM (Left Disinherited Madagascar), gathering Mainty and Tanindrana, which was, him, resolutely hostile with any prospect of independence. But the operation does not succeed in reducing the popularity of the MDRM. At this point in time the attempt at insurrection of the March 29th, 1947 burst which one now agrees to allot to nationalist groups in margin of the MDRM like PANAMA (Left National Madagascan) and Jina, more or less handled by the French secret services. At once, the colonial authorities showed the MDRM to be the person in charge about it and prohibits the movement after having stopped all its leaders, including the deputies in station in France. Several of the latter were then condemned to died or underwent longsufferings of imprisonment. This defeat of the MDRM resulted in to break for a long time the Malagasy nationalist movement and sounded at the same time the political decline merina in Madagascar. It was thus with the former members of the PADESM as Philibert Tsiranana that the French prepared then the accession of Madagascar to independence starting from the Loi-cadre of 1956.

Being young Malagasy historian who devoted a certain number of years on the study of the MDRM, allow me to you poster a short study of this one which corrects many things that our pleasant friend wrote above.

THE M.D.R.M.: TRIUMPH OF INTRANSIGENT NATIONALISM

February 11th, 1946, in Paris, is born a party which will mark the Malagasy contemporary political history of its loan: the M.D.R.M. Indeed, never in the political evolution of Madagascar, a structure weighed also heavy only this formation. Thanks to its hundreds of thousands of members, the movement of restoration upset the political scene of the country of the post-war period. Never, in the vision of the Madagascans, independence was also near only for this period to euphoric freedom which reigns after the Second world war. Such successes are explained largely by the origin of the party. I- FORMATION OF THE M.D.R.M.

The shortly after the war of 1939-1945, France feels the need to change its colonial policy. From now on, colonized have to take part in the management of the interior matters of their own countries. It is accordingly that Madagascar could profit from two seats of deputy to the first Constituent one. Thus, of the elections are organized in November 1945. Ravoahangy and Raseta are elected under the label of “restoration of the Independence of Madagascar”. At the beginning of the month of December 1945, here they are in Paris loans to achieve the mission that Madagascans entrusted to them: the claim of independence.

A- A birth in several stages.

Heir to the nationalist structures of first half of the 20th century, the M.D.R.M. is born in France before being established in Madagascar.

1-Paris: birthplace

As of their arrival, the two deputies request the assistance of the Malagasy diaspora. Thus was born the Committee Free-Madagascan whose mission consists in advising the Malagasy members of Parliament in their actions: to help in their contacts with the French political clouts (left, trade unions, government institutions…), to deal with their secretariat (drafting of their speeches…), to sensitize the metropolitan public with the problems and the situations of the Madagascans… Moreover, a Malagasy Delegation, trained of the two members of Parliament and some Madagascans established in France, is created in order to better support the mission of the elected officials. But the latter proves to be difficult. Indeed, the steps taken by the deputies near the metropolitan authorities fail: the doors of the Ministries are closed to them, the near total of the French political parties refuse to help them. Thus, the need for a popular support starts to be felt more especially as the metropolitan political clouts think that the Malagasy nationalist claims are only those of the minorities “hova”, from where emergence, as of the end of the year 1945, the idea to create a party of mass. And it is on February 11th, 1946 that the M.D.R.M. is legally founded in the French capital (it is also about a subterfuge because the law of 1901 on associations is not promulgated yet in Madagascar).

2- From Paris to Madagascar.

The establishment of the M.D.R.M. in the Large Island was carried out in several stages. It starts at the time of the formation of the electoral committees which supported Ravoahangy and Raseta and which scattered a little everywhere and the members are often very active local nationalists. At the national level exists the Committee chaired by Doctor J. Rakotonirainy and includes/understands personalities which are old man-wolves of the Malagasy movement of emancipation (Randriambololona, Ranaivo Paul, Ranaivo Jules…) who made their school in the nationalist structures such as the V.V.S., the S.R.I or another P.C.R.M. After the elections and being given the victory of its two candidates, the Committee seeks the means of better supporting the latter and their actions by active propaganda and sendings of funds in Paris. Thus, it decides to create the trade unions of the authors and the free press whose actions are intended to make a propaganda campaign in favor of independence. They also try to ensure the political education of the Madagascans in order to make them more sensitive to the concept of self-determination and the programs of two members of Parliament. Vis-a-vis successes of these trade unions and conscious of their true objectives, the colonial administration decides to react by prohibiting them and by condemning their principal persons in charge to sorrows of fine (May 1946). Deprived of structure of fight, the partisans of the deputies see in the creation of the M.D.R.M. the ideal solution and unhoped-for to fight colonial oppression. Thus, the old electoral Committee of two elected officials receives in April 1946 the mandate of the creators of M.D.R.M. to establish it, initially in Tananarive, for the elections of 1946. And on June 18th, 1946, the party is established officially and legally in Madagascar. Started from Tananarive, the movement of formation of the sections, sub-sections and the cells quickly gains the other areas of the Large Island. In fact, one owes this speed with the actions of the trade unions of press, with the transformation of the old electoral committees into sections, without forgetting the contributions of the nationalist co-operatives whose creation is to be put in the active of the S.R.I and the P.C.R.M.

B- the M.D.R.M. and the heritage of the nationalist movements of the pre-war period.

