David Ben Gourion (in Hebrew: דודבן - גוריון) (born David Green) (October 16th 1886 - February 1st 1973) was the first Prime Minister of Israel.
Ben Gourion is also one of the founders of the Israeli Workers party which controlled the Yichouv before the creation of Israel, then the new country during the first three decades of his existence.
Youth
David Ben Gourion was born with Płońsk in Poland in a Zionist family (his/her father, professor of Hebrew, were a member of the Amants of Sion).
At 17 years, it joined an association Poale Sion, before even the official birth of this party Marxist Zionist.
Life in Othoman Palestine (1906 -1915)
Burning Zionist, David Ben Gourion emigrates (Aliyah) in Palestine in 1906.
He works initially in the orange groves and the vineyards of the Jewish farms created in the years 1880 by the Zionists of the 1st Aliyah. He is also guard in Galileo (with Hachomer, the first Jewish militia). He saw poorly, sometimes in prey with the malaria. He will even state that his modest work, and especially frequent unemployment, had made known to him the hunger. What will not prevent it from refusing any financial aid of its family.
It is at the time that it enters to the Central committee of Poale Sion.
In 1910, he becomes journalist with the newspaper of the party with Jerusalem and adopts his Hebraic name of Ben Gourion.
In 1912, it begins studies of right to the university of Istanbul, capital of the Ottoman Empire, the power manager of the Palestine. It acted inter alia weaving bonds with the future Othoman elite, in order to make it more favorable to the Zionist project.
In 1914, the First World War bursts. Ben Gourion, faithful to his strategy of alliance with Turkey, defends an attitude of honesty on behalf of the Yichouv with respect to the Ottoman Empire. But Russia, whose Ben Gourion is always formally citizen, enters in war against the Ottoman Empire. David Ben Gourion, as close to 30 000 other Jews of Palestine (on 85 000) must leave Palestine (in 1915). It takes refuge the same year in the USA.
It initially continues to refuse to militarily support the Western allies against the Othomans. But evolution of the war, and the more favorable position of the the United Kingdom with respect to the Zionism (declaration Balfour), finally made it evolve/move. In 1917, he marries Paula, then engages in the Jewish units that the Britannique army constitutes for the war in Palestine. He thus returns to Palestine in 1918, in the rows of the British army, within the regiment sometimes called " Jewish Legion " (more exactly within the 39e battalion of the royal fusiliers).
Life in Palestine Agent (1918 - 1948)
The creation of Achdut Ha' avoda (1919)
In 1919, Ben Gourion takes part in the creation of the Achdut Ha' avoda (" Union of the travail"), the Marxist party Zionist which succeeds Poale Sion. It is located rather at the right wing (reformist) of this party. The left wing, indicated like " group of Rostov" , is gradually marginalized.
The socialist unit (1920 - 1930)
In 1921, Ben Gourion is elected general secretary of the Histadrout (" General association of the workers of Eretz Israel "). This trade union, founded in 1920, gathers especially the militants of the various factions Zionists of left.
The direction of Ben Gourion is recognized like effective, but sometimes authoritative. With the head of Histadrout, it privileges several steps:
- Economic development of the country.
- socialist Unit
- nationalist Development
- Jewish Auto-défense
In 1930, David Ben Gourion plays a determining role in the fusion of the Achdut Ha' avoda and the Hapoel Hatzaïr.
The president of the Jewish Agency (1935)
After the assassination in on June 16th, 1933 of Haïm Arlozoroff, chief of the political department of the Jewish Agency, Ben Gourion still see his influence increasing. It becomes in 1935 president of the Jewish Agence, and resigns of its station within Histadrout. He becomes then the principal leader of the Yichouv Zionist. Alliance with the liberals of Weizmann is however continued: this last remainder the president of OSM.
The same year (1935), Ben Gourion tries to approach the Parti Revisionist of Vladimir Jabotinsky. This nationalist right party indeed has execrable relationships to the left Zionists. The revisionists were shown murder of Arlozoroff (still today, this responsibility makes debate). The right wing of the party (Brit Ha' birionim, under the authority of Abba Ahiméir), does not hide its sympathy to the Fascisme. Ben Gourion even treated Jabotinsky of " Vladimir Hitler". But the extent of hatred between the two camps start to worry Ben Gourion. In spite of their divergences, Ben Gourion and Jabotinsky thus try to restore the unit of the movement Zionist. But the political agreement that they worked out, approved by the party revisionist, is rejected by an internal referendum with the Histadrout. The incident is revealing of two things:
- priority of Ben Gourion in favor of nationalism compared to the left fight - right-hand side.
