Crisis politico-soldier in Ivory Coast

The crisis politico-soldier in Ivory Coast begins on September 19th, 2002, a beginning of solution is profiled on January 24th, 2003 with the signature of the Agreement of Linas-Marcoussis. However, an abrupt crispation in November 2004 calls into question all the projections obtained. A promise of final payment takes shape finally with the signature of the Political agreement of Ouagadougou on March 4th, 2007.

September 19th 2002, of the rebellious soldiers come from the Burkina Faso try to take the control of the towns of Abidjan, Bouaké and Korhogo. They fail in their attempt to take Abidjan but are victorious in the two other cities, respectively in the center and the north of the country.

The rebellion which will take the name of " later; Nouvelles" forces; gradually occupy the northern half of the country thus cutting it in two distinct geographical areas: south held by the National Armed forces of Ivory Coast (FANCI) and the north held by the Armed forces of the Forces New (FAFN) .

Involved forces

Three large armed components are in presence on the territory of the Ivory Coast:

forces of the State of Ivory Coast :

the national Armed forces of Ivory Coast (FANCI) which are the official forces, also called loyal supporters, made up and equipped essentially since the Indépendance with the country in 1960 ;
they are reinforced by back-up troops of the Ivory Coast and probably nonof the Ivory Coast ;

rebellious forces :

the Armed forces of the new forces (FAFN), which is the forces of the rebellion, hold 60% of the country, with approximately 7 000 armed men (variable figure, according to to and from of part of these men with the Liberia) constituted and equipped essentially since the beginning with the crisis in 2002 ;
they are reinforced by back-up troops of the Ivory Coast and probably nonof the Ivory Coast of which many traditional hunters (Dozo) ;

gripping forces of peace :

forces of the Operation of the United Nations in Ivory Coast (ONUCI);
French forces: the 43e BIMa and the troops sent within the framework of the Operation Unicorn and under mandate of UNO (Operation of the United Nations in Ivory Coast), are 3 000 men in February 2003 and 4 600 in November 2004;
soldiers of the CEDEAO, the white Helmets, them also under mandate of UNO.

The State profits from the support of the Jeunes patriots , nationalist group supposed guilty of violences against French nationals, and whose chief resulting from the Student confederation and Scolaire of Ivory Coast (FESCI), Charles Blé Goudé, is won over to the policy of the president Laurent Gbagbo.

Origin of the conflict

The reign of Felix Houphouët-Boigny

Under the presidency of Felix Houphouët-Boigny (of 1960 until its death in 1993), the Ivory Coast is a country integrated very well in the world commerce. The principal public revenue comes from the export of the raw materials as the Cacao (of which the Ivory Coast is the first world producer), the Café and the Coton but also the Natural gas.

This foreign trade made it possible the country to develop and to the citizens to have a good standard of living. This paradise economic and social, in a poor Africa, attracts many immigrants of the adjoining countries. Thus, in particular, the Burkinabe and Guinea NS were numerous to be established in the North of the country to work in the plantations.

To died of Houphouët-Boigny, the country entered a multiform crisis. Its successors did not have its will have and could not face the economic difficulties due for a great part to the Dégradation of the terms of trade between country of the developed Tiers-monde and countries.

The concept of ivoirity and its political application

Degradation of the political climate

After four decades of dictatorship, the coup d'etat of the general Robert Guéï is legitimated by the recognition of the Popular front of the Ivory Coast (FPI) of Laurent Gbagbo and the Rassemblement of the republicans of Ivory Coast (RDR) of Alassane Ouattara. The failure of several coup attempts of State obliges the partisans of Allassane Ouattara within the army to flee with the Burkina Faso.