To analyze the birth of the M.D.R.M., it is to examine the legacies which the nationalist structures of first half of XXe left him. Thus, the party inherited this national design (Madagascar forms only one nation thus) expensive with the V.V.S. and that the S.R.I and the P.C.R.M. preached. Moreover, it is thanks to the latter if Malagasy nationalism has this communist color as of the years 1930. But, one should not forget the contributions of the actions undertaken by Jean Ralaimongo, initially in the North of the island, in particular this practical and direct fight insofar as it could direct his fight against colonization towards a ground of social action much more popular: that of the fight against the injustice and the abuses colonization like the spoliation of the grounds belonging to the peasants. Besides this concrete fight on the social field, the M.D.R.M. also inherited this form of fight more centered on the ideological debate orchestrated by an overflowing press of activities and whose influence extends even in the Malagasy campaigns, in particular thanks to the collective reading of the nationalist newspapers. Published in Tananarive, capital of nationalism as of the end of the year 1920, these newspapers play more than ever their role of principal instrument of fight of the movement of emancipation. Indeed, the structures like the S.R.I or the P.C.R.M. are exposed to the risks of the repression inflicted by the colonial administration. But if they disappear right before the war from 1939, they leave with the M.D.R.M. a political culture which goes from the modes of actions like clandestinity to the modes of expression like the elections, as of the executives which they formed and which will animate the party, without forgetting the vast systems of networks that they set up and will structure the M.D.R.M. (co-operative, networks of militance, trade unions…).

Finally to finish on the origins of this great party, one must show that he is the son of his time and reflects the ideas and the currents of thought of his time while nourishing himself and by taking as a starting point their contents (influence of the consecutive events to the war, the decolonization, the Cold war…). Its birth cannot be also dissociated from this will of republican France to reform its colonial policy in the direction of a participation of colonized in the management of their own internal businesses, symbolized by the Conference of Brazzaville. Thus, the M.D.R.M. wants to be to be a structure which precisely makes it possible to the Madagascans to take part in the administration of Madagascar thanks to the structural reforms undertaken by France (in particular the installation of the Local assemblies). This last report implies that the origin of the party is largely associated with the economic situation liberal policy of the post-war period and in particular with this awakening of the majority of the Madagascans owing to the fact that colonization and its various oppressive forms lasted too much and that freedom and independence are the only solutions with their problems and their sufferings. What the M.D.R.M. will propagate in its propaganda campaign.

II INDEPENDENCE: ULTIMATE OBJECTIVE.

Essentially, a political party is a mediator between the aspirations of the people and the central capacity. Indeed, it must be the spokesperson of the population or part of this one and also an instrument which makes it possible the latter to direct the policy of the State in the sense that she wants. Thus, the M.D.R.M. declares that a party precisely allows “to know leaning it of the population… of the burning desire in its heart”. And it is accordingly that he thinks of being the action and means of expression in the hand of the Madagascans in their search of freedom and independence. A- Madagascar: Free state within the French Union. A long time assimilationnists, the Malagasy nationalists are, in their majority, freedom fighters the shortly after the war. The elections of November 1945 show it clearly. Moreover, it is at that time that it is necessary to seek the direct origin of the policy of the M.D.R.M. concerning the statute of Madagascar. In this case, it is necessary to analyze the program which allowed Ravoahangy and Raseta, founders of the party, to be made elect.

1- Restoration of independence.

In spite of the popularity of Pasteur Ravelojaona, first elected Madagascan, his adversary, Doctor Ravoahangy, is voted by plebiscite. A victory which it owes with its program which asserts the independence of the island. As of this time, the Committee of two candidates propagates already the ideas which justify this claim and which the M.D.R.M. will convey by adopting them like his: recourse to the image of last the précolonial Malagasy, the French tradition (amongst other things Principles of 1789), to the “wishes international” expressed by the great international Declarations; speech over the fifty years of evolution under “French education” already carried out; need for the unit of the Madagascans; crowned character of Tanindrazana (fatherland)… At the same time, one denounces the misdeeds of colonization and his abuses. The success of Ravoahangy and its Raseta colleague reinforce the independence camp; at any time, self-determination is never also close, at least in the popular conscience.

2- the M.D.R.M. and the question of independence.

With its creation in 1946, the movement of the restoration is conceived for three essential goals - in the short term -: the return to the independence and the sovereignty of Madagascar, the social and economic reform, and finally establishment of a policy of co-operation with France. Among this trio, the first is most important, even if it is indicated under an expression more attenuated but how much evocative “restoration of the “Malagasy State independent” within the framework of the French Union”. One notes here one of the characteristics of the party: the respect of the legal framework of IVe French Republic whose Constitution stipulates that “France forms with the people of overseas a union based on the equal rights and duties… drawing aside any system of colonization based on the arbitrary one… ”. Thus, the free statute of State within the French institutional unit is the official objective of the party. The private bill of two deputies to the first Constituent one in 1946 shows it clearly. But, it seems that the Malagasy members of Parliament change program between the period which goes from November 1945 to the birth of the M.D.R.M. in February 1946. Explanations are essential then. One can quote two of them.