- limits of its capacity. Although Jabotinsky treated it " dictateur" , Ben Gourion must take into account the wishes of his political base.
The great Arab revolt and the development of the Haganah (1935 - 1939)
End 1935 to 1939, Arabic revolts against the movement Zionist. This revolt is explained by the categorical refusal see a State Juif settling in “Moslem ground”. Refusal of Jewish nationalism is born thus an Arab nationalism, which will leave current Palestinian nationalism.
Consequence of this revolt, the Haganah will be strongly developed. Group armed with defense of the Jews of Palestine, officially prohibited by the British mandate, it was in the years 1920 pennies the authority of the Histadrout. It passes in 1931 pennies the direction of the Jewish Agence. What thus means that its supreme political official was Ben Gourion until 1931, and that it becomes again it in 1935.
The plan of division of the Commission Peel (1937)
In 1937, the British (Peel commission) plan to divide Palestine, and to create a small Jewish state on a small portion (15%) of the Palestine agent: the north of the Palestine agent and part of the coastal strip. In spite of the modest size of the state suggested, Ben Gourion engages in favor of the plan of division, against the opinion of part of Mapaï (behind Berl Katznelson and Itshak Tabenkin). With this intention, it has the support of Haïm Weizmann.
But he manages only partially to overcome the strong reserves of the OSM. This one accepts the idea of a division, but refuses the too narrow borders proposed.
In front of the lack of enthusiasm of the Zionists (and in front of the hostility of the Arab nationalists), the British give up the Peel plan. But the reaction of Ben Gourion is revealing of his pragmatism.
White paper and rupture with the United Kingdom (1939)
In 1939, Ben Gourion directs a semi-state. He has his government (the Jewish Agence), his police force, his army (the Haganah), his Parliament (Asefat ha-nivharim), his population (450.000 Jews).
But the great Arab revolt convinced the British who the Zionism was a factor of development of Arab nationalism, and thus a threat for the British interests in the area. The " Deliver Blanc" from 1939 thus states that only 75.000 Jews will be able henceforth to enter to Palestine. In 1949, Palestine will become a unit independent state, with Arab majority.
Ben Gourion will organize the solved opposition of the Yichouv to this policy.
An illegal immigration is installation around the Mossad Aliyah Beth. It aims at bringing Jews in Palestine.
Ben Gourion and the movement world Zionist decides with the congress Zionist of Biltmore (the USA) to assert a Jewish state on all Palestine, implying the departure of the British.
In same time, Ben Gourion directs the Sioniste movement in a support solved for the effort of war against the Nazis. Members of Yichouv, in particular of Haganah engage in the " Juive" brigade; under British command. He declares: " We will help the British in the war as if there were not White paper and we will fight against White paper as if there were not the war ".
The hardening of the oppositions (1945-1947)
In 1944, the Irgoun revisionist takes again the weapons against the United Kingdom.
Between 1944 and 1945, Ben Gourion will organize repression against those which he regards as terrorists. Members of Irgoun are delivered to the British. Others are removed by the Haganah and subjected to muscular interrogations, sometimes with maltreatment. But this policy is increasingly unpopular progressively of British hardening against the Zionism.
The crisis of the refugees will put an end to this attitude of the executive Zionist and Ben Gourion. Hundreds of thousands of survivors of the Shoa want to return to Palestine, but the British oppose it. This policy, perceived like inhuman, causes the anger of Yishouv.
From 1945, Ben Gourion reorientates the policy of the Jewish agency and Haganah in a direction more anti-British. If the bloody actions of Irgoun (and its dissidence, Lehi) continue to be condemned, Haganah takes part now in sabotages (normally without dead) against the British. Ben Gourion organizes strikes and sabotages, while reinforcing Haganah by a policy of purchases of weapons in Europe.
In parallel, Ben Gourion and Haganah develop massively clandestine immigration (Aliyah Beth). Tens of thousands of refugees manage to penetrate in the country, but of tens of thousands of others are stopped by the British and are locked up in camps with Cyprus or in Germany, causing a strong international sympathy. The top of this crisis of the refugees will be reached with the cargo liner Exodus.
In 1947, the British, who do not control really any more the situation, decide to return their mandate on Palestine with UNO. This one decides to divide the country between Jews and Arabic. See the article detailed on the Plane of division of 1947.
The creation of the State (1947 -1949)
The large majority of Arabic refused the division. As of November 1947 the civil war between Jews and Arabic of Palestine bursts, under the passive eye of the British, who leave the country only on May 15th, 1948.
The unit of the army (spring - summer 1948)
Ben Gourion directs the defense of Yichouv. In March 1948, a crisis opposes it to the direction of Haganah: Ben Gourion wants an offensive which this direction does not consider able to carry out. Ben Gourion asserts himself in spite of the threats of resignations, and the offensive succeeds.
