Battle of the Field of Blood

Named in Latin latn Ager sanguinis , the battles of the field of blood opposed the June 28th 1119 Croisés of Antioche and Alépins in the plain of Sarmada, halfway between the two cities.

Presentation

The battle of Ager Sanguinis, or Field of Blood, or battles of Sarmada, or battles of Balat, opposed the cross principality of Antioche and the governor Ortogide d' Alep in 1119.

The Turk Ortogide It-Ghazi makes himself main of Alep and demolishes the army of Antioche close to Artah. Roger of Salerno is killed and the number of deaths is so large that the place of the battle takes the name of ager sanguinis , the “Field of Blood” in Latin of the chroniclers of the time.

General situation

Antioche and the others Latin States of the East were constantly in war against the Moslem states of the north of the Syria and the Iraq, in particular Alep and Mosul. The death of Ridwan d' Alep in 1113 gave a few years of calm to the area. But the Norman Roger of Salerno, regent of Antioche for the account of Bohémond II, could not benefit from dead from Ridwan; in the same way, Baudouin II, count d' Édesse, and Pons, count de Tripoli, gave priority to their short-term own interests and did not make alliance with Roger against Alep.

In 1117, Ortogide Ilghazi became Atabey (governor) of Alep. In 1118 Roger captured Azaz, which had left Alep to attack the Christians; Ilghazi counteracted by invading the principality in 1119. Roger left Artah with Bernard of Valence, the Latin patriarch of Antioche. Bernard advised to remain there because Artah was a powerful fortress very close to Antioche and Ilghazi could not have gone further if one held it. The patriarch also suggested in Roger calling Baudouin, become meanwhile King de Jérusalem, like Pons. But Roger did not want to await their arrival.

Entry in shift

Roger settled in the procession of Sarmada while Ilghazi besieged the castle of El-Atharib. A small detachment ordered by Robert of the Old man-Bridge wanted to break the investment. Then Ilghazi made pretense beat a retreat, Turkish stratagem usual which went once more: People of Robert left the castle and fell into the ambush.

The battle

Ilghazi awaited also reinforcements of Togtékine, the emir bouride of Damas, but he also tired to wait, also encircled was the camp of Roger in the 27- June 28th, 1119 night. The army of Roger was strong of approximately 3  700 men (700 knights and 3  000 infantrymen, of which Turcoples forming 3 “battles” ordered by Roger, Geoffroy the Monk and Guy Fresnel. As soon as the Moslems (of which the number is specified by no chronicler but certainly having a clear superiority, usual situation at the time of the Crusades) arrived, the Cadi Abou El-Fadl Ibn El-Khachab, carrying the turban of its dignity but holding up a lance, caracola in front of the combatants. They started by being amazed to be harangués by a well-read man but at the end of its preaching impassioned on the duties and merits of the combatants of the holy war, if one believes Kamal ED-DIN of it, the contemporary chronicler of Alep, these professional massacreurs burst in tears and ran to the combat. The morning of June 28th, the army Norman started the combat with advantage but the Turks took again the top quickly. Robert of Saint-Lo and the turcoples were rejected on the line of Roger, who was dislocated. During the fray, Roger was killed out of a blow of sword in full face with the foot of the large cross decorated with invaluable stones which was used to him as standard. The remainder of the army was completely cut in parts: 2 knights only survived! One of them, Renaud Mazoir, took refuge in the castle of Sarmada to await king Baudouin but was taken later by Ilghazi. Among the other prisoners apparently Guillaume the Chancellor appeared, who later told the battle. Such was the massacre that later one called this defeat Ager Sanguinis, in Latin “the Field of Blood”.

Consequences

Alépins triumph. However, Ilghazi does not advance until Antioche, which, the ignoramus, prepares to support a seat and where the Bernard patriarch organizes defense after a fashion. The Francs, which are wary of the Syrian Christians, Armenian and Greek living the city, disarm them and prohibit to them to leave their houses. But It-Ghazi, occupied celebrating its victory, does not think of benefitting from its advantage. It falls ill during twenty days, undoubtedly following its drink excesses.

The army of Baudouin II of Jerusalem arrives then at Antioche, drawing aside the danger. Ilghazi was pushed back by Baudouin II and Pons on August 14th, 1119 and Baudouin allotted the regency of Antioche. The defeat of the Field of Blood weakens considerably Antioche which undergoes many attacks sarrasines during the following decade. Finally, the principality had to accept the suzerainty of the Byzantine Empire.

Latin somewhat restored their situation vis-a-vis the mahométans of Syria by their victory of Azaz in 1125, 6 years later.

The name of “Field of Blood” is perhaps a biblical reference referring to the piece bought by Judas with the 30 sums of money gained by delivering Christ. The Acts of the Apostles tell that Judas was hung there and that one named the place “acheldemach” in araméen, which gives “ager sanguinis” in the Latin Vulgate.

Strategic and tactical general considerations

This battle was the first important defeat of Latin installed in the East and showed the Moslems that they could beat the Crusaders without the assistance of the Turks Seldjoukides, hitherto considered to be essential.

In fact, the defeats of the Moslems at the time of the First Crusade were due to the style of war of the Westerners, very different from that of the Byzantines to which Turks and Arabs were accustomed. Whereas the Byzantines made all their possible to avoid the great battles, preferring the complex operations to exhaust the adversary and to attack it fort with weak to oblige it to move back (=stratégie indirect, it passes for more economic and less risky), the Westerners, on the contrary, seek the battle striking of the fort at the height to destroy it (=stratégie direct, it gives of larger results when it succeeds).

In addition, if they have a heavy infantry like the Byzantines (door because equipped with armours or coats of mail) whereas the Eastern ones never had that of the light infantry (it was already true time of the medic Guerres and Alexandre Large the), the principal weapon of the barons of Western Europe is heavy cavalry (=avec armours) combatant by the shock (=chargeant at bottom with the lance) whereas the Eastern cavalries are light (=sans armours) and prefer to fight by the shooting (= with the arc). If the Croisés chiefs are enough skilful to lead the enemy to discuss a flat and released ground, their heavy cavalry can begin under the most favorable conditions: it collapses and smashes infantry and light cavalry which face him, even in the event of large numerical superiority of these last; but the continuation is in general impossible in consequence of the difference in mobility. Starting from Ager Sanguinis, Turks and Arabs will avoid the combat in plain each time they can it, which will not be too difficult considering the nature of the ground in these areas.

The Crusaders have only two other advantages in the East:

  1. Their undeniable poliorcetic superiority (=fortifications and seats, Western feudality having given them all know-how necessary).
  2. Their not undeniable naval superiority, which enabled them to send reinforcements towards the Eastern Mediterranean during 2 centuries, essential element to compensate for their enormous local numerical inferiority, as well as combatants as as civilians to maintain them.

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