Babylon (kingdom)

Babylon under the dynasty amorrite (first dynasty)

The first sovereign amorrite of Babylon east Sumu-abum, from which the reign begins in 1894. Its successors Sumu-la-El is not his/her son, and is the ancestor of the line of the kings of the First Dynasty. He succeeds in taking the cities of the surroundings of Babylon. His/her son Sabium and his grandson Apil-Sîn reigns successively and increases the territory, which extends to the south to the surroundings from Nippur (which belongs to the kingdom of Larsa), and in north on the area of the middle price of the Tigre (to the kingdom of Eshnunna). Babylon is affirmed thus like a great power, rival of Larsa. Under Sîn-Muballit (1812-1792), the kingdom progresses vis-a-vis Larsa, and Nippur and Isin are taken. But the presence in the north of the Kingdom of High Mésopotamie of Samsi-Addu, combined Babylonian kings since their respective dynasties have common ancestors, as well as that of Eshnunna directed by Dadusha then Ibal-pi-El II, limit progression in north. In 1794, the king de Larsa Rim-Sin succeeds in taking again the preceding losses.

Hammurabi (1792-1750)

As of its establishment, Hammurabi must thus pass to the action vis-a-vis its rival. After having reinforced its power, it attacks the territory dominated by Larsa, and seizes Isin, Uruk and Ur. It extends then its domination towards the east against Eshnunna, then towards the west, so that the borders of its territories are distant from its center, and that possible adversaries are weakened, while its powerful neighbors do not react. With died Samsi-Addu, the political situation of north mésopotamien changes. Zimri-Lim seizes Mari and constitutes a powerful state on the top Euphrate. In 1765, Hammurabi is combined with him, to push back an attack of the Élamites, which had before taken Eshnunna with the assistance of the two kings. The following year, it causes the war against Larsa seizes the city finally, getting rid of Rim-Sin. Hammurabi is then most powerful king de Mésopotamie. In 1762, it seizes Husband by beating his old ally Zimri-Lim, and destroyed the city, which will not be concerned any. Hammurabi continues on its impetus, now that nobody any more is in measurement to stop it: it seizes Eshnunna, then of Assur. With its death in 1750, it made of Babylon the capital of the most powerful kingdom mésopotamien.

The political organization of the paléo-Babylonian kingdom

The Babylonian kings of the dynasty carry the title akkadien of šarrum (king). He controls since the palate of his capital, helped by his entourage whose one does not know the exact composition nor the titulature, which probably did not exist in any case. The king is in his place because the Gods wanted it. He must of this fact of making respect their justice, and direct their territory best than he can so that the subjects produce what there to satisfy their divine Masters. The king is thus the central figure of the Babylonian kingdom, exerting a very great authority. For the exercise of this heavy task, it is surrounded by " ministres". A " is found; first ministre" ( sukkalum ), in charge of the foreign relations ( sukkal ubarim ), as well as royal secretaries ( tupšar sakkakkim ). All the administrative sector is managed by an important body of scribes ( tupšarrum ).

The territory was divided into provinces. A governor ( šapirum ) directed this territory from his larger city, surrounded civils servant who helped it in his tasks, i.e. mainly the respect of the royal authority, and the monitoring for the central capacity of the situation in from an economic standpoint province, but also the possible political and social disturbances. The law and order was ensured by garrisons stationing in the chief towns of the provinces, which could also be used of army and authority framing great public works achieved by the will of the central capacity. These garrisons were made up soldiers of trade, framing conscripts achieving their service of with the king (the ilkum ), like some mercenaries.

In the cities, an effective system was in place. One found an agent royal, the rabiānum , helped of assistant ( hazannum ) and an assembly the Old ones ( puhrum ) representing communaté. A kind of " room of commerce" ( kārum ) regulated the commercial disputes under the cut of a royal agent, the " chief of the marchands" ( wakil tamkarî ). The agents of the local authority could have legal, administrative functions or in the collection of the taxes. The judicial power was exerted by a royal judge ( dayyan šarrim ) helped by assistants ( rēdūm ), when the local authorities did not manage to regulate the businesses or for cases of certain importance. The royal capacity exerts a control on these institutions thanks to inspectors ( waklum ).