The seven candidatures presented successively by the Democratic party of Ivory Coast (PDCI), of which Henri Konan Bédié with the presidency in 2000, are eliminated by the Supreme court. It is the same for the candidate of the RDR, Alassane Ouattara, judged not-Man from the Ivory Coast. On the whole, fourteen of the twenty candidatures for the presidential election presented by parties are rejected by the Supreme court. The calculation of ballot papers places Robert Gueï in second position behind Laurent Gbagbo the October 22nd ; it autoproclame nevertheless president of the republic what starts big demonstrations of the population, soon followed by the gendarmerie. The confrontations oppose the Praetorian guard of the Gueï general to the population. The first are quickly overcome but the confrontations are prolonged between partisans of Ouattara and in favor of Laurent Gbagbo. Finally, the October 26th, it is Laurent Gbagbo which is proclaimed president on decision of the Electoral commission.

The approach of the legislative elections is source of new tensions and it is under these conditions that Laurent Gbagbo issues the state of emergency the December 4th. The December 10th, with the legislative elections, the FPI gains 96 seats out of 223, PDCI on its side gains 98 of them. RDR, in spite of its decision to boycott these elections, counts four representatives at the Parliament elected under the banner “Independent”.

The municipal elections result in a relative victory for RDR and an undeniable victory of the démocratie ; for the first time of its history, the Ivory Coast attends a defeat at the polls of the party in power.

The civil war (September 2002 - 2007)

The rebellion

An coup attempt of State takes place the September 19th 2002 in a simultaneous way with Abidjan (main city of the country and seat of the government), Bouaké (center) and Korhogo. During this putsch, various attempted murders take place against personalities politiques : Alassane Ouattara and Moïse Lida Kouassi, Minister for Defense. The Minister of Interior Department Emile Boga Doudou, Robert Guéï, ex-chief of the State (1999 - 2000), and their bodyguards are assassinated. The responsibility for this assassination and attempts would be due to the government, according to the report/ratio Leliel (report/ratio of UNO, to see bond at the end of the article). The putschists are pushed back and fold up themselves with Bouaké. Engagements take place between rebels and governmental forces and Bouaké in particular passes with hands in mains ; summary executions multiply, on each side. At the time of this coup d'etat, Laurent Gbagbo was on a diplomatic journey in Italy.

During the days which follow and until November, of many trade unionists, students, political opponents of the RDR or the parties close to RDR, suspected of being at the origin of the rebellion, or communist militants of organizations are carried out by the police force or militiamans. Three hundred people on the whole thus were assassinated with the autumn 2002. Hundreds from abroad or people suspect are also massacred by the bast FANCI or mercenaries. Similar massacres take place in the rebellious zone involving the escape towards the South of a million Men from the Ivory Coast then called moved .

Bombardments of the helicopters of the army loyal supporter make several deaths in the civil populations in November and December 2002.

This coup d'etat fallen through with Abidjan is not the sign of a tribal crisis (with secession) but that of a crisis of transition from the Dictature of the Houphouët-Boigny period towards the Démocratie with the clashes inherent in the definition of the citizenship. The rebels are soldiers who were excluded from the army of the Ivory Coast at the time of Gueï and who involved themselves with the Po camp to the Burkina-Faso like with the Mali. Equipped with new weapons, supported by combatants coming from several countries of the area and having an important financial manna of unknown origin, they are folded up on Bouaké and initially try to be made pass for mutinés soldiers. In front of the success of their operation, the populations of North support their rebellion. Their principal demand is the departure of Laurent Gbagbo, obtaining nationality of the Ivory Coast to all the inhabitants of the country, the right to vote and their representation in Abidjan. The concept of ivoirity and all that results from this is directly blamed by the rebels. They will be combined nevertheless with the partisans of the ivoirité : Bédié and heirs to Gueï.

A cease-fire is signed in October 2002 but he is violated at once. The West of the Ivory Coast is invaded at the beginning of December 2002 starting from the Liberia by two new rebel movements which exterminate several thousands of Men from the Ivory Coast. These new rebels are made up mainly of bast troops ordered by the rebel sierraléonais Sam Bockarie but also by elements of the rebellion of the PMIC (Kass, Adam' S) and soldiers in favor of Gueï.

