Carlos Andrés Pérez

Carlos Andrés Pérez Rodríguez (born in 1922) is a man Politique Venezuelan, president of the Republic for two mandates, 1974 with 1979, and of 1989 with 1993.

Celebrate to have been the first Magistrat of the republic to being condemned by the supreme court of Justice for the offense of embezzlement of public funds. Thus, during its last presidential mandate occurred a series of events (February 27th, 1989, February 4th, 1992 and November 27th, 1992) which reflect in obviousness the “fall” of a political model of which it was itself one of the principal representatives.

Formation and family life

It was born in Vega from Pipa, in the jurisdiction of the town of Rubio, (Táchira), on October 27th, 1922, within a family of producing coffee peasants; his/her parents, of Colombian nationality are Antonio Pérez and Julia Rodríguez. They had together 12 children among whom Carlos Andrés was the last but one. His/her brothers and sisters are: Nicolasa, Anna Julia, Antonio, German I, Angela, German II, Jorge, Shine, Francisco, Miguel Angel and Armando.

It went to the elementary school in Rubio to the " Colegio María Inmaculada" , until 1935, sixth year and first year of the secondary. It completed its schooling of the secondary to the " liceo Andrés Bello" from Caracas, becoming graduate in philosophy. As of this time, it showed its leaning for the policy, by filling the president's function of the Center of the Students of this establishment. It Maria in 1948 with her cousin Blanca Rodríguez with whom he had 6 children: Sonia, Thaís, Martha, Carlos Manuel, María of Los Angeles and Carolina. At the end of the Nineties he divorced Blanca Rodríguez and Maria Cecilia Matos, with which he had maintained an love affair for more than 20 years and had two other girls.

Beginnings in policy

In 1938, it joined the rows of the national Democratic party, which later gave rise to the democratic Action party in 1941. Known in general by its initial, CAPE, Pérez, member of the democratic party Action, was president of the Republic twice.

He began studies of right to the central Université of Venezuela, but stopped them because of the political changes which occurred in the country, consequences of the events of October 18th, 1945, which led it to occupy of important political stations: private secretary of Rómulo Betancourt, president of the military junta forming the government, and secretary of the Council of Ministers.

In 1946, he was elected appointed with the legislative Parliament of the State de Táchira and in 1947, appointed with the National congress for the same federal entity. In 1948, during the inversion of Rómulo Gallegos, it was stopped because it took part in the efforts to install with Maracay an emergency government which would replace, according to the Constitution, the president deposited by the coup d'etat of November 24th.

There remained prisoner during one year with Caracas (1949), then was expelled of the country. It returned clandestinely to Venezuela to engage in the resistance which developed the democratic Action party against the dictatorship of Marcos Pérez Jiménez, and was stopped and locked up with Puerto Ayacucho. Following the second expulsion, it convenes in Havana with Rómulo Betancourt.

Following the events of the January 23rd 1958, it went back to Venezuela, being immediately devoted to consolidate the incipient democratic system and to reorganize Democratic Action in the State de Táchira. In December 1958, he is elected appointed of Táchira for the five-year period 1959-1964. Called by president Betancourt, he exerts the function of first managing director of the ministry for the interior Relations (1960) and is then designated as occupant of this same station; he returned to him to face vigorously risings guerillas encouraged by the left with the support of the cuban government. February 18th, 1963, it takes care temporarily of the presidency, as a Betancourt substitute, a journey abroad.

Its actions during this period, in particular when it overcomes, by illegal methods, military risings and the guerillas of left that Betancourt had isolated politically with the beginning of the year 1960, were worth reputation of a strong and incorruptible man to him.

During the 5 years of the government of the president Raúl Leoni (1964-1969) it returned to the National congress as a chief of the parliamentary fraction of the democratic Action party. In 1968 it appears in this organization as national secretary and member of the national Executive committee, posts that it preserved during the five-year period of the presidency of Rafael Caldera (1969-1974).

Electoral campaign

Carlos Andrés Pérez was named candidate of the democratic Action party with the support of his founder Rómulo Betancourt. With an aim of recovering the capacity with the elections of December 9th, 1973, it launched the instruction " Democracy with énergie". It developed a polemical electoral campaign, using for the first time in the history of Venezuela the greatest talents of the Marketing and the publicity of the time (Renny Ottolina, Grupo Gallup and Chelique Sarabia inter alia) to sell the political message. This countryside was centered on the Pétrole which had made Venezuela the country with the most income per capita of South America. But at this time it crossed strong a Economic recession due to the Inflation associated with the recession which struck the United States following the embargo the oil which followed the war of the Yom Kippour of 1973. The idea of Pérez was to use oil like means of political pressure and economic of the Tiers-monde to obtain an order righter in the international relations, and to set up a wide policy of public expenditure in particular in the fields of education and the social one. The countryside convainquit and was a success, giving him the victory with 2.142.427 votes, that is to say 48,7% of the votes, while the candidate Lorenzo Fernández obtained 36,7% of the votes. It seizes the power on March 12th, 1974.