The remote provinces were controlled by characters, often resulting from the former royal family directing the country, having a rather broad autonomy, but which was nevertheless vassal of Babylon and was to pour to him of this fact a tribute.

Company

The social stratifications of the paléo-Babylonian company are well-known by the Code of Hammurabi, as well as acts of the practice of this period. The true difference between the men was if they were free or not.

Free men

The free men are generally called awīlum (general term translated by “man”). The Code of Hammurabi distinguishes two categories of free men: awīlum itself and muškenum . The first group has of a social status and a legal status higher than the second. They are the men working in the entourage of the king or for the temples (controlled in any case by the royal capacity). If nothing indicates that it is this function which directly confers this row to them, nevertheless it is the proximity with the capacity which is before all the best means of having a raised social status, before very provided by the richness. They had grounds and goods into clean, their richness not coming only from the great organizations.

The muškenū (from where drift the French word “petty”) generally escape the written documentation which reached us, and of this fact they are very badly known. It is a population less easy than the preceding one, perhaps even alive under a condition of dependence. The legislation nevertheless guarantees rights and a certain safety to them, although there is no equal treatment with the awīlū.

The free men are prone of the king, they are his servants. But, in their religion, they before are very submitted to their gods, whom they have to have to be useful. Indeed, the man was creates by the gods only to ensure a suitable way of life to him without having to work for. Therefore the first duty of a free man is to return the worship to its gods, and to give them offerings. But beyond its religious considerations, it was to also fulfill certain obligations towards its “terrestrial” king: drudgeries, military service, whose principle and operation remain badly known.

The nuclear family appears to dominate. She can however be complex, if one adds one or more domestic slaves to it, or of other family members (parents, brothers). The practices of heritage seem to tend to favor elder, but all the children have a share of heritage. The situation practiced in the part of the population living modestly, which is very badly known for us, is perhaps different, with broader family groups.

Slaves

The Slave S ( wardum in the Code of Hammurabi; but makes this term of it has same the significance as the word " serviteur" in French, and thus systematically not-free does not indicate) had the lowest place in the social scale. The slaves were above all the prisoners of war, brought back campaign by the royal troops, being able to be offered or sold to the private individuals, either with the temples, or remaining with the service of the king. They were also numerous with being descendants of slaves remained with the service of the Master of their parents. There existed also the Esclavage for debts.

The rights of the slave obviously were very limited. Initially because it could not have its person, who was property of her Master. This one had right of life and of died on him, and could sell it as it wished it. When it bought an whole family of slaves, it could separate them with its own way, although it seldom did it, because it found no interest there. The slave is a good like another. To identify it, it carries attached around its neck pendentive where its owner and his function are registered. The law is very hard vis-a-vis the slave. It has very few rights. If it is killed, one will owe simply the " rembourser" with its Master. If it is wounded, an allowance will be enough. N the other hand, the least moved act of its share can have serious consequences: corporal punishment, mutilation, even death.

The slaves women could be bought by a man with an aim of being his/her concubine, to mitigate the fact that his sterile wife cannot offer descent to him (in this case, the slave is legally the property of the woman, which offers it to her husband). In the extreme cases, it could make a prostitute of it. If it fell pregnant and gave rise to a child of its Master, it however pardoned with him with would have died of the father. If the slaves had children between them, they were the property of their Master. The latter were accustomed to besides marrying their servants between them, so as to increase their number of slaves. The male slaves could marry free women, but that was far from current, because few families let their daughters marry a slave, unless it was not sufficiently rich.