Among the principal leaders of the rebels, Guillaume Soro, leader of the patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast (PMIC), left principal the rebels, is resulting from studied trade union the near to the FPI of Gbagbo but was also fellow candidate of a candidate RDR to the legislative elections of 2000, Mrs. Henriette Diabaté. Louis Dacoury Tabley was also one of the leaders of FPI.

Intervention of France

The France intervenes the September 22nd but only to protect its nationals and the Occident with (some American agents protecting their own nationals) the : she refuses to apply the bilateral agreements which were to play in the event of attempt at destabilization. Paris sends 2 500 soldiers and request with the CEDEAO to send white helmets, so as to internationalize the management of the crisis.

The October 17th, a cease-fire is signed.

The November 28th, the Popular movement of the Ivory Coast of the Great West (MPIGO) and the Movement for justice and peace (MJP), two new rebel movements, take the control of the towns of Man and Danané, in the West. France pushes with the negotiation whereas rebels and Gbagbo thought only of in découdre.

Several reasons pushed France with intervenir :

respect of the military agreement of protection in the event of foreign attack or attempt at destabilization of the Ivory Coast. However, the rebels are regarded by the government of Ivory Coast as étrangers ;
protection of the French nationals and occidentaux ;
protection of the goods of the French nationals. Half of SME are held by of Français ;
to avoid a tragedy as that of the Rwanda where France was put at the index, having intervened tardily to stop the Génocide.

All these reasons pushed France to intervene but she was very quickly shown to only want to protect her interests and to have neo-colonial aimings .

France considers that the rebels rise against a humiliation. This humiliation would be related to the fact that North is desert whereas the South is richer because fertile and coastal. Ethnic discrimination and nun is also a factor of rebellion. The concept of Ivoirité crystallizes the problem. For Laurent Gbagbo, it acts former servicemen, constant by an interference of the Burkina Faso, which wishes to destabilize the area even if it also explains from now on the crisis by the difference in religion, between 300 and 500 according to the PDCI of Henri Konan Bédié. This repression causes the withdrawal of several opposition parties of the government. The report/ratio of UNO of the May 3rd reveals the implication of the high ranking authorities of the State of the Ivory Coast and estimates the assessment at least 120 dead.

In April, the forces loyal supporters carry out several bombardments in the West of the country which kills out of the civilians. The national reconciliation government, composed of 44 members in the beginning, is tiny room to fifteen after the dismissal of three ministers of which Guillaume Soro, political leader of the rebels, the May 6th. That involves the suspension of the participation in the government of national union of the majority of the political movements.

France is consequently in an increasingly uncomfortable situation, shown by the two camps to support the autre :

the loyal supporters because it protects the rebels and does not apply the agreements of defense made with the Coast of Ivoire ;
rebels because it prevents the catch of Abidjan.

The June 26th, a French soldier is killed in his vehicle by a governmental soldier close to Yamoussoukro.

In July, a top with Accra with the Ghana gathered by UNO starts again the peace process by giving a new calendar.

Exactions and crimes committed since 2002

Although the north of the Ivory Coast is regarded by the rebels as released, of many exactions were made a little everywhere. Several mass graves and common graves were found by UNO and of the governmental organizations like Amnesty International.

Parallel to that, the rebels put at bag the banks Central bank of the States of West Africa (BCEAO) with Bouaké and Korhogo. Although the spoils are not known with precision, it is estimated at several frank billion CFA (a billion francs CFA = a million and half of Euro S). Several French soldiers of the Opération Unicorn are stopped to have collected bags filled with tickets given up by the plunderers.

In the zone controlled by the government, of many massacres from abroad took place. The disappearances announced to the police force generally do not give place to investigations. All the political parties of opposition and the trade unions deplore the disappearance of several their militants, disappearance allotted to the Death squads the , composed of soldiers, police officers and militiamans. On another side, arbitrary detentions and without judgment multiply.