The first comes owing to the fact that the deputies ran up against the opposition of most of the French political clouts in their actions. They include/understand whereas in the French political system, in fact the policy power struggles count; this is why, they start by creating a structure which can create them: with L “helps of the Malagasy diaspora of France, they initiate the M.D.R.M.; then, they center the claim of the Malagasy nationalists, at least those their partisans. Taking as a starting point the agreements the preliminary of Hanoi (by which France recognizes the Republic of Vietnam proclaimed in September 1945 like a free State), they choose the option “free State within the French Union”. In fact, the latter is only one consensus between the will of the Madagascans to have their independence which they are judicious to seek in Paris and the preserving policy of the majority of the French and the representatives of the metropolitan authorities in Madagascar as well as colonists than ever attached more to their acquired privileges. They would have thought that the moderation of their proposal, without wounding the self-esteem of its voters, would have attracted towards them the sympathy and the assistance of the majority of the French political clouts which are hostile for them (but, they owed déchanter because only the party radical socialist of Herriot is declared favorable to their cause while laying down conditions, in particular the safeguard of the French interests in Madagascar). Thus, for the press close to the M.D.R.M., this option is a policy who wants to be realistic, “in the field of the realizable one” argues Ny Kintan' ny Maraina. The administration itself is of the same opinion according to a report/ratio of the Management of the Political matters: “Ravoahangy left for France last year with an obsession that the exercise of the legislative mandate and the contact of realities seem to have started it”. Vis-a-vis criticisms, the deputies and their partisans defend and reject the epithet “traitors”. Moreover, for them and the M.D.R.M., the French Union is only one stage towards integral independence. Ravoahangy affirms it well at the time of its conferences held during its round in August 1946 to promote the resumption of work. In fact, it benefits from the means placed at its disposal by the colonial administration to clear up the policy of its party and to join again confidence with the people.

The second explanation of this “reversal” is of technical order. It rests on the law of annexation of August 6th, 1896, a long time the pet peeve of the nationalists. Thus, the abrogation of this law is, during years, one their principal demands. At the time of its conference which was taken place at the stage of Antanimena, on May 10th, 1946, Ravoahangy declares “that it submitted to the French government a memorandum reporting the relations between France and Madagascar between 1863 and 1895 and in which it also asked for the abrogation of this law of annexation and the institution of a “free State within the French Union” in accordance with article 41 of the new Constitution” because it cannot have there a union freely authorized between Master and servant. It is necessary thus before that we are free. In the same way, at the time of the events of May 19th, 1946, the M.D.R.M. entrusts to Jules Ranaivo the clothes industry judicious streamers to bring to the High-Commissioner the claims Madagascans. One of them has like message: “The law of annexation of August 6th, 1896 has low”. Raseta itself declares with the platform of the French National Assembly on August 6th, 1947 that France did not respect the treaty of Protectorate of October 1st, 1895 by proclaiming the annexation of Madagascar unilaterally. Thus, for the M.D.R.M. and its leaders, it is only one unjust and nonlegitimate law, whereas it holds the island under the colonial yoke insofar as it legalizes the establishment and the maintenance of the situation of the Large Island like a colony. This disappeared law, all would be possible for the future statute of Madagascar including integral independence. This repealed law, colonization would be it automatically and legally. Thus, the deputies and their partisans are concerned little with denominations: Free state or independence, it do not matter, it is more or less the same thing, one enters the first (free State) to lead in the second (integral independence) because the access to these two statutes requires only one principal condition: the abrogation of the law of August 6th, 1896. The newspaper " Mongo" writing without ambiguity when he points out the objective of the M.D.R.M.: “to assert the return of the independence of Madagascar, pleasure for the Madagascans of the rights as a nation but while remaining connected like brothers with France, and that, just like France is connected with the other Nations of the world”. Here, the use of the term “restoration” is at this explicit point: the M.D.R.M. wants the return of the independence of a “Malagasy State” précolonial which had a relationship to the great powers of its time within the framework of a State in another (Ravoahangy speaks about a “senior officer”, while Rabemananjara writes that “it is in independence thus allowed on both sides that are fully carried out between the two nations the conditions of the equal rights”, for its by Raseta insists on the word “independence” instead of “free State” in its speech with the National Assembly, on May 6th, 1947 at the time when in Madagascar the insurrection makes rage: “the word independence shocks some ears awfully, but it is French and let us maintain we it”.

For better legitimating its claim of independence, the M.D.R.M. claims the recognition of the existence of a Malagasy personality and proclaims as objective its restoration insofar as the Madagascan is devalued a long time by the French. Thus, the colonial administration took measures, though legal, but which are very devaluing of which the indigénat - which places the native in a situation of inferiority compared to the others - the forced labors, requisitions… In order to cure it, the party claims the assertion and the blooming of the Malagasy personality. Helped by a very active press, it launches out in a policy of “raising” of the Madagascan and its personality. The apologue of the customs and Malagasy habits in is an example. One exhorts the Madagascans with being proud them and to what is called seize “the superiority of “Madagascans”. Obviously, this promotion of the Malagasy “label” east cannot be not to dissociate, according to the M.D.R.M., from a socio-economic development. Thus, the party envisages already some programs in this direction even if it holds essence at the time when it will have a room for maneuver much broader, i.e. when independence is acquired.

B- Madagascar independent.

The party has rather vague and confused ideas as for its future society projects concerning the Large Island at the time of its accession to independence. Its leaders affirm that the question is not yet with the day order, only the acquisition of independence worries them. Such an attitude is explained, undoubtedly, by their will not to worry the colonial authorities which can retort constantly. But by analyzing the speeches of the party and the programs of his candidates to the various elections, one can foresee, in filigree, some of his future actions.