But the situation of the slaves should not be blackened to the extreme. Their Masters did not maltreat them inevitably, although the situation was to vary according to the family. One thus already saw that they could marry, in certain cases they could also launch out in the businesses, make trade, and constitute a capital, properties, in all the branches of industry, and even in the administration of the temples and the State. The company and the economy of the time cannot be regarded as slave, the servile condition not being generalized enough for that.

The condition of slave was not irremediable. As one already saw, the women giving rise to a child of their Master were freed with this one with died from their Master. One could as specify in a clause of a heritage as a slave, for honest services, would be free after the death of his Master. Certain slaves, who had constituted an important capital, could possibly repurchase their freedom. The Master could free from itself his slave. Generally, the released slave continued to work for his former owner, according to a clause of his contract of stamping. But the slaves were only able very seldom to release themselves, and this is why the greatest number of slaves having succeeded in finishing some with their condition are those which are flee, in spite of the incurred risks (death). The majority of the slaves were it thus since the day of their birth until that of their death.

Economic structures

The king with the high hand on most of the grounds of its kingdom. A first part was conceded with “tributaries” ( naši biltim ), which received the working asset and in kind paid a royalty or silver. One second part of the grounds were given to civils servant in exchange of the rendered service, as remuneration; in fact in particular the “fields of subsistence” are cereal grounds. That supposed a monitoring to see whether the service were indeed accomplished. They are hereditary if the successor ensures in his turn the load, and are inalienable (but they could be leased). In exchange of these grounds, the holders were to also achieve services or drudgeries. A similar system applied to the royal herds.

The temples keep a certain importance in the economic domain, but the sovereign is their principal ground provider and goods and their guard. They lease grounds just like did it the palate. They play a part of public assistance, by granting in particular various types of loans, that they are the ikribū (ready conceded with merchants, who n the other hand make important offerings with the temple), or “advantageous” loans granted to farmers (in fact ata rate known as “of Shamash”, of 20% if it is out of money and 33% if it is barley, rather low rate compared to those usually practiced by the usurers mésopotamiens).

Beside traditional the “great organizations”, the private property was very present. It is especially well-known for richest, which had grounds, often in periphery of the cities where they resided, an urban real inheritance, but also of the movable goods (slaves, emoluments of temples). They were also important lenders. Concerning the less easy populations, one is very badly well informed.

If the trade is partly directed by the palate and also the temples, which employ the merchants ( tamkarum ), the latter can launch out in business enterprises for their own account. They gather in firms gathered in the karūm (literally “quay”), the district of the merchants of the big cities. The activity of the karūm is controlled the wakil tamkarī (" chief of the marchands"), an agent of the palate which is used as intermediary between the merchants and the royal capacity. The dignitaries lease also rents and royal taxes, and lend money (atvery high rates) to the small holders.

An agricultural crisis touches Babylonia with 18th and 17th centuries. It has an environmental cause: the overexploitation of the grounds and their salinisation seems to decrease the surface of the cultivable grounds. The political factor, soldier between also in account, just as of the factors of the economic situation traditional (epidemic, climatic conditions unfavourable). The notable ones lend more and more (whereas they lose themselves part of their benefit resulting from the grounds, as those due to the trade which weakens gradually), atrates more raised even, peasants touched by the crisis, who find themselves in impossibility of refunding. This crisis of debt will push the king Samsu-iluna to be taken by twice measurements of andurarūm (cancellation of the transactions, debts contracted in all the country before the pronunciation of the edict, if there is complaint, and if one had not sought to prevent oneself some in the contracts). All that does nothing but worsen the progressive weakening of the kingdom after the death of Hammurabi.