The rapes on the adult women or the children extremely many, are often accompanied by barbarous acts, on all the territory of the Ivory Coast. The police force was made responsible for Torture. Several religious communities (in particular Moslems) are victims of exactions in the south of the country.

The resumption of the war (since October 2004)

Factors of recovery

The “ chronogram ” of the agreements of Accra III is not respected. The bills envisaged in the process are blocked by the FPI with the National Assembly. The conditions of eligibility for the presidential ballot are not re-examined because Laurent Gbagbo claims to choose a procedure chief clerk and not the way of the ordinance S, suggested with Accra. In front of political blocking, the disarmament whose beginning is envisaged fifteen days after these constitutional modifications does not begin mid-October.

The tension goes up and of the signs indicate that the two camps wish in découdre again. Soldiers of UNO open fire on unfavourable demonstrators with the disarmament of the rebels the October 11th. The rebels, who took the name of new Forces (FN), announce the October 13rd their refusal to let itself disarm vis-a-vis the solid mass purchases of weapons of the national Armed forces of Ivory Coast (FANCI). They indeed intercepted two trucks of FANCI full of heavy weapons travelling towards the line of demarcation. The October 28th, they issue the state of emergency in the North of the country.

The operation Dignity

Abidjan decides of a counter-offensive, baptized “Dignité operation” (sometimes called “César operation”). A propaganda film supports that this operation was done with the agreement of the Elysium, but on this point, the political commentators are not agreement.

The responsibility for the decision making of the bombardment is still not established. The November 4th, the recent aviation of FANCI begins bombardments on Bouaké. Engagements oppose the terrestrial forces the following days but the FANCI do not manage to bore. On the whole, the new Forces announce the death of 85 civilians in the bombardments from November 4th to 6th.

Days of the from November 6th to 9th

The November 6th, governmental aviation makes nine dead and 37 wounded among the French soldiers based with Bouaké (2nd RIMA, RICM, 515e regiment of the train) and an American civilian (of a ONG). The French forces counteract by destroying both Sukhoï on the basis of Yamoussoukro, fifteen minutes after the attack.

Jacques Chirac gives the order to counteract by also destroying all the military air means of the Ivory Coast. This action aims to prevent all new attack of the FANCI against the rebels, opposite with the Agreements of Marcoussis, and also to prevent all new attack against the French positions.

One hour after the attack on the camp of the French forces, of the engagements burst between the soldiers French and of the Ivory Coast for the control of the airport of Abidjan, essence for France so as to establish a Airlift .

In same time, the Alliance of the young patriots of Abidjan (see Political Ivory Coast for more details on the Young patriots), sends its troops, poked by the Média S of State (radio, tele but also of the newspapers like Mail of Abidjan or Our Way ), which plunder many real goods. Rape S, beatings up are listed, perhaps murders by the Young patriots, who expose their racist ideology explicitly. According to the CCI of Abidjan, the companies held by French, Westerners, the Lebanese one or Men from the Ivory Coast were détruites ; testimonys of contractors of the Ivory Coast or Lebanese on the spot remained agree to describe “ plunderings planned, targeted and framed ” and to specify that soldiers took part in it (Pierre Daniel, directing Movement of SME). The media of opposition or independent are put at bag.

The French soldiers, besieged by crowd, opened fire on it (declaration of the chief of staff Bentégeat, the evening of November 7th). These shootings make many deaths and wounded among the demonstrators, reinforcing propaganda anti-French. Several hundreds of Westerners, mainly of the French, take refuge on the roofs of their buildings to escape crowd, they are then evacuated by Hélicoptère S of the French Army.

France sends in reinforcement 600 men coming from the Gabon and France.

As from the week of Monday November 8th, certain Western expatriates (French and Lebanon board mainly but also Morocco ains, German, Spanish, British, Dutch, Canadian and American) in Ivory Coast choose to leave, for some definitively.