The greatest certainty emerges in connection with the form and the type of the future State. It will be a Republic and does not have anything to have with old monarchy merina 19th century (the party speaks about restoration about the “independence” of the old State merina and not the return of this kingdom with its social or political structures). Its institutions will be democratic in the direction where the attribution of the capacities is done via the free elections. Madagascar will be “one” and indivisible and its inhabitants will form only one and single nation. This Malagasy State will be then socialist insofar as all the Madagascans are equal and that no exploitation of the ones by the others will be tolerated. In addition, the M.D.R.M. will want to found a levelling company in which the women and the men are equal and that the first will have to play a role in the development of the future Malagasy State. Faithful to this socialist ideal, the party wants to also abolish all shapes of hierarchical stratifications within the future company especially those which were born for the period précoloniale, like all differentiations between campaigns and cities and the “coastal ones” and the originating ones in the High-Grounds, finally between the “noble ones” and the descendants of slaves. R.W. Rabemananjara summarizes the program in this term: “persons in charge of the Malagasy Restoration thought that one should found… a new civic education tending to destroy any germ of feudalism and preserving reaction in the Malagasy company guided by the restoration”. In the management of the future Malagasy State, the party envisages the participation of all the Madagascans without distinction as those which chose Madagascar like their ground of adoption. Ravoahangy goes further when he declares that “it is essential that the two elements of the Malagasy population of origin and néo-Madagascan, are equitably represented in any Malagasy government to constitute”.

In general, the socio-economic projects of the party are inspired largely by the program of Raseta at the time of the elections to the first Constituent one: the efforts of the future Malagasy government are centered on the constitution of a Malagasy bank, the intensification of agriculture and national industrialization and their reorganization, the creation of university and centers of international cooperation, a demographic policy clearly natalist, the installation of laboratories and universities central as well as factories.

C- Means of claims.

Insofar as the M.D.R.M. wants to be to be a party legalist and pacifist, all violent actions to arrive at its ends are to be drawn aside. Thus, the party adopts a policy of “civil disobedience” (boycott of the French products…), of intensive propaganda to popularize the idea of independence among Madagascans, the efforts to gain the elections in order to make sure of a popular support necessary. The M.D.R.M. organizes also demonstrations like that of May 19th, 1946. It also tries to take actions of persuasion and negotiation with the French authorities and political clouts and a propaganda campaign in favor of the national cause near the international community.

In its program, the party of the restoration was concerned with the problems encountered by the Madagascans in their daily life. But its ultimate objective remains the acquisition of integral independence even if, realistic in front of the difficulties, the party chose, but like a stage only, for a free State within the French Union. But most of its partisans like the majority of the Madagascans continues to claim a total and immediate independence. Moreover, for this reason the M.D.R.M. could have the success which he known in his short existence.

III AN INFLUENCE AND NATIONAL ESTABLISHMENT.

From 1946 with its disappearance on May 10th, 1947, the M.D.R.M. was a considerable success thanks to its assets which it knew to emphasize: support of its members of Parliament, absence of fast and serious reaction on behalf of the administration against him and which would have, certainly, been able to prevent its development - the French authorities think that it constitutes a credible structure being able to represent the Madagascans and to play the part of relief valve. But this success is also to put at the account of the ability and the vitality of the party and its militants during their recruitment campaign and propaganda. Thus, in a little more than one year of existence, the M.D.R.M. is reinforced, fabric its base and openly affirms its growing force which results in its strong penetration within the company and in all the fields (economic, social, cultural…) thus making as being the most important phenomenon and more acting of the middle of the 20th century in Madagascar. The example of the province of Tananarive is a perfect illustration.

A. The province of Tananarive: an area with strong nationalist establishment

Since the beginning of colonization, the area of the High-Grounds and in particular the province of Tananarive were always a bastion of the movement of emancipation. This last area profited from the presence of the structures like the V.V.S, the S.R.I and the P.C.R.M. in its fight for the national cause. Moreover, it with the strongest diffusion of the nationalist press. Indeed, the newspapers separatists succeed in selling to with it more than a third of their specimens because of the ease of transport and relative freedom of diffusion that one meets there. Thus, the shortly after the creation of the M.D.R.M. and of its establishment in Madagascar, of many sections of the nationalist party are formed in the central province. Separately the powerful sections of Tananarive-city or Antsirabe, the party is present even in the small towns. Thus, the district of Betafo has six sections of almost 650 members, the station of Faratsiho has seven of them, while the cantons of Ambohibary Sambaina, Soanindrariny, Belazao, Vinaninony respectively contain seven, five, three and three sections of the M.D.R.M. In the district of Ambatolampy, a section was formed on December 16th, 1946 thanks to three tradesmen who are, initially, registered with Tananarive. But the central political office entrusts the mission to him of organizing a section in this town of Ambatolampy.

Through the example as of these sections of the district of Ambatolampy and their development, one can notice the ability of the propaganda of the party and which is at the origin of its fast expansion in the central province. In fact, the analysis of the contents as well as the bottom of propaganda of the M.D.R.M. makes it possible to note that the party uses various types of speech as well in rural environment as urban.

1- Propaganda in rural environment.

The speech of the party of the restoration varies according to the mediums concerned and the people concerned. In bush, he insists more on the arbitrary exactions, oppressions and institutions as well as the abusive and unjust character of the colonial system. The solution is not other than adhesion with the M.D.R.M. In this first case, the party focuses its speeches on the daily reality of the peasants, as an adviser of the chief of district of Ambatolampy explains it: “In their speeches outside of more or less pastoral form… famous lecturers M.D.R.M. to be able to draw the attention of their simple and naive listeners start… to preach on the sufferings brought for a long time to the population Malagasy and coming, say, of the French authority and its agents. They repeat thousand times in the same speech alleged measurements of rigor and arbitrary continuations made by the “vazaha”, with an aim of persecuting, of upsetting and of torturing the natives”. On this report, the same lecturers continue that “Ravoahangy obtained the removal of the Office of rice, the requisition, the forced labor and the indigénat. You must vote for him and to register you with his party so that he asks and obtains independence. As we will have independence, we will manage ourselves our financial, economic, social businesses. The French will not order us any more”. The M.D.R.M. uses and exploits skilfully the consecutive popular discontent with the sufferings caused by the war and the effort with war, the shortage, the black-market, the inflation… as well as the collapse of the purchasing power and the socio-economic difficulty which contrast with coldly acquired political freedom. After and thanks to the abolition of the oppressive institutions such as the indigénat and the forced labor, the population dares more and more to express its dissatisfaction and its claims. These last are generally centered on the need for a socio-economic reform with an aim of improving the wellbeing of each and everyone; independence even is desired only because she is seen as an effective solution against these socio-economic problems which have effects on the daily newspaper of the Madagascans. Thus, one can say that the success of the party, especially in the campaigns, comes from the conjunction of its program to the immediate need of the Madagascans. As long as the M.D.R.M. claims measurements to reduce the weight of the taxes, to fight the injustices whose population is victim, the popular support is assured for him, more especially as good number of the Madagascans take part more and more openly in the political life of their country. Much then does not hesitate to adhere to the political parties and mainly with the M.D.R.M. because this last has a legal and regular existence (whereas it fights the administration against its oppressive practices). A situation which the propaganda of the party proposes at the time of its conferences, as the secretary of the section of Ambatolampy declares it: in order to recruit the most members possible, “we press on the text which our party was not clandestine, but legal and declared in Paris and Tananarive”. Of a blow, fear and the reserves which the majority of the Madagascans has towards the political subjects disappear, and their a long time unavowed inspirations are spread out over all the existing platforms and structures. And the M.D.R.M. only one among them, perhaps, most important and are not organized, from where precisely massive adhesions in its favor.

Another manifestation of the ability of the party is the use of the traditional social structure and its automatic appeal at formulas or institutions whose social weights are heavy of significance: Fihavanana, the mutual aid, the mutual help… to promote such a strategy, various local sections create co-operatives which help people to get certain products of first need. These co-operatives also ensure of the regular incomes the peasants by buying their products at a reasonable price. As for the sections of the M.D.R.M., they are presented in the form of associations of mutual aid and with philanthropic goal, from where them big hit in certain areas like precisely the district of Ambatolampy and Antsirabe.

In the cities, the party of the restoration adopts a strategy, certainly rather similar, but specific to the medium.

2- Propaganda in urban environment.

In the urban centres and among people well-read men, the M.D.R.M., while denouncing the abuses L has colonization and while claiming reforms, adopts a type of propaganda much more erudite and with strong intellectual connotation, and which it uses with the assistance of the arguments often drawn from the ideas of the large philosophers (Rousseau…) and certain important foreign personalities (General de Gaulle, Roosevelt, Gandhi…). In this second case, the party tries more particularly to exploit the political culture of its listeners; this is why, it voluntarily quotes the great international Declarations (Charter of the Atlantic and San Francisco), the upheavals due to the war, the evolution in the long term of the Madagascans, the advent of the decolonization… The party uses as tallies of propaganda of the conferences, the newspapers and the meetings (like that of May 19th, 1946).

In the cities (as in the rural villages), with an aim of better reaching the population, the M.D.R.M. undertakes a work at the base and which proves to be very effective. It deploys the associations attached to its local sections (young people, women…) to inculcate within the population in illiterate majority a minimum of political culture: one explains the broad outlines of the policy of the party, the legitimacy of the claim of independence, the great upheavals of the post-war period, the French Union… Such a strategy shows another chain which connects the party to the other former nationalist structures (P.C.R.M., trade unions, secret societies…) who are the first to frame the population within the framework of the fight for the national cause. Thus the ground became fertile so that the M.D.R.M. can cultivate its policy and its independence ideology, helped admittedly by its policy of opening.

B- The M.D.R.M.: a party of mass.

One of the main features of the party of the restoration is the presence in its center of all the social categories, professional, denominational…. That is due to its will to be open to all the tendencies.

1- M.D.R.M.: an open party.

In its fight for independence and the restoration, the party always preached the Malagasy unit and of the Madagascans. Thus, Mongo, one of its bodies, writing in January 1947 that “the M.D.R.M. is not created solely for people, like the small ones and Merina, etc, but for all the Madagascans. It does not carry the poor and the small ones to draw up itself against the rich person and the large ones, nor excites the mass to be opposed to the men of elite, but it encourages all the Madagascans eager to see returning the independence of their country to be met under its banner for a common fight”. In other words, the party calls all those which suffer from inhuman colonial oppression. It results the considerable extent from it from its customers: “Merina and Betsimisaraka, Sakalava and Betsileo, Bara and Antandroy and all the tribes of Madagascar are all there entered and get along there well. The believers and the pagan ones, the Christians of the various confessions” enumerates Mongo. In fact, the M.D.R.M. has a system of recruitment without reserve and nonselective while trying to integrate the greatest number of people without reference to group of population, social source, socio-economic or professional condition… Each one is called and recruits in the name of one only cause: the independence of the country, because its acquisition passes by the union of all the Madagascans. Moreover, it is in the name of this union that the party wants to remove, between its members, the barriers of sex, age, social condition, ethnos group. Such a strategy can only support the rise of the M.D.R.M. on the social and political chess-board, thus facilitating its penetration within various movements of mass.

1- Movements of mass.

The sections of the M.D.R.M. maintain in their center a certain number of associations the purpose of which are to frame the mass of the members: association of youth, women, adults, war veterans… These last are used as basic structure to promote the mutual aid between the members, to educate them politically, to sensitize them for the political thing and in particular for the national cause… These associations also deal with propaganda for better recruiting insofar as they are cleaner of the people. With these organizations of mass the trade unions are added on which the party especially has a real seizure among members members of the C.G.T. As for the war veterans, disappointed by the promises not held by France, they give their supports for the M.D.R.M. with their social and political weight (they are the liberators of the " mother-patrie" , winners of Germany, the returned heroes of Andafy and who obtained as from October 1946 the right to vote). But contrary to the leaders of the party, they are more radical in their claim and not adopting always the policy electoralist and legalist of the M.D.R.M.; they are the first dissatisfied ones with the alignment of the party on the French Union.

IV MAIN TENDENCIES OF THE M.D.R.M.

The M.D.R.M., being a structure partisane, gathers Madagascans for obtaining a certain number of claims: end of the inhuman treatments of which they are victims, the political equality, the improvement of their wellbeing, self-determination… But for the party of the restoration, the goal principal, able to include the other claims, is independence. It is around the form which this one will take that appears the various tendencies within political training, symbolized by the two tendencies: immediate and integral independence, independence in the French Union.

A. The moderate wing of the M.D.R.M.

Some time after their arrival in France and especially after the creation of the M.D.R.M., the deputies Malagasy becomes in favor of a self-determination without abrupt rupture nor institutional with France within the framework of the French Union. Moreover, at the time of the legislative ones of June 1946, they insist more and more in their speeches and their propaganda on the “assets” of the first Constituent one (suppression of the most unpopular institutions, social reforms…) while stressing the future activities: acceleration of the repatriation of the Malagasy soldiers blocked in France, active participation of the Madagascans in the businesses concerning their country even French Union… Admittedly, independence remains the ultimate goal, but insistence on this subject decreases by importance. Thus, the members of Parliament do not hesitate to use of their strong influence to rejoin their partisans and the Madagascans with their standpoint. The administration itself recognizes successes which they obtain by adopting such a strategy from their close relations in favor: “since day when it adopted the formula of the French Union, the press and people who support it made the same movement. There is no more one newspaper, even among more the violent ones of formerly, who have not proclaimed for two months the utility of the French presence and the need that it continues… Ny Rariny (Justice) Mongo (crushed) sing the praises of France… and are denied him véhémentement to be hostile”. Thus “independence in the French Union” is officially the position adopted by the M.D.R.M., especially after the elections of June 1946.

This moderation is, undoubtedly, due to the influence of certain categories of people, in particular the intellectuals. Indeed, the party always tried to allure this social layer, necessary to make succeed their policy clearly electoralist. Indeed, at this time there, the votes are restricted to the only individuals filling a certain number of the conditions primarily of a sociocultural nature. Thus the majority of the voters have an undeniable French culture, much of them are sometimes French close relations of metropolis while denouncing those of Madagascar culprits of treachery towards French civilization. Very sensitive to the position of the M.D.R.M. with respect to France, this group, made up as a majority of urbanized Malagasy elites, is the first which joined with this independence as a whole French institutional, otherwise a self-determination without immediate rupture with the metropolis. It is its part established in France which could influence the deputies worried by their re-election after the failure of the first Constituent one. Thus, their nationalist party and their friends may find it beneficial to spare and take account of the concerns of this élitiste group because their voices are necessary during the next elections more especially as the party of the restoration becomes towards the second part of the year 1946 a party solidified in a political program even plebiscitary electoralist, while its leaders still believe in the virtues of a parliamentarism. The latter thinking that the electoral victories will legitimate the claim of independence as they guarantee it. They are thus ready with to do everything to obtain the most even if it means voice possible to make concessions which are likely to make the dissatisfied ones. R.W. Rabemananjara even writes that the French Union is a “concessional solution” between the Madagascans. He recognizes that it does not satisfy all the nationalists especially those which are most hostile in France (because they suffered more from colonial oppression); but it is an enough flexible consensus to avoid the mistrust of the French and to thus facilitate the process of independence.

This position preaching the continuation of the relations free-Madagascans in the same structure is that of the leaders of the M.D.R.M. and certain sections like those of Tananarive. Often members of the elite tananarivienne or in favor of its political line, they are sensitive to theoretical debates prerogatives of the only intellectuals. Thus, they raffolent speeches in which one often quotes extracts of the great political or philosophical treaties, one argues with reflections on freedom, the equality and justice, one tries to include/understand the contemporary world, one evokes with passion the conferences of peace and the new world order… in short, a whole debate which pushes them towards an excessive legalism and vote-catching maneuvers and towards a singularly pacifist policy. These characters of their political line also come from their preoccupation of credibility and a respectability. Coveted a long time, these two so expensive and capital notions for this layer leading of the M.D.R.M. are now granted to them by the colonial capacity (at least until the insurrection of 1947-1948). Thus, they are tempted to make compromises with the colonial authorities (the High-Commissioner of Coppet lends even its plane to Ravoahangy so that he undertakes a round to encourage people to work and to remain calm) even if it means agree the idea of the French Union at the price to bend their temperament and their will to have a total and immediate independence. Moreover, it seems that the taste of the capacity that the function of deputy their fellow-member, would have a little tarnished the heat of the members of Parliament for the claim of the latter. It is also in this direction that it is necessary to include/understand the attitude of the French administration which wants to bring the deputies and their partisans towards a “reasoned collaboration”.

Thus the leading sphere of the M.D.R.M. approaches more and more to it colonial capacity while being disconnected gradually from the whole of the apparatus of the party. Its standpoint and its reactions are not any more, in most of the time, according to the interests of the nationalist movement but according to those of the leading layer or the social category of the majority of its members. Moreover, she thinks that the French Union enables him to take part in management internal businesses of Madagascar. Lastly, the leaders of the party think that far from giving up the claim of independence, they do nothing but accept the idea of a process, certainly of average or long life, but surer for the re-establishment of Malagasy national sovereignty. The French Union is only one difficult but necessary stage itself even obligatory. They believe that this new institution will lead to the independence of the island because in its article 75, the Constitution of IVe République affirms expressly that “the respective statutes of the members of the Republic and the French Union are suitable for evolution”. This statute of free State is even accepted for Indo-China.

If the elites forming the leading layer of the M.D.R.M. hope to play one some role in the direction of Madagascar and the French Union in general, on the level of the base of the party, the concept of independence is appreciably different.

A. The intransigent line of the M.D.R.M.

Like the leaders, the majority of the partisans of the party of the restoration also take part in the development of her political line for a certain number of objectives. It is the same for the people whose party wants to be to be the expression, i.e. the unit of the Madagascans insofar as the M.D.R.M. is claimed to be of all the existing tendencies like being the Malagasy public conscience, of the Madagascans in prey with hardness of colonial reality. The party wants to be then the solution with all the evils striking the indigenous population as well as the effective remedy. Indeed, the natives suffered and always endure colonial oppression much. They had to face the deprivations and with the consecutive sufferings with the war and the effort of war, a situation which is at the origin of the feeling of hostility towards the French authorities. The High-Commissioner recognizes that “the abusive requisitions of the workers, accentuated by the effort of war of years 1943,1944,1945 had caused in the important part of the population a dissatisfaction”. The situation is still worse in the rural regions in which the chiefs of district and the canton reign like kinglets and misuse to be able to them. That explains leaning it of the majority of the Madagascans for the claim of independence why the propaganda of the M.D.R.M. presents as the ultimate solution to the abuses colonization. The party itself is claimed to be a need to organize and direct “the people on the double track of the national emancipation and the social release”. If the leaders of the party think that a change of the structure of the colonial capacity can change the situation in Madagascar in all the fields (policy, social…), the majority of the Madagascans thinks differently. Ille is concerned rather with its daily newspaper marked by the suffering of which it is victim. She wants to finish some, and most quickly will be best. For that, it finds the policy of the secret societies especially, very active on the level of simple people and in the rural areas, more attracting and in conformity with its eagerness.

Thus, the standpoint of the party in favor of the French Union dissatisfied much an important fringe of its militants, in particular those which are at the level of its intermediate frameworks (members of the administrative offices of the sections) like its grass-roots militants. Indeed, several leaders of the local sections of the M.D.R.M. disunite their hierarchically superiors concerning the political line to follow. They often proceed to actions by being unaware of the directives of the political office and ideas frankly anti-Frenchwomen do not hesitate to develop; for them independence can be only total and immediate with a rupture with respect to France. Over the ground, and in spite of the calls to calm of the authorities leaders of the party, the simple members do not hesitate to resist with violence the abuses the colonial administration or those of the colonists. This level, the partisans of an immediate independence that one must obtain with the use of the force, like the secret societies, find their partisans the most convinced. That explains, on the whole, the various events such as the business of Sabotsy Namehana, Andrarangavola, Anosibe, Ifanadiana… All these incidents confirm the existence of an pre-insurrectionary movement of which the generalized sudden start of March 1947 - 1948 are only the obvious result. Thus, at the time of the bursting of the insurrection of March 1947, the responsibility for the sections of the M.D.R.M. in the insurgent zone as well as a good part of its base appears obvious. It will precipitate the end of the party.

V- The ELIMINATION OF the M.D.R.M. OF the Political chessboard.

The insurrection is heavy of consequence for the Malagasy nationalist movement, in particular for the M.D.R.M. In fact, little time after the bursting of the hostilities, the French authorities shows the party to be the investigator of these disorders. Of a blow, the arrests multiply (members of Parliament, political members of the office, elected officials, militants, simple members…). The party east dissolves on May 10th, 1947. The repression of the nationalist movement, illustrated by the suppression of Malagasy freedom of the press, redoubles intensity.