In May 1948, Ben Gourion creates Tsahal, which gathers Haganah, Irgoun and Lehi. During the summer, a new crisis bursts, against Irgoun this time. Irgoun had maintained its units within Tsahal. But Ben Gourion did not want units politicized. Benefitting from an attempt of Irgoun to make return of the weapons in the country, Ben Gourion makes draw on the boat transporting these weapons, the Altalena. There are 18 died: 16 members of Irgoun, 2 soldiers of Tsahal. Ben Gourion shows the Irgoun and his chief, Menahem Begin, to prepare a coup d'etat. The units of Irgoun are dissolved.
Ben Gourion also decides to dissolve the Palmach (in June - July). This unit of elite, created by Haganah in 1941, was regarded as too on the left.
Ben Gourion imposed his authority on the armed groups, and melted them in a single army.
More, to see the article on the war of Independence.
The proclamation of independence (May 14th, 1948)
May 14th, 1948, (one day before the departure of the British, in order to respect the Shabbat), David Ben Gourion reads in the name of the provisional government the Déclaration of Independence of the State of Israel.
The widening of the borders (1948 - 1949)
The borders of 1947 had been accepted without enthusiasm. The war, which finishes really only in March 1949, makes it possible to make pass the borders of 55% of Palestine to 73%.
The Arab population leaves the new state massively. Israel affirms that they left only, them that they were driven out. Reality village by village seems more complex.
But it is clear that Ben Gourion pursued a double policy:
- To widen the borders of the state to the maximum.
- To ensure a Jewish majority as vast as possible.
See for more details the chapter consolidation of the State after 1948, and the detailed article Taken refuge Palestinian.
The letter of the Status quo (1947)
An important divergence historically opposes the ultra-orthodoxe Jews (Haredim) and the Zionists. The haredim do not accept the idea of a Jewish state not-monk imposed by laymen before the arrival of the Messie. Ben Gourion does not want opposition religious to the existence of the state, and will negotiate a compromise.
In 1947, at the time of the investigation of UNO (UNSCOM) into the creation of a Jewish state, Ben Gourion negotiates with the Agoudat Israel, the political party (not Zionist) of theorthodoxe ones. Those agree not to give an opinion against the creation of the Jewish state (but do not support it), in exchange of a mail known as of the status quo, signed by the leaders Zionists (left, Zionists general and religious Zionists), who engage with:
- to reserve for the rabbinical courts the management of the personal status of the Jews (marriages and divorces, in particular);
- to protect the autonomous institutions from Agoudat (in particular in the educational field);
- to make so that the State supports the practice of the divine commands.
Under the direction of Ben Gourion, the State will exonerate shortly after (in 1950) theorthodoxe ones of the military service.
The letter of the status quo and the exemption of the military service are still today the base of the current Israeli policy with respect to the ultra-orthodoxe Jews.
The creation of the State: synthesis
In a few months, Ben Gourion carried out an enormous work:
- It created Tsahal and eliminated the political militia.
- It set up a long-term compromise with the ultra-orthodoxe Jews, which cease fighting the idea of a Jewish state.
- It preserved the fragile independence of the State and widened its borders.
- It ensured a strong Jewish majority, at the price of the drama of the Palestinian refugees.
The Prime Minister (1948-1963)
Separately a two years interruption between 1954 and 1955, Ben Gourion occupies the station of Prime Minister, semi-officially of the May 14th 1948 and officially of the February 25th 1949 with the June 26th 1963.
1948-1954
This period is marked by a considerable surge of Jewish refugees. The Jewish population of the state doubles to reach nearly 1,3 million people.
Vis-a-vis some which wanted to limit the entries to make it possible to better absorb them, Ben Gourion supports a maximum immigration policy.
Surroundings half of the refugees are survivors of the Shoah. But other half makes up of Jewish refugees Sépharades Arab countries, which is a relative innovation for Yichouv hitherto made up with 80% of Ashkénazes of European origin. Their integration will be difficult taking into account a very low education level, and much consider that it is one of the most serious failures of Ben Gourion. In the years 1970, Sépharades will be turned over against the members of the Labor Party, in their reproaching their imperfect integration in the new state, and will vote in mass for the line Zionist.
The other great subject of the time is the defense policy. From this point of view, Ben Gourion, who preserves the wallet of defense, defends several axes:
- a strong response for any external attack.
- alliance with the occident in general and France in particular.
- the launching of a nuclear program.
- the refusal to validate the borders of 1949.