Successors of Hammurabi

Samsu-iluna (1750-1712) succeeds his/her father, and inherits a difficult situation: the kingdom is in boiling, and from many revolts with Sumer come to disturb its reign. One should not any more so that its vassal is raised in their turn, obliging the king to fight on several faces. This situation will reproduce several times during the reign of Samsu-iluna. If it is always victorious, that proves that the situation is not acquired, and that pushes the king élamite Kutir-Nahhunte 1st with launching an attack. Others follow their example: of Amorrites and Kassites (which appear then as a power) attack Babylonia, while many territories are made independent. At the end of its reign, Samsu-iluna lost many provinces of the kingdom inherited his/her father. The country moreover is struck by an economic crisis characterized by the debt of poorest (see higher), than the king does not manage to solve in spite of the proclamation of edicts of andurarum by twice.

The following sovereigns, Abi-eshuh (1712-1684), then Heart-ditanna (1684-1646) and Heart-ṣaduqa (1646-1626) resist and even succeed in taking again territories lost before. However, the situation of the kingdom is disastrous, and an economic serious attack strikes it. At the borders, Kassites, as well as the Hourrites and the Hittites are done pressing. The Babylonian sovereigns cannot solve the problems which arise for them. Samsu-ditana (1626-1595) inherits a very difficult situation to which it will not be able more than its predecessors to put an end. In spite of a policy of construction of forts aiming at protecting the borders from the territory, this one remains badly defended. When about 1620, the king hittite Hattushili Ier, devastation the Syria, it accentuates its threat on Babylonia. The events of these years are known little about, but it seems that the attacks of the new people are increasingly hard. In 1595, the successor of Hattushili Ier, Mursili Ier, after having attacked once again in Syria (taken Alep), descends Euphrate and penetrates in Mésopotamie, then sinks towards Babylon which it takes and plunders. Samsu-ditana disappears, and with him the Dynasty of Babylon.

Cultural aspects

The first Babylonian kings are not very active on the religious and cultural level, their low power not allowing them to support artistic achievements equal to those of the kings of Isin and Larsa. When Hammurabi seizes the latter, it puts the hand on best scribes agents of the antique tradition Sumérien, which will not serve it as they served their former Masters. This change is noticed by the drafting of royal inscriptions as well as anthems dedicated to Hammurabi and Samsu-iluna in the line line of what one did in Larsa. The sovereigns of the First dynasty of Babylon are faithful to the tradition mésopotamienne concerning the religion: they maintain the worship the temples, restore them, and venerate the large gods of the Pantheon, beside their guardian divinity Marduk which has yet only one very secondary place.

A change ammorce nevertheless under the reigns of the sovereigns of the 17th century, when a literature of expression Akkadien continues (already in constant progress since the beginning of the paléo-Babylonian period), written in a specific literary language, preceding the “Babylonian standard” of the following period. It is not a question of in no case of a radical change: the models sumériens are taken again, which remain prégnants until the end of the civilization mésopotamienne, which always preserves its character “suméro-akkadien”. But the language sumérienne from now on is relegated to the row of “dead language”, always known but not being used more for new literary works. One translates into akkadien old texts sumériens, and one writes the new ones. Among the most remarkable parts of this literature akkadienne, one can raise the Hymne in Ishtar writes under Heart-saduqa, the Atra-hasis and the Épopée of Gilgamesh.

The dynasty kassite

This dynasty, of foreign origin, constitutes one of the major moments of the history mésopotamienne. It remains badly known, because this period left few sources, and those only were partially published. The chronology until the end of the 14th century is very dubious, and the socio-economic aspects are even less well-known to us than for the other periods. However one should not minimize the importance of the dynasty kassite. She sees the final establishment of the capacity of Babylon on all the old Country of Sumer and Akkad, which becomes the country of Karduniash then, Babylonia, thanks to the maintenance with the capacity in this city of the longest dynasty which Mésopotamie (four centuries) is known. This stability is exceptional for the history of the Old East. Starting from Kassites, whoever wants to dominate Mésopotamie of the South must reign in Babylon.