A- The party of the restoration the shortly after the insurrection

From 1947 to 1955 takes place, on the pressure of the things, progressive elimination, except for Tananarive-city, of the elected representatives of from now on the old M.D.R.M. The provincial deputies, senators and advisers are stopped, considered and the majority condemned to heavy sorrows. They are replaced either by candidates of the PA.DES.M. (the tsimihety Philipbert Tsiranana by rexemple), or by those of the P.D.M., or, as from 1951, by independent personalities. This phenomenon is particularly Net with regard to the provincial Assemblies. Thus, in Fianarantsoa, on the 10 elected officials of the M.D.R.M. of 1947, because of insurrection, there remain only two about it. But the latter will be completely eliminated at the time of the polls of March 1952. This elimination is noted also in the other provincial Assemblies, excluded that of Tananarive. Indeed, in spite of success of candidate of P.D.M., Raberanto Richard, which beats the Communist Rasoanoro Zèle who represents the old M.D.R.M., the elections complementary to October 1949, and after the “consecutive readjustments with the events of 1947”, of the nationalists heirs to the party of the restoration are made elect the following the example of Rakotonirina Stanislas, former provincial adviser precisely elected under the color of the M.D.R.M. in 1947. With Rahajarizafy and Rasamoely-Lala (in spite of its affiliation with the P.D.M. this one always had the appearance of a nationalist of hard tendency) and the future mayor of Tananarive, the capital of the Territory remains a nationalist bastion savagely claiming. On the other hand, in the other electoral constituencies other than Tananarive-city, the old M.D.R.M. are eliminated. Thus, the Assemblies of Madagascar are dominated by the adversaries of the movement of the restoration. It is noticed that the nationalists merina are almost eliminated from the political scene to the profit of the “coastal” elite and of the “moderate” representatives originating in the High-Grounds (“moderate” designates here the former opponents with the independence policy of the Restoration which they are PA.DES.M. or very francophile wing of the P.D.M.). It is obvious that the French administration was for something in this situation. Indeed, after the insurrection, the colonial authorities in Madagascar want to avoid the nationalist tidal wave of 1945-1946 during which nationalists whom they cannot control dominate the political chessboard. Thus, they support its own candidates openly (qualified then the “administrative ones”) and make pressure so that they are elected, a practice which continues even in 1956, year of the rebirth of the political activities in Madagascar.

But in spite of this elimination of the “hard” nationalists and especially of the partisans of the old M.D.R.M., this last remainder the political reference which influences the political life in the Large Island between 1947 and the shortly after independence. Moreover, the former members of the party, while being careful in their actions and political activities, wait only the favourable moment to appear. Thus, as of the end of the year 1940, certain militants of the old party start to deploy an activity, certainly timid and secret, but intense. They use means diverted to manage to find themselves and to gather in the goal to begin again, more or less openly, the fight for the acquisition of independence. Thus, not to point out itself, they adopt inter alia tactics that not to draw the attention to their actions, to remain calm and trying to gain the confidence of the colonial, local or central authorities thus.

But, a certain number of militants M.D.R.M. joined the communist movement which they regard as the only structure in which they can continue the fight for independence. Moreover, many are the leaders and the members of the party of the restoration who made their school in the S.R.I and the P.C.R.M. After the insurrection, the nationalists communisants (of which much was sympathizers of the party dissolves) continue a policy of penetration, carefully, within the population via the trade unions (in particular of the sections of the C.G.T. ) or of the co-operatives. Tenimiera, body communisante, summarize the goal by writing “establish a trade union in each village and create co-operatives, because it is by these associations that our interests can be defended”. Thus, via the claims of social order and economic (wages, supply…), they try to spread their independence political ideas (and in parallel their communist ideology). The suburbs of Tananarive and Vakinankaratra in particular, the central province in general, are the areas in which they worked the most.

Dissolves officially and its activity prohibited in Madagascar, the influence of the M.D.R.M. is important so that such measurements can destroy the party and the movement which it created.

B- Myth M.D.R.M.

On the orders of the High-Commissioner, the former members of the party must give their resignation in front of the chief of district. Thus, the “tenders” multiply a little everywhere. But certain partisans of political training always continue to believe that the ideal spread by the party remains. From there was born myth M.D.R.M. like that from its leaders, in particular the members of Parliament. One of the forms that this myth takes is the refusal on behalf of the former members to give their resignation and to regard themselves as still making prohibited party. They say that “Ravoahangy is stopped but its spirit is with us”. In the district of Antsirabe, the nationalists of the M.D.R.M. declare being ready to follow the fate of the deputies. Their determination is such as the administration thinks of being in the presence of the “fanatics” not hesitating “to make a blow” as soon as the circumstances would have allowed it. Some carry even mourning in remembering the nationalists imprisoned, tortured and put at death. Thus, in Antsirabe, a man refuses to take off his beard and his moustache while declaring: “I am still in mourning, because my comrades all of the M.D.R.M. are in prison. And as long as they all will not be freed, I will not take off my beard and my moustache”.

Thus, the party of the continuous restoration of living through those who were its partisans. They will be the first to join the rows of political trainings which will be born in 1956 and thus perpetuate the long chain which connects the various structures of Malagasy nationalism.

From 1946, the political history of Madagascar is closely related to that of the Democratic movement of the Malagasy Restoration. Indeed, no structure forever had as much of importance and influence. In fact, the party is omnipresent within all the social classes and often conditions the Community and individual life of the population. With its 400.000 to 800.000 members and its thousands of sections scattered through the Large Island, it touches almost all the Madagascans, creating around him an impressive nationalist phenomenon that even its prohibition in 1947 did not prevent it from still influencing the political life in Madagascar between the insurrection and the advent of independence in 1960.

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