1954 - 1955: the semi-retirement
In 1953, Ben Gourion announced his intention to withdraw government and to settle with the Kibboutz Sde-Boker, in the Israeli Negev.
In October, it gives the order to carry out the Shoshana operation which leads to the Massacre of Qibya.
Although it did not give up its governmental obligations completely, it resided at it nevertheless all the year of 1954.
Ben Gourion left the capacity to Moshé Sharett. He however itself appointed the Minister for Defense, Pinhas Lavon, and the chief of staff, Moshé Dayan, on which Sharett will have evil to be essential. Ben Gourion thus continues to have a big role, though semi-official, on the decisions taken.
1955 - 1963: the return to the capacity
Ben Gourion returns to the capacity in 1955, after the elections which follow the fiasco of " the Business Lavon " (of the attacks anti-Westerners organized by Israeli agents in Egypt, and aiming at discrediting the Egyptian mode).
It organizes the war of the Sinai of 1956 against the Egypt, following the Egyptian threats to destroy Israel, and following the Egyptian blockade against the Israeli port of Eilat.
The war is a relative success. The Sinai is occupied, then restored in Egypt at the beginning of 1957, in exchange of a relaxation of the safe situation, and a lifting of the blockade of Eilat. This relaxation will last ten year, until the Guerre the six day old of 1967.
It privileged the bringing together with the Turkey, which it visited secretly in 1958 according to the invitation of Turkish the Prime Minister for the time Adnan Menderes. During this visit, an agreement on the economic cooperation and soldier were signed between the two countries.
Ben Gourion planned to preserve the the Sinai, but has to give up it because of the strong American pressures.
The departure of the capacity 1963 - 1973
In 1963, Ben Gourion resigns again, because of the continuations of the " Business Lavon ".
Marginalized within the Mapaï, its own party, it creates in 1965 the Rafi. This creation is a partial failure. The party obtains 7,9% and 10 seats with the elections of 1965. The score is not bad, but insufficient to make it possible Ben Gourion to return to the capacity.
In 1968, it accepts the reunification of Rafi with the Mapaï and the Achdut Ha' avoda, another dissidence of Mapaï, but going back to 1944. This reunification reconstitutes Mapaï in its political perimeter of 1930, but under the new name of Workers party.
Ben Gourion remains member of Knesset until 1970. He takes his retirement at 84 years, and dies in 1973. He is buried with the Kibboutz of Sdé-Boker.
Functions
-
Of the May 14th 1948 with the February 25th 1949: Prime Minister (semi-officially)
- Of the February 25th 1949 with the January 26th 1954: Prime Minister.
- Of November 1st 1950 with the January 26th 1954: Minister for Defense.
- Of the August 14th 1952 with the December 24th 1952: Minister for Transport.
- Of the February 21st 1955 with the June 26th 1963: Minister for Defense.
- Of the November 3rd 1955 with the June 26th 1963: Prime Minister.
Personality
David Ben Gourion was a brilliant speaker. Of small size, it had a strong personal charisma.
Large worker, authoritative, it was also an enormous reader. Its library counted a score of thousands of books. Ben Gourion learned how the traditional Greek thus to be able to read Plato in the text. Its personal newspaper counts hundreds of thousands of pages.
In 1966, the Historien Michel Bar-Zohar written to “David Ben Gourion is a solitary man. It is easier to admire it than to like it. He is unaware of the human gesture, the cordial smile, the friendly word. He cannot exteriorize his feelings. its enemies are legion, of left and right-hand side. He also can hate, with tenacity, with passion, until the end. Its hatred against Etzel (Irgoun) and its chief, Begin, is tough. ” Ben Gourion thus remained famous to refuse almost systematically to call Menahem Begin by its name. In Knesset, it used periphrases as “the man who sat with the right-hand side of the Baer deputy”.
Ben Gourion was elected by the magazine Time like one of the 100 more important personalities having influenced the 20th century.
Quotation
- “If I were an Arab leader, I would never sign an agreement with Israel. It is normal: we took their country to them. It is true that God promised it to us, but in what that can it interest them? Our God is not theirs. There was the anti-semitism, the Nazis, Hitler, Auschwitz, but in what that does he look at-T them? They see only one thing: we came and took we to them their country. Why they would accept it?” (city by Nahum Goldman, the Jewish Paradox, p. 121)
-
“If I knew that it is possible to save all the Jewish children of Germany by bringing them in England, and only half of them of transporting them in Eretz Israel, I will choose the second solution. Because we must take account not only of the life of these children, but also of the History of the people of Israel”. Source: Yvon Gelbner, “Zionist policy and the fate off European jewery" , in Yad Vashem studies. Jerusalem. Vol. XII, page 199.
References
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