The seizure of power

In 1595, the Babylonian sovereign Samsu-ditana is overcome by Murshili, king of Hittites, which seizes the statue of Marduk located in the Esagil, large the telmple of Babylon, and carries it in its country. This defeat means the end of dynasty already very weakened in north by the attacks of various people, Hittites, Hourrites, and put at evil in the south by the progression of the Dynasty of the Country of the Sea, but also by that of Kassites, which had already attacked Babylon in the past. After 1595, that which the tradition mésopotamienne present like the tenth sovereign of the dynasty of the kings kassites (founded by certain Gandash, which would have reigned in second half of the 18th century), Agum II, seizes Babylon after the bag of the city by Hittites. It is the beginning of the third dynasty of Babylon (that known as of the Country of the Sea being regarded as a dynasty of Babylon, although it never really reigned on the city), which will last more than four centuries.

Long story of Babylon kassite, one however knows very few things. Only some big events are known for us. The first sovereign kassite attested as king de Babylone east Burna-Buriash I (successor of Agum II). At the beginning of the 15th century, Ulam-Buriash, fourth successor of Agum II, seizes Urukug, the capital of the Country of the Sea, and appendix this kingdom. As from this moment, the preponderance of Babylon in Mésopotamie Southerner is not disputed any more, and the sovereigns kassites are Masters of all the country of Sumer and Akkad, which will become Babylonia (or Karduniash what is equivalent to " country of Kassites"). To the south, the domination kassite extends in direction from the Persian Gulf. It seems that Bahrain (the antique Dilmun) is then controlled directly by the Babylonian capacity, and thus also of other territories of the Gulf between the South mésopotamien and this island. The Babylonian sovereigns apparently considered to be necessary to make safe the access to the valley of the Diyala, which opened trade route towards the Iranian Plate, as testifies construction to it to Hard-Kurigalzu.

The kingdom kassite

Documentation over the period kassite is not very abundant and was studied little, and one is thus not very well informed on the socio-economic aspects of Babylonia of this time. The largest corpus is consisted a batch of 15.000 found files with Nippur, which still only were studied very little. Other files were found in quantity restricted in other places, but they either were not well published.

The kings kassites

So Kassites could control the country in unquestionable calm. It is at that time that Babylon became the cultural capital of Mésopotamie, holder of the knowledge of Sumériens from now on disappeared. One thus wrote many literary works at that time, made progress in technology and sciences. Kassites did not seek besides to impose their culture, which was quickly dominated by that already in place in the area. The sovereigns of this period moreover will renovate all the country, that they are its temples and other monuments, its cities, its channels, and will build forts to defend the country. The largest builder is one of both having borne the name Kurigalzu (one is unaware of which), which builds a city bearing its name, Hard-Kurigalzu (currently Aqar Quf), and restores Ur. The dynasty had of two protective divinities of origins kassites, Shaqamuna and Shumaliya, which has a vault in the royal palace. But generally they assimilated the tradition mésopotamienne, and did not seek to impose their gods or their culture.

The capacity is always exerted by a king vicar of the Gods on Earth. To make known their achievements, the kings kassites, in addition to the usual inscriptions on bricks, make make Kudurru , steles carrying of the inscriptions and the engraved images. They are equal large kings of the period, sovereigns of Egypt, Hatti, Mitanni and of Assyrie, with which they maintain the diplomatic relations, marked by an abundant correspondence, and exchanges of present. This system, before very attested by the files of letters of el Amarna in Egypt and of Hattusha the capital hittite, is ensured by envoys called mār šipri , relates to important luxury items, of which many gold and noble metals, exchanged in a system of gifts and counterpresents, more or less respected by certain sovereigns (what is not without involving small tensions), under cover of simple gifts of friendship, homages exchanged during the establishment of a king for example. It should be noted that the period kassite saw the maintenance of a Gold Standard, mainly thanks to the Egyptian inflow of gold. It is the only time that it was the case in ancient Babylonia. It is the Babylonian Akkadien (in the form known as médio-Babylonian) which is the international language, in continuity with the previous period.