First presidential mandate, 1974-1979

During its first year of government, it developed two initiatives in relation to the cultural field: The Ayacucho library (regarded as a collection of the masterpieces of the Latin-American letters) and programs it Stock Exchanges " Gran Mariscal" of Ayacucho, for the formation of thousands of students Venezuelans in the most prestigious university centres of the world. In 1975 it nationalized the industry of iron and the following year, the oil industry. At the end of its mandate it could speak about the absolute normality maintained by the military capacity during the unit its five-year period. Because of its constant effort for protection of nature and in favor of recycling, it accepted in 1975 the world recognition of the price Earth Care granted for the first time a Head of State of Latin America. In 1976 he becomes vice-president of the Internationale Socialist

Foreign policy

In foreign policy, Pérez, as its predecessor Rafael Caldera did it, breaks partially with the “Betancourt doctrines” and restores the relationships to the cuban mode directed by Fidel Castro. In December 1974, he is opposed to the dictatorship Anastasio Somoza Debayle (Nicaragua) and supports the “strong man” of the Panamá, Omar Torrijos, in his negotiations with the United States for the handing-over of the Canal of Panamá. He maintained good relationships with the remainder of the governments of Hispanic America, of Europe, in particular with Nicolae Ceauşescu, as well as the Middle East, Popular republic of China and Soviet Union. This did not disturb the good relationships which Venezuela with the United States had traditionally, as an oil leading vendor.

Economic policy

Pérez undertook an economic policy interventionist which affected SME negatively, and helped the large conglomerates, in particular the Cisneros Group of Gustavo Cisneros. During the first two years of its government it tried to apply a policy of full employment which on the one hand penalized the contractors and on the other hand, by means of the law known as " law against the dismissals injustifiés" from 1974, gave an immense capacity to the trade unions and free lances. This had as a consequence a great increase in circulating liquidity and touched consumption in an artificial way until 1977, which was reflected in the most considerable growth of the GDP in three years of the history of Venezuela.

However this alleged growth is lived braked by the Bureaucratie and the corruption, associated with a policy of wasting of the incomes obtained thanks to oil, as well as the use of a foreign debt very extremely, about 30.000.000.000 dollars (in 1978), near the international bank, which destroyed the purchasing power of the currency vénézuélienne, the bolívar, sowing in a generation, for the first time, of the doubts about the capacities of the economy vénézuélienne to be able to pay its engagements.

End of its first mandate and course towards a new presidency

Considering the constitution prevented the immediate re-election (it would have to be waited ten years after it finished its presidential period), Pérez maintained its popularity until the end of its presidential mandate, but the suspect air crash during which the opposite candidate Renny Ottolina accentuated the weakness of the official candidate Luis Piñerúa Ordaz; a stagnation of the economy starting from 1977 made that its democratic Action party undergoes the defeat with the elections of December 1978, leaving the place, with the presidency of Venezuela, Luís Herrera Campíns, of the Party democratic Christian COPEI, who succeeded to him in this function.

At the end of its first mandate Pérez was accused of corruption in " the case Nevada" Sierra; , but except for a vote, it legally gained a vote with the congress completely leaving it with the shelter.

Action Démocratique recovered the capacity with the elections of December 1983 hoisting Jaime Lusinchi with the presidency of the Republic. In 1988, against the opinion of Lusinchi and following primary elections, on October 11th, 1987 it was again selected by its party like candidate with the presidency of the Republic.

Second presidential mandate, 1989-1994

It was found elected with the elections of December 4th, 1988 with 3.879.024 votes (52,91% of the voters, the greatest absolute number of votes until today. The image of Pérez as the president of the economic miracle, which had been created among the voters, contributed to allot the presidency again to him. However, the economic situation had been being worsened gradually as the oil prices dropped. The currency had been strongly devaluated, inflation was very high and the foreign debt was a heavy load for the republic.

On the external level, for its second period in the capacity, Pérez a relation intense with other social democrat Heads of State maintained, like Felipe González (Spain) and Helmut Kohl (Germany).

Economic measures

This situation did not bring to Pérez a too important room for maneuver. Deprived of its former populism, he announced a plan of austerity of consistent tone néolibéral in generalized rises in price, the liberalization and the privatization of the economy, the freezing of the wages and the reduction of the public expenditure. The points which arise more its program were:

to ask a financing of the Fund international currency (FMI), while resorting to a program of adjustments;
To liberalize active and passive interest rates;
To unify the tax, by eliminating the preferential tax and consequently criticized the Office from mode of the differential changes (RECADI);
To liberalize the prices of all the excluded products those of the " basket basique" ;
To increase the prices of the public services;
To increase the price of the gasoline and others derived from oil on the national market, during 3 years, with a first increase of 100% on the price from the gasoline and 30% on that of transport;
To increase the treatments of the public administration by 5 to 30%, the minimum wage with 4.000 Bs downtown and 2.500 Bs in the countryside;
To freeze the loads of the public administration;
To rationalize and eliminate the customs duties with the importation;
To reduce the tax deficit to less than 4%.

