About 1980, many experts write that the État-providence keynésien is in crisis. These theses are developed by Pierre Rosanvallon in his works, the crisis of the Welfare state and the new social question. To reconsider the Welfare state . It is about triple crisis: financial, of legitimacy and philosophical. The " veil ignorance" (John Rawls) concerning the expenditure of Welfare State, accepted during the Glorious Thirty, tore little by little. However, twenty years after, the French system of social protection always exists in spite of the announced catastrophes. During years of crisis, the nature of the difficulties changed to pass from a financial crisis (deficit of the social security) to social problems (exclusion) and policies (blocking of the reforms).
The French system of protection can be qualified of bismarckien: the social security benefits are intended to the persons employed and for their having right, poured in the form of contributive services for the retirements, the daily allowances disease and the allowances unemployment, proportionnellemnt with the wages perceived previously. They are financed by contributions poured by the employers and the employees. They are managed within the cases by a board of directors where sit of the employee representatives and of the employers. But, there also exists in the social protection system a component beveridgienne which concerns the national solidarity. This component deals with those which do not have access to the services of health insurance.
However, their structure is always the same one: it is a question cause a drop in the expenditure in particular the health expenditure (rise of the share taken by the users in the medical expenses: user fee, hospital fixed price) and to increase the resources (increases in the taxes affected like the taxation of the tobacco, the alcohol and of the national insurance contributions). The plan of reform of the health insurance presented by Philippe Douste-Blazy in May 2004 does not derogate from this rule. It envisages:
5 billion euros of new receipts obtained by the raising from 0,13% to 0,16% of the rate of the social contribution of solidarity on the companies, the raising from 6,2% to 6,6% of the Social contribution generalized of the taxable retirements, the creation of a frankness from one euro per consultation (except for the young people of less than 20 years and the recipients of CMU)
Indeed, the need for respecting the criteria of Maastricht as from 1996 and more still in 1997 with the stability pact explains for much the advertisement of the plan Juppe in November 1995. It still fits in the logic of the recovery packages of the social security since it envisages measurements making it possible to increase the receipts: raise CSG, creation of the CRDS (Contribution for the refunding of the social debt), increase in the national insurance contributions of reprocessed and the unemployed. But it also envisages to reduce the expenditure: fixing of quantified target of increase in the expenditure of health insurance, freezing of the family allowances. It finally aims at extending to the public modes the measurements decided in 1993 by Edouard Balladur for the basic retirements of the private sector. Only this last point will be abandoned because of the protests (strikes of November 1995) but it will be taken again in 2003 by Francois Fillon (except for the special diets of the SNCF and the RATP):
progressive passage in the 37,5 year old public sector to 40 years by 2008 at a rate of six months per annum,
On the whole, the study of the DREES (Direction of research, the studies, the evaluation and the statistics) published in December 2003 estimates at 3,3 million, the number of people profiting from the social minimums. With the couple and the children of the recipients, one approaches the 6 million people is 10% of the French population.
This separation enters, on a side the insurances and other solidarity contributes to dualiser the French system of social protection. It is double. On the one hand, it separates the populations covered in two groups: those which concern the insurance (having sufficiently contributed to profit from the services) and those which concern solidarity (having to count only on the services poured under conditions of resources, RMI, ASS…). In addition, this distinction divides also the system into two groups of sectors: those concerning the Social Security in a logic bismarckienne (retirements, unemployment) and those concerning a noncontributive logic (logic béveridgienne), financed by the tax and serving as the contractual services (families, policies to fight against poverty and exclusion).
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