Administration

The king was surrounded by a court made up of noble resulting mainly from the warlike nobility kassite which is with the capacity at this period: one thus finds the šakrumaš (military chief), or the kartappu (chief of the cavalry). The kassites families are gathered according to a tribal system. The administration is exerted mainly by the descendants of the former civils servant of the Dynasty, who mix with the elites kassites, which are minority. It is thus in all logic that one finds overall the administrative system of the previous period. Ministers ( sukkalu ), pertaining to the royal family or the large houses assist the king in the exercise of the capacity. Administrative staff is nevertheless as a majority resulting Babylonian families from stock.

The territory is divided into provinces directed by governors ( šaknu or bēl pahāti ), while the municipal authority is exerted by a royal agent ( hazannu ), which is used as relay between the central capacity and the local communities directed by a council of Old. qīpūtū (singular qīpu , " man of confiance") royal inspectors in the provinces are useful. The kingdom kassite is polarized around the great urban centres which constitute the provincial capital, with the example from what occurs to Nippur, where the governor carries the title of GU.EN.NA, seems to have a specific scheme, fart has a land vast domain.

This period saw the medium-sized cities losing importance with the profit of the extension of these large cities, as well as the proliferation of villages and villages of less size. Generally, the kings kassites knew to establish a relatively centralized administrative system, which remained solid over very a long period.

The families of the elites tend to adopt a system of " maisons" (akkadien bītu ), directed by chiefs ( bēl bitī , " chiefs of the maisons" , always in akkadien), and asserting itself of a common ancestor. That is usually interpreted like a proof of a mode of organization in tribes of noble the kassites, laying out each one of a family territory. This opinion was recently disputed, and one proposed to see in these " maisons" family fields inherited an ancestor.

Royal donations and the economic situation and social

The economy is always dominated by the great organizations, the palate and the temples. They have great fields, of which a part is conceded by the palate in tenure with civils servant. One of the rare aspects of the economy of the period kassite for which we are quite well informed that of the ground donations is carried out by the king.

These transactions are marked on Kudurru , of which forty were found for the dynasty kassite. They are steles divided into several sections: the description of the donation, with the rights and duty of the recipient of the donations (taxes, drudgeries, with sometimes of the exemptions), the curses, and often of the reliefs the kudurru were undoubtedly placed at the origin in the temples, under divine protection. Generally the donation relates to a very wide field, from 80 to 1.000 hectares (with an average of 250 ha). The recipients of that were dignitaries evolving/moving in the entourage of the king: senior officials, members of the court, even of the royal family, the generals, the priests. The donation was undoubtedly made in reward of the honesty of the person, or an act having distinguished this one. The large temples of Babylonia received also great fields: the Esagil, the temple of Marduk to Babylon, thus received nearly 5.000 ha at this period. This then makes it possible the temples to have an enormous economic weight, which is not without playing a great part thereafter. Sometimes the donations were accompanied by exemptions of taxes or drudgeries. In the best cases, the recipient had even a capacity on the local population, which replaced that of the provincial administration (from which it was protected by special clauses).

This was brought closer to a practice of the feudal type. That is undoubtedly false, since the kudurru relate to in fact only grounds located in margin of agricultural space, undoubtedly in waste land at the time of the donation. This system does not appear to extend to all the agricultural land, which remains for a great part subjected to the system prevailing at the previous period. The king did not have the capacity to alienate fields as it wished it. Beside the elites undoubtedly a whole of deprived agricultural owners remains, which remains impossible to apprehend fault of files or rural archeology in Babylonia. It was possible nevertheless there for the sovereign to increase his authority by reinforcing its bonds with the elites of its kingdom. It is not a question either of a remuneration, since the services achieved on behalf of the palate especially seem to be paid by food intakes for this period. This can also testify to an extension of agricultural space by the setting in ground culture located at the margins (undoubtedly by extension of the network of irrigation).