" Caracazo"

Article principal: Caracazo

Following this " choc" plan; a series began from protests carried out by those which, alive in the dormitory town of Caracas were to move daily to work in the capital. IN little time, the movement which started in Guarenas extended quickly to Caracas and other cities (Guaira, Valencia, Barquisimeto, Mérida, Guayana and Valleys of Tuy), being transformed into whole populations which reflect with bag all that they met on their passage. The government decided to act by repression, including by using the army.

Because of the events of the February 27th and 28th and excesses of repression, president Pérez lost most of the popularity which accompanied it at the beginning by its second mandate. This is why in the days which followed there were several demonstrations against him; jointly with political criticisms formulated on him and its program by various parties and currents, they weakened on which it was maintained. In this direction, although during this period were installation of the intended measures to compensate for, for the popular classes, the impact of the programme of macroeconomic adjustments of Pérez (wage increase, programs of purses for the food, policy of direct subsidies on the elements of the housewife's shopping basket, as well as the constitution of 42.000 hearths of), the social situation worsened gradually.

During the crisis produced by the first war of the Gulf, Venezuela increased its crude production what represented a temporary relief for the economic situation even if that did not decrease the social dispute.

Coup attempts of State

The morning of the February 4th 1992, whole Venezuela was shaken by an coup attempt of State ordered by the lieutenant colonel Hugo Chávez who justified it by the deterioration of the social situation and the increase in corruption in the administration. After a few hours of uncertainty, Pérez recovered control, restoring the constitutional order. However, the attempt did not improve its public image, while the putschists were well accommodated by part of the population. Once the revolt beaten by the honest forces with the president and his leaders put in prison, Carlos Andrés Pérez began, in front of the public opinion, to correct certain aspects of its measurements; but committed dynamics could not be the object of immediate flashbacks, because the process of deterioration would not stop.

Pérez had to face a second coup d'etat the November 27th the same year, during which the putschists succeeded in bombarding some of the public edifices. The attempt failed again but once more it did not contribute to improve the already discredited image of the president.

With the municipal elections and regional of the December 6th of this year, its democratic Action party undergoes a hard reverse with the profit of political parties COPEI, the Movement for socialism (FARMHOUSE) and the radical Cause.

Dismissal

In March 1993, the prosecutor and general inspector of the Accounts of the Republic, Ramon Escobar Salom, carried against him of the charges of embezzlements of 250 million Bolivars (17 million dollars) which should have arrived in a secret content with the ministry for the Interior, while passing through the secretariat of the presidency. The next May 20th, the Supreme court of Justice judged that there are grounds for lawsuit. May 21st, 1993, the Senate it suspended its president's functions after the beginning of the procedures for embezzlements and illegal appropriation with an aim of financing political campaigns in nearby Latin-American countries. This is why the National congress solved to relieve it so that says it process continues. Not being able to finish its second constitutional mandate, which was to end in a little less than one year, the president of the Congress, Octavio Lepage, succeeded to him during a few days, then the member of Parliament Ramón Jose Velázquez, of his own party, was elected by the Congress itself chair by interim in order to finish the remainder of the mandate of the Pérez former president.

Later course

Once withdrawn of the presidency of the Republic, Pérez was locked up in the prison El Junquito then, pursuant to the legal precautions relating to the age limits for the imprisonment, it was transferred from this place to its house where it was locked up in waiting of the sentence.

The May 30th 1996, the Supreme court of Justice condemned it for embezzlement to 2 years and 4 months of arrest to residence.

In 1999, Pérez, once in freedom, created a new party: " Movement of opening and nationale" participation; , formed of independent and dissidents of democratic Action, probably with an aim of obtaining a seat of senator and of being protected by the parliamentary privilege of the new accusations of corruption which had appeared (existence of secret accounts in the United States). Although it obtained the seat in question, the setting with foot of the legislative rooms due to the constituting process started by new president Chávez obliged it to arise again to the elections with the constituent National Assembly, but this time it did not obtain a seat.

December 20th, 2001, a county court of Caracas ordered that Pérez, then in Dominican Republic, is retained in its residence in a preventive way, in relation to the public funds diverted towards the secret accounts.

April 3rd, Venezuela required of the Dominican Republic the extradition of the former president and la Chancellerie of the Government presented the official request to the Dominican Republic. However, until today this extradition was not concluded. During this time, he lives exiled in the town of Miami (the United States) from where he continues, in spite of its current physical limitations, to offer a support to the groups opposed to the president Hugo Chávez.

Heritage

The image that with the public opinion seems to be rather contradictory: on the one hand it is one of the most charismatic political leaders of the end of the 20th century, and on the other hand it is regarded as one of the most corrupted public personalities of Venezuela.

For much, the popularity of Pérez during its first mandate is due partly to economic prosperity resulting from the high prices of oil. Its second mandate with the capacity was more complicated and less popular, because the economic situation of the country was completely different (low price of oil and economic serious attack of the country) and, from the opinion of some critical, Pérez took unpopular measures in a too precipitated way.

See too

History of Political Venezuela
of Venezuela
Venezuela

Source

Random links: