Breton nationalism

The Breton nationalism characterizes a certain number of movements which assert broad a autonomy, even the Indépendance of the Brittany. There exists a great number of associations which defend the culture and the Breton Langue without adhering to the Breton Nationalisme.

Differences with other Celtic nationalisms

It appears that “Breton nationalism”, or better named " political movement breton" , is different also rather clearly from official nationalisms which are those of the Wales or of the Basque Country for example:

  • It is divided between separatists, majority (UDB, qualified of “regionalistic” party by the Parisian electoral analysts), and of the freedom fighters.
  • It has few elected representatives, whereas nationalist elected officials sit in the Basque Country, in Catalonia, in Scotland, or in Wales;
  • It has a weak electoral audience which does not exceed the 5%; The UDB having collected 1,54% of the voices to legislative of 2002.
  • It is not defined as nationalist, except when it is independence. However one cannot decide in his place which it is nationalist.

The separatists are especially members of the UDB, the only party having regional elected officials, but it is also necessary to mention some groups of more restricted audience, like Adsav, the Breton Parti, like various federalistic groups proclaiming , even anarchistic circles , like Treger Disuj.

Is the Breton cultural movement a nationalism?

The cultural movement Breton is even more various, much more active and has of much more sympathizers than the political movement which is hardly visible since years. With rare exceptions, he does not claim a nationalist ideology, and should not appear in a heading " nationalisme".

Name “movement Breton”, or Emsav into Breton (which means rising , revival ), term supposed to gather the various Breton political movements and cultural, thus does not reflect, in its name, all diversity, all current divisions, even the internal conflicts in progress.

  • name " nationalisme" of this article, which mixes with the things as different as concept of an ideological and political nature, with cultural activities, school or musical, is a typical abuse language.

  • Neither the teaching of French, neither the drafting of newspapers or the composition of songs in French, nor the practice of the Hurdy-gurdy, appear in the heading French Nationalisme.

The " movement breton". History of a nebula.

Traditionally, the history of the Breton movement , is divided into 3 periods.

First Emsav: birth of the Breton movement until 1914

The Breton movement was born in first half of the 19th century, in the current of the Romantisme which touched all Europe and aroused interest for:

  • history of the people and the nations, whereas the history was only then that of the reigning princes,
  • popular and national cultural richnesses, in the language of the people sometimes, whereas the culture was until there only the business of noble and the powerful ones.
In Brittany where there did not exist " " middle-class nationale" according to the Marxist terminology, the " rebirth romantique" expressed itself partly within a marginalized nobility legitimist and folding up itself on its grounds. This one is characterized by: regionalism, anchoring on the right, fidelity with the monarchist spirit and the religion, importance of the traditions. An idea dominates: to maintain the traditions to preserve the Breton people of irreligion and the novel ideas.

The three main roads of this Breton regionalism being born are:

  • collection of the songs and popular tales Breton (while being inspired in particular by the German or Finnish examples; cf the Brothers Grimm, the Kalevala ). The figure symbolic system and initiator of this work of collecting of the popular traditions are the marquis Theodore Hersart of Villemarqué and its Barzaz Breiz . This work knew a very great echo, making discover the Breton oral literature in all Europe. It was followed many imitateurs, of which Narcisse Quellien, Penguern, Luzel.
  • the standardization of the written Breton language, in particular by Jean-François Gonidec, regarded as the father of the Breton modern.
  • the creation of a true Breton historiography with Arthur of Borderie, regarded as the father of the history of Brittany, on the model of the French Augustin Thierry and Michelet.

Principal dates:

Appeared in 1909 and 1911, two works of the Count de Lantivy-Trédion synthesize the claims of the Breton movement (…). The author evokes a reconstitution of Brittany there, his financial autonomy and administrative. The defenders of the project go until imagining a “strike of the tax”.

The Breton nationalist Party, at the same time the first political party created in Brittany and the first Breton nationalist party, create by Camille the Draper of Erm. At that time, the Breton nationalist Parti will gather the essence of the Breton political movement. When with the Bleun Brug created in 1905 by the Abbot Perrot, a certain number of catholic militants also defending the language and the Breton culture, it is not a political movement.

Second Emsav (1914-1945)

The First World War, which destroys a whole generation, is a true cut. After this war, the regionalism (which claims to link the small one and the great fatherland), conservative, stagnates.

1918: creation of the Union of Breton youth (Unvaniez Yaouankiz Breiz).

What involves rise, inside the Breton movement, of hard nationalism within a new generation which gathers around the newspaper Breiz Atao in 1919 body of the Breton Groupe Regionalistic, around Maurice Marchal.

Emsav breaks explicitly with French regionalism:

  • This first generation nationalist is invested in particular in the field of the language. Its leader is Roparz Hemon, and his newspaper of reference Gwalarn , founded in 1925 with Olier Mordrel. (Jakez Riou, Youenn Drezen…). The Breton literature opens with the whole world by many translations, restoration and widening of the literary topics: creation of a true modern literature in Breton language. The Breton language is renovated and brought up to date by the drafting of many dictionaries and grammars.
  • Importance also of the artistic movement, with in particular Seiz Breur, which brings a high level Breton art.

Parallel to cultural success it is necessary to insist on the evolution in the political arena:

  • 1921 : foundation with Rennes by Henri Quilgars of the " Defense committee of the Breton interests " and of its newspaper " integral Brittany ". He writes a work: " the Breton feeling - Breton power ".
  • 1928 : the Union of Breton youth becomes the Parti Breton separatist. Creation of the party Adsao in 1928 with the Abbot Madec and Pierre Mocaër (elected of Ushant), left Catholic Regionalistic.
  • 1931 : dislocation of the Left Breton separatist, editor of Breiz Atao, with the congress of Rennes in several more or less burst tendencies:

  • part of Breton nationalism evolves to the Conservatisme during the Années 1930

  • Another part (the Breton National Parti, creates in 1932) tends to rock towards the ideology national-Socialist, hoping that possibly victorious Germany in Europe allows the independence of towards France. They however manage to continue their action on the Breton scene (following the example Irish Republic) in spite of the pressures and repressions of the French Republic (François Debeauvais, Olier Mordrel). In 1938, Erwan rear Moal, known as Dirnador will condemn once again the Fascisme and the National-socialisme in an article which appears in Breiz . It compares these ideologies with a plague.
  • Several terrorist acts related to the Breton movement are carried out by the organization Gwen-ha-Of the of Célestin Lainé, starting from 1932.
  • Another part with Ar Falz, created in 1933, represented by Yann Sohier and supported by Marcel Cachin is marked by the Communisme.
  • Another is close to the left, like Charles Brunellière or Yves Febvre, and adopts a tendency Fédéraliste for Maurice Duhamel, or anarchist with Emile Masson.

Over this period, Morvan Lebesque, actor of the time, in his book Comment can one will affirm be Breton? that " the militants of these years remember meetings of village improvised on the footboard of some Ford old woman, in front of audiences which had to be surprised, to gather with the door of the bar or the mass and which, the round eyes, considered the " autonomistes" about like Martians, sometimes hesitating to launch gibes or stones to them. Sometimes one called the priest, the gendarmes, the local drunkard went there from his number; outragées mothers reproached to the speakers " to do that in front of enfants" and there was advantage not to hold the meeting too much close to a river ".

The Second world war

  • See the detailed article: Breton nationalism and the Second world war

Third Emsav since 1945

In 1945, the Breton movement sets out again of zero. One from now on will study thoroughly three times, cultural, economic and policies of the rebuilding of the Breton nationalist movement, to suppose that the fields cultural and economic are nationalist branches of industry per definition.

End of the year 40 and the Fifties: culture

At the end of the Years 1940, the political militancy was completely condemned by the French authorities, and, as for example Francis Favereau notes it, by the behavior of the ex- Breiz Atao during the war (the judgment on the latter of resistant speaking Breton, to protect itself in particular, it was " Breiz Atao mad da it (Z) O " , in French Breiz Atao, to good kill - Francis Favereau, Dictionary of the Breton contemporary, p. 874, Skol Vreizh, 1992); the engagement of the Breton nationalists is done on the ground of the cultural activity:

  • the music with the installation of rear Bodadeg Sonerion of Polig Montjarret (1943) which gathers the traditional musicians, in particular of Cornemuse, is used as a basis for creation of the first bagadoù at the end of the Forties. The Bagad S are whole of traditional music taking as a starting point the Pipe bands Scottish, and gathering bagpipes, bombards S and of the percussions). There is a real rise in the Fifties, mark of the Breton cultural revival. Jorj Cochevelou (father of Alan Stivell) recreates the Celtic Harpe.
  • dance: with these bagadoù also Celtic circles are often dependant, which are groups of traditional dance. Creations of bagadoù are very numerous during the Fifties. Bagad Bleimor is associated with the Breton organization scoute Bleimor. One will find the crucible of many Breton militants there (Alan Stivell, Pierre Denis, Donatien Laurent, Gwenc' hlan Scouëzec, etc
  • the esotericism, Celtic symbolism and the movement druidic, with Morvan Marchal, Rafig Tullou, Georges Pinault, etc

They are the meeting places, of reflection, recruitment for the nationalists. It is by this skew that will be maintained and transmitted Breton nationalism to a new generation during the Forties and Fifties. One notes the creation of a political movement in 1945, An Avel around Youen Olier

In parallel, the Breton movement continues work started pre-war period in the field of the language and the literature and creates many Breton-speaking reviews, of which the literary review Al Liamm , continuator of Gwalarn .

One finds also movements and reviews of Christian inspiration, generally near to the ideas of Feiz ha Breiz, around the abbots Loeiz Ar Floc' H, Marsel Klerg, and Armand Calvez. The federation Kendalc' H which gathers the cultural organizations of the Breton movement is created in 1951 like that of the rear Kuzul Brezhoneg, federation created in 1958 which it gathers Breton associations militant for the Orthographe unified of Breton the.

In Paris region, the Breton Diaspora sets up circles where those are found which were condemned to national unworthiness, Ker Vreizh with Montparnasse, the Breton Mission, the " Breton city " of Keranna with Yerres in Seine-et-Marne. In years 50-60, Jean-Jacques Goarnic combat for the recognition of the first names in Breton language.

End of the year 60 sees creating the publisher Kelenn which will publish literary texts in French language of Glenmor, Xavier Grall and Alain Guel. Same the Glenmor, Xavier Grall and Alain Guel launches the Breton nationalist newspaper " The Nation bretonne" with the beginning of the year 1970. Alain Guel is a collaborationnist chief of the Breton nationalist Parti pro-Nazi, director in 1942 of the review pro-Nazi Stur of Olier Mordrel, therefore among most openly rejoined with the Nazism. Glenmor defends its own membership of the GNP, and the activity of the GNP during the Occupation (see http://www.istorhabreiz.net/article.php3?id_article=38).

The Fifties and Sixties: Economy

Starting from the beginning of the Years 1950, the Breton movement starts to also invest in the field of the economy with in 1951 the creation of CELIB , the Study committee and of connection of the Breton interests by Joseph Martray and Rene Pleven.

Starting from the end of the Years 1960: the return of the policy

Indirectly, CELIB thus legitimates the rebirth of a political nationalism in Brittany, and as from the Sixties, one observes the return of the Breton moderate nationalists in the political arena:

In 1957, creation of the Movement for the Organization of Brittany (MOB), first political party created since the Second world war.

In 1963, scission of the left of the MOB to create the UDB (Breton democratic Union).

But all that remains very marginal during the Sixties, in spite of rise without precedent of the mobilizations with character and regional dimension within the worlds workman and peasant.

Decade of the Years 1970

A real rebirth of a national conscience or all at least regional in Brittany with:

  • Multiplication of the social conflicts which take a Breton character marked

  • Géographie of the networks of solidarity which are created at the time of the social conflicts which take a Breton dimension
  • Rhétorique built and developed during the social conflict which denounces the oppression of Brittany by Paris, the interior Colonialisme whose is victim Brittany which takes the form of an oppression political (by the Centralisme), economic and social (by the Capitalisme) and cultural (by the Jacobinisme, i.e. the French Nationalisme)
  • Création of Skoazell Vreizh in 1969, of the cultural hearth of Carry out Kamm in 1970

This creation of a national or regional conscience Breton of left by the social conflicts, is done in two times:

  • 1972 : the most important year for the birth of this rhetoric with a succession of social conflicts of great width: French Joint and Strike of milk. Organization of a conference Brittany and self-management 23 and June 24th 1973 with Ripe-of-Brittany.
  • 1972 : Creation of a protest movement of the return of the Loire-Atlantique (separate from Vichy) in the Breton bosom - Movement B5 with Woolly Yves, Yann Poupinot, Michel François, which brings an economic demonstration; it is followed by CUAB (Committee for the administrative reunification of Brittany) with successively Patrick Mareschal, Jean Cevaer, Ronan Dantec, Pierre-Yves Rhun. The movement will become " Joined together Brittany " in 2004. It will lead to convergent requests of the Région Brittany and Loire-Atlantique of a democratic consultation on the question which the State refuses to launch.
  • Conflicts ecologists, in particular against the establishment of nuclear plants (1974 - 1981) or to denounce the oil slick of the Amoco Cadiz (1978) In parallel
  • , success striking down at the cultural level with a rise without precedent of the Breton music, launched in the general public (especially as from 1970) by Alan Stivell, which will involve with its continuation a pleiad of singers and musicians Gilles Servat, Tri Yann, rear Diaouled Carry out, as well in the concerts as in the Festoù-noz (festival Breton, with traditional music and dances). These festoù-noz becomes the appointment of a whole generation.
  • In this favorable context, multiplication of the Breton nationalist parties, almost all located on the left even at the extreme left, following the example Breton Communist party, of orientation Mao - guevarist, or Breton self-management socialist Face (1974). Creation of Sav Breizh with Erwan Valerie and Yann Choucq, of the Breton mole with Jean-Yves Guiomar and Alain Guyader. UDB remains the most important regionalistic party in Brittany. Strollad Ar Vro is a movement catch-all, in the line of the old MOB. To the Legislative S of March 1973, Strollad Ar Vro introduces 32 candidates, the UDB into present five.

Clandestine activism of " propaganda armée"

In the Years 1970, appears a clandestine nationalism of " propaganda armée" : Face of Release of Brittany - Republican army Breton. These groups practice a violence symbolic system, via violent actions, against the symbols of the oppression of Brittany: against the French State, capitalism. After a first wave of attacks at the end of the years 1970, a relative lull follows the amnesty granted in 1981 by François Mitterrand. In the Years 1990, one assists with a resumption of the attacks asserted by a Breton revolutionary Armée whose bonds and filiation with the FAS of the years 1970 do not appear clearly. Bonds with the organization Basque ETA are updated at the time of the Affaire of Plévin. The April 19th 2000, a stage is crossed with the death of Laurence Turbec in the bomb attack aiming at the restaurant McDonald's of Quévert in the suburbs of Dinan, restaurant where it was employed is unanimously condemned (e.g. Brittany, it is the life of the Cultural Council of Brittany). It is the first time that Breton terrorism is shown to have caused the death of an innocent person (so far only two person who plants bombs had been killed by their machine in 1976 and 1985). In 2004 a withdrawal of case will be returned in favor of all the militants continued for this attack always not elucidated.

Topicality of the Breton movement and Breton nationalism

A divided and quasi non-existent political movement:

The “Breton political movement” is represented by a regionalistic party, UDB, a nationalist party of center tendency: the Breton Left, like various federalistic groups proclaiming themselves, even Anarchistic circles , like Treger Disuj, belonging to the Independent Brittany Coordination and libertarian.

  • UDB remains the regionalistic party most important, extremely of a few hundreds of members, but gathers only approximately 2 to 5% of the votes at the time of the local elections. It has approximately 80 elected local officials on lists of unions of the left or anti-liberal left, and especially since 2004, three regional advisers (more one related) thanks to an alliance with the Greens. A nationalist, democratic and reforming party, appeared in 2002 and gathers approximately 400 people under the name of “Breton Parti” as well as elected official and elected official about fifty former gathered within Askol, Association of the Breton Elected officials for the Democracy.

  • Of the French parties or certain individualities, elected national French parties, have regionalistic positions even nationalitaires very marked following the example leader of the Socialist party in Brittany or of Christian Troadec, mayor of Carhaix (principal city of center-west-Brittany), with the Appel of Carhaix.

  • With the Extreme left, Emgann, of which some of the militants are implied in the Affaire of Plévin.
  • With the right extrème, Adsav creates in 2000, party of Padrig Montauzier asserting of a Breton nationalism " authentique" , in the line of the MOB and the POBL.

  • During the years 1990, emergence of the nationalist trade union studying, Dazont, which becomes in the middle of the decade the first trade union studied in Brittany but disappears in 1998. Creation of a Breton nationalist trade union: Sindikad Labourerien Breizh (SLB) which takes the continuation of the Dazont trade union and obtains in January 2006 three elected officials at the University of High-Brittany Rennes II.

Field of education

The creation and the promotion of a teaching in Breton are not to connect in a total way to the nationalist political movement, although this one is present in a discrete way in the parental structures of management.

  • 1977 : creation of the first school Diwan with teaching of Breton by immersion. Development of the network since 30 years with today, about thirty schools (including 4 colleges and a college) and close to 3  000 pupils. But Diwan knows problems always enormously: finances, irritating red tapes, not official recognition by the French Republic.
  • 1984 : the Socialist government creates a bilingual die in the public education, which is a real success.
  • 1990 : even thing for catholic teaching, under the name of Dihun.
  • Today (2007), approximately 11  750 children are provided education for into Breton, that is to say 1,1  % of the whole of the children of Brittany.

Public life and cultural movement

  • arts (in particular music and dance) have been a success growing for 50 years. The musical sector is most dynamic with hundreds of various groups, thousands of players of traditional music or Breton inspiration which remains very popular. More than one hundred of bagadoù everywhere in Brittany reached today very an high level and one notes the organization of very many very inventive groups of fest-noz. The Breton music is very creative and open on the world; with creations such as the Celtic Symphony of Alan Stivell, or later, the Heritage of the Celts of daN Ar Braz, or the enormous success of the festivals of Celtic music, like the Festival interceltic of Lorient. The Breton dances are also very popular: when a fest-noz is organized, it gathers generally more than 500 people.

  • the Breton language remains not recognized within the framework of the French Republic. Until in the Fifties, it is prohibited at the school and devalued. One counted in the Fifties, more than one million Breton-speaking daily newspapers. It remains about it today in Low-Brittany only 250  000 but he is necessary to add to it Breton-speaking High-Brittany and of the diaspora.
  • Field of the public life: in the Eighties one attends a combat for indication in Breton language (rear Stourm Brezhoneg, created in 1984) with smearing of panels, even partially in area Gallèse (areas of Brittany not speaking Breton but the Gallo). It is the only victory for the Breton nationalists with the installation of many bilingual control panels road. The French Republic refuses any introduction of Breton into the public life, with for example the refusal to ratify the European Charte of the regional or minority languages.
  • In the current trends, one can finally evoke a certain institutionalization of the Breton movement.
  • the president of the republic Valery Giscard d'Estaing sign a cultural charter with various local institutions in 1977. She declares: " The matter of this Charter is to put an end to the divorce which existed between a regional culture, always rich and alive, but which was likely to be folded up on itself, and a dominant culture which was unaware of it too souvent" . A whole of institutions are created, of which the Cultural Institut of Brittany (which will leave in 2000, the Office of the Breton Language, which is the official body of standardization of the Breton language). The Advisory committee with the Breton identity of the town hall of Rennes east creates in 1996. Launching of the Day of the Breton language in 2004.

Economic domain

  • Regrouping of many owners within the Institute of Locarn to defend the interests of the small and medium-size companies in Brittany.

  • These same leaders create the label “Produit in Brittany”, which wants to be a quality control mark to promote the image of Brittany. It is based in particular on an economic patriotism of Breton and meets a notable success.
  • In 2001, creation of TV Breizh, the 1st completely Breton television, but where the Breton language remains very minority (hardly more hours than on public television France 3 West)
  • In 2002, launching of the drink Breizh Cola.
  • In 2004, creation of a regional operator of mobile telephony Breizh Mobile.

Conclusion

Breton nationalism is declined on the whole of the political spectrum, as well on the right as on the left.

He knew only few electoral successes in spite of a very dynamic Breton culture and an increasingly asserted identity. Indeed, for 100 years, the Breton movement has experienced a real development, and progressive integration in the Breton company.

But today the Breton movement seems to come up against a limit, not being invested much in the political arena (compared with similar movements in other nations without States, like the Scotland, the Catalogne, the Galicia or the Flanders), nor in the economic domain (if one excludes the time of CELIB).

Contrary, the topics raised by Breton nationalism are political:

  • Sovereignty returned by the recognition of the nullity of the free-Breton Treated of 1532 the claim of the strict respect of the treaty of 1532 binder Brittany with France, “Which treated is ridiculed since the revolution of 1789” and the famous night during which was voted by the deputies of the third state the abolition of all the privileges.
  • “forced Colonization” of the Brittany by the France (“ruin of the Breton economy” as from the 18th century)
  • Recognition of the Breton people
  • Recognition of the integrity of the national territory
  • Problem of the Loire-Atlantique, detached administratively from Brittany and attached to the area Country of the Loire (first detachment in 1941 during the creation of the economic areas under Vichy, areas removed with the Release then new detachment during the creation of the French administrative areas in 1955/1956, confirmed by successive regionalization and decentralization and this without any popular consultation).

Places and characters symbols of the Breton history

Personalities

  • Anne of Brittany, the duchess Anne

  • Snipe (cartoon), character of cartoon (see: Article on Snipe and Brittany ).
  • Cadoudal
  • Of Guesclin, which is regarded as “the Ganelon of Brittany” by many Breton nationalists who reproach him for having made walk the troops of king de France who it ordered as a constable, on those of the duchy of Brittany, then independent.
  • Nominoë, to which them nationalist Breton granted the qualifier of rear Tad Vro , i.e. “ father of the fatherland ”.
  • marquis de Pontcallec, conspirator decapitated in 1720.
  • Armand Tuffin, marquis of Rouërie, hero of the war of American independence and organizer of the Breton Conspiracy.

Events

Places

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