The November 13rd, the president of the National Assembly, Mamadou Coulibaly (FPI), declares that the government of the Ivory Coast does not take any responsibility in the bombardment for previous Saturday (the 6) and announces the intention to carry felt sorry for in front of the the International Court of Justice (repeated intention on November 28th but finally not put at execution) :

for the destruction of the air means of the army ivoirienne ;
for the repression of the manifestations of the 6 to the 9 by the French Army which would have made several tens of died (the chief of French staff Bentégeat recognizes deaths among the Men from the Ivory Coast as of the evening of November 7th).

The same day, in a maintenance granted to the Washington Post , Laurent Gbagbo calls into question the existence even of French deaths to Bouaké.

The threat of complaint of Mamadou Coulibaly answers an official complaint deposited in France by association Comité of April 22nd, 1988 the memory of the gendarmes of Ouvéa for “voluntary manslaughters with premeditation and voluntary wounds with weapons and in meeting” against Laurent Gbagbo, the colonel Philippe Mangou, controlling operation of bombardment and since promoted chief of staff of FANCI, as well as the pilots of the Soukhoï Known-25

The November 15th, the Safety advice of the United Nations, at the request of France, takes unanimously the resolution 1572, prohibiting the trade of the weapons with one or the other of the two warring factions, rebellious of North or governmental forces. Several African countries made more severe this prohibition.

At the end of November, the government of the Ivory Coast gives up the thesis of the French Army decapitating and massacring the crowd of the demonstrators. It carries out an communications operation on the other hand aiming at showing voluntary shootings on this crowd turned during the shootings, showing panicked crowd, but nevertheless not carnage initially brought back.

The Call of November 6th

Charles Blé Goudé and COJEP thinks that the country will sink if nobody reacts, they decide to take the initiative by the only means which was the explanation of the situation and a call to resistance to the studios of RTI following the example Appel of June 18th with BBC. Blé Goudé declares with the First and TV2: If you are eating, stop. If you sleep, awake. All with the airport, the 43ème Bima. The hour had just chosen between dying in shame or dignity . This event became historical in Ivory Coast, this event which one calls the Appel of November 6th, 2004 forms today part of the Histoire of the Nation of the Ivory Coast|date= July 15th, 2007

Following this call, several actions are undertaken:

multiple demonstrations at the strategic points.
human shield around Laurent Gbagbo.
support for Laurent Gbagbo.

Departures from abroad

With the November 13rd, 2 600 French expatriates had returned to France like 1 600 European expatriates. With November 17th, 8 332 French (on the 14 000 present at the beginning of November) had left the Ivory Coast. The operations of evacuation cost approximately five million euros.

Jean-Louis Billon (president of the Chamber of commerce and industry of Ivory Coast) during a maintenance on the radio of ONUCI declares that “the companies of the Ivory Coast are touched” and the departure of several companies held by foreigners is likely to have significant impacts on the economy and unemployment in Ivory Coast.

Although the Ivory Coast remains the first world cocoa producer, the departure of several thousands from abroad of Ivory Coast and the closing of their companies are likely to deprive the country of many revenues from taxes. The disorders prevent moreover export of these perishable goods or the renchérissent : in the South as in North, the trucks are held to ransom (but ten times more at the South that in North according to the CCI of Bouaké).

Resumption of the peace process

In December, president Gbagbo starts again the process of modification of the Constitution envisaged in the various agreements, of Marcoussis like Accra III. December 17th, the project is adopted by the National Assembly, 179 deputies having voted yes against 19 deputies having voted not . This modification relates only to one word of the article 35 ; the sentence “the candidate must be exclusively of nationality of the Ivory Coast, born from father and of mother of the Ivory Coast of origin” becoming “the candidate must be exclusively of nationality of the Ivory Coast, born from father or of mother of the Ivory Coast of origin” what opens the candidature for the presidential election. The deposit of bill in the current of the week had made it possible to push back the sanctions of UNO against the people responsible for the failure of the process of paix ; these sanctions (freezing of the assets, prohibition to leave the Ivory Coast) will be examined on January 10th, 2005.

It prohibits in the same way the demonstrations until March 10th whereas the Young patriots announced for Saturday the 18th a procession claiming the departure of the Force Unicorn. This prohibition touches in the same way the youth organizations of the other parties which had envisaged a meeting the same day in order to support the action of France. Its speech with the Ivoire hotel which accommodated the Confederation of Panafrican youths (COJEP) is on the other hand very martial (December 18th).

The spoils of burglings of BCEAO are partly seized with the Mali where the authors try to bleach this money. The BCEAO indeed launched a standard operation of demonetization of the tickets 92 which expires on December 31st.

This return to the normal will be however made difficult by the embrittlement of economic fabric after two years of war and four days of riots in Abidjan. According to Jean-Louis Balk, president of the Chamber of commerce and industry of Abidjan, 78 large companies are completely destroyed, 20 chose to leave the Ivory Coast and 106 did not reopen their doors yet. As for Daniel Bréchat, president of the Movement of small and medium-size companies (MPME), it estimates that on 500 adherent SME, 120 disappeared body and well.

Moreover, the Gbagbo clan always holds the principal media of State and continuous to use them to influence the opinions. Thus, on December 15th, the Minister for Transport Kobena Anaky (of the Movement of the forces with a future, MFA) complained that its speech was truncated in a report of the tv news. The return to the neutrality of the Radio-Télévision of the Ivory Coast (fine of the occupation of the building by the Young patriots, stop of the diffusion of the nationalist anthem the Ode with the fatherland , return of the former executives) is carried out mid-December at the beginning of January 2005.

In November 2004, the South African president Thabo Mbeki is elected by the African Union like mediator. It draws up its roadmap around five points :

legislative Program (complete legislative program excluding article 35 from the Constitution on the conditions of eligibility to the presidency of the Republic, adoption of new article 35, ratification of the legislation with the support of the Follow-up committee of the peace agreements of Marcoussis ;
Disarmament (GDR: demobilization, disarmament, reintegration of the demobilized soldiers) ;
Creation of a favorable climate to free political activities (restoration of the direction of the Radio television of the Ivory Coast, call to the media so that they avoid using a language incentive with hatred, call to the Young patriots to leave the street, resumption of mixed patrols ONUCI/Defense forces and safety of the Ivory Coast) ;
Operation of the national reconciliation government (reinforcement of safety for the Ministers for the government, return of all the ministers to the government, resumption of the decisive operations of the government) ;
Restoration of the social services and redeployment of the administration on all the territory.

Running January 2005, whereas France reduces its device, short noise that the FANCI are authorized to repair their aircraft damaged at the beginning of November by the French Army. The clarifications of ONUCI a few days later show that it is not that about a repatriation of the aircraft towards a base of Abidjan.

Assessments of the days of November 2004

This posted good will occurs at the time when assessments of wounded days from November 6th to 9th and the Leliel report/ratio ordered by UNO on the infringements of the human rights in Ivory Coast since September 19th 2002, at the moment thus where these two reports are published. They are particularly overpowering for the two edges. According to the Leliel report/ratio;:

“the capacity of the Ivory Coast and the rebellion were made guilty of worst reached to the human rights”;
“the government of Laurent Gbagbo illustrates by targeted assassinations people generally removed in their residences with Abidjan, by the “death squads” and of the militia “to her pay”;
“the rebellion on the other hand is illustrated by slaughters in mass”.

The calculation of wounded for the days of the 6 to the 11 is following it according to the ministry for Health of the Ivory Coast (the Minister for Health is Albert Mabri Toikeusse, of the opposition:

the total is of: 2226 wounded 291 by balls (either 13%)
10% of wounded was it by weapons of war, balls or glares of shell (it is thus difficult to charge more than 1% of wounded to the French Army)
the hospital of Cocody, close to the hotel Ivoire , accommodated 954 wounded including 71 by balls (or 7,5%)
the CHU of Treichville, located close to the bridges of Abidjan, accommodated 350 wounded including 25 by balls or glares of shell (7%)
the hospital of Port-Bouët, near to the airport where place had the battle opposing the French Army to the FANCI, 350 wounded was accommodated including 167 by weapons of war (48%).

On the whole, more than 90% of wounded were it by the effect of the demonstration (trampling, buckshot, wounds with the knives) ; the ministry for Health did not give figures concerning deaths.

The assessments in the other cities are:

9 dead and 29 wounded whose 21 by balls with Duékoué where demonstrators and soldiers of the Ivory Coast tried to block the advance of a column of French armoured tanks
7 killed and 55 wounded (4 by balls) with dead Gagnoa
1 and 91 wounded (1 per ball) with Abobo (the French Army was not there present)
7 died and 297 wounded (19 by balls) at Yopougon, popular quarters of Abidjan not crossed by the French Army (Northern entry of Abidjan) to go to the South.

These official results of the Ivory Coast do not include deaths and wounded among the Expatrié S French living in Abidjan lasting during the night of the Saturday, November 6. Moreover, the events of this night and the days which followed caused the evacuation of more than: 8000 Westerners.

2005

The Mouvement of the Ivory Coast of release of the west of the Ivory Coast (Miloci) tackles positions of the new Forces on February 28th and its military chief, the Pasteur Gammi, promises a news Diên Biên Phu with the French.

The president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, elected by OAU to solve the crisis of the Ivory Coast, makes sign with the militia an agreement of disarmament the May 14th. He submits his report the August 31st.

In October 2005, the French Army sends to nine Blindé S of conveyers of troops AMX10P of the 16th battalion of hunters in Ivory Coast. Paradoxically, at the moment when the situation seemed to slacken a little, after the UA officializes the maintenance of Laurent Gbagbo to the capacity. This decision could have several origines : the will to better protect its men (before, certain zones downtown “were not covered” for lack of safety) and the feeling only the situation is likely to last before finding an exit and considering a withdrawal.

Mahé-Poncet business

Attacks

A barracks of gendarmerie of Abidjan is tackled on December 1st.

2006

New combat take place at the beginning of January : the 2, of the barracks of Abidjan are attacked by rebels who are pushed back with losses.

After a 24 hours carryforward, an extraordinary summit bringing together all the protagonists of the crisis of the Ivory Coast - the first ground meeting of the Ivory Coast of the main leaders since the beginning of the civil war, in September 2002 - opened the February 28th 2006 with Yamoussoukro, the capital of the country, in the presence of the President of the Republic Laurent Gbagbo, the Prime Minister Charles Konan Banny, of the chief of the rebels Guillaume Soro and the leaders of the two principal parties of opposition, the ex-First minister Alassane Ouattara and the former Head of the State Henri Konan Bédié. This meeting raises great hopes in the population which wishes that an exit with the conflict be found quickly.

2007

Agreements of Ouagadougou

Attack of June 29th

The June 29th 2007, Guillaume Soro (Prime Minister of the Ivory Coast) escapes an attack with the rocket at the time of the landing of the plane in which it was with Bouaké. Four passengers died (two bodyguards of Soro, a member of its cabinet and a journalist) and several are seriously wounded.

Flame of peace

Quotation

The Burkinabes live in this moment in Ivory Coast what no African saw in Europe.

Declaration of the President of the republic Senegal board Abdoulaye Wade at the time of the opening on January 22nd 2001 with Dakar of a forum on the “Racism, the Xenophobia and the Intolerance”. Aggravations of the disastrous economic situation can be only one element catalyst of the xenophobe behaviors of of the Ivory Coast and the feelings d'" ivoirophobie" alive foreigners in Ivory Coast.

Appendices

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