The economy of Babylonia kassite is still very badly known, and one awaits the publication of new texts more. The craft industry and the local store escape to us completely. It seems that the interregional trade is developed enough, in particular towards the Persian Gulf (Dilmun/Bahrain) and the Raising. The Lettres of Amarna show Babylonian merchants in business until in Palestine.

Assertion of Babylon on the religious and cultural level

By constituting a kingdom which gathers the old cultural hearth basic Mésopotamie, the countries of Sumer and Akkad, the Babylonian kings kassites become the agents of the tradition mésopotamienne. Their city is affirmed thus like a religious and cultural center of foreground for all Middle East: one recopies the large texts mésopotamiens like the Épopée of Gilgamesh in the other kingdoms of the Middle East. One even found the trace of a Babylonian scribe in Egypt, at the court of the sovereign Akhenaton. Babylon exceeds on the cultural and religious level older cities like Nippur or Uruk, which remains nevertheless important. Its god Marduk affirms himself, and it tends to occupy the first place of the Pantheon, which is ratified later, with the drafting of the Enuma Elish , probably under the second dynasty of Isin. On the literary level, the period sees the drafting of rather pessimistic accounts sapientaux presenting a vision of the relationship between men and gods, resulting from the medium of the basic temples Mésopotamie: the Babylonian Théodicée, of time kassite, and also the Monolog of the Juste suffering and the Dialog of pessimism, later. It is also of this period that one can date a sarcastic account, the poor wretch of Nippur. One also develops the large final versions lexical Listes typical of the written tradition mésopotamienne, as well as large Hymne S with the gods, of which most remarkable is that dedicated to Shamash.

Between Assyrie and Élam

Babylon is found involved in a series of conflicts with Assyrie when Assur-uballit Ier, Assyrian sovereign, is released from the domination of the Mitanni about 1365. It is the beginning of the confrontation pluriséculaire between the south and the north of the Mésopotamie. Because he seeks supports against Mitanni, Assur-uballit is shown initially reconciling with Babylon, whose king is then Burna-Buriash II (which at the beginning sees of an evil eye independence of Assyrie). This last marries the girl of the Assyrian king, who gives him a son, Karahardash, who goes up on the throne about 1333, but is assassinated at once and Nazi-Bugash goes up on the throne. Assur-uballit I reacts and invades Babylon to establish its other grandson, Kurigalzu II, which will be faithful for him. But it will not act in the same way with its successor Enlil-nerari, against whom it causes a war. The battle does not find however victorious, but at least Babylon is released from the Assyrian influence. Side élamite, the situation with the kings Untash-Napirisha and Pihir-ishshan is arranged by a policy of marriages. A few years later, a new conflict opposing Babylon to Assyrie occurs, turning this time at the advantage of the first.

The situation against Assyrie is not arranged the years which follow. After some internal problems which make a time to waver the Kassite capacity, Kashtiliash IV attacks Assyrie about 1235, and seizes Arbélès and Rapiqum. Its adversary Tukulti-Ninurta Ier counter-attack, not being satisfied to push back it, but invades Babylonia and devastates it. It imposes then sovereigns fantoches in Babylonia. This situation does not like Kassites, which revolts several times and is overcome. But the situation becomes increasingly difficult for Assyrie, which loses forces in these engagements. And it worsens when the king élamite Kidin-Hutran III mixes with the part: it devastates the area and makes the situation difficult for the sovereigns imposed by the Assyrians, which are reversed one after the other. Adad-shuma-iddina, which reigns in Babylon, is reversed by the dignitaries of this city about 1217, following an other attacks of Kidin-Hutran. At the beginning of the 12th century, the king kassite Adad-shum-usur succeeds in overcoming the Assyrian king Enlil-Kudurri-Usur which it captures. He can thus reestablish in Babylon at the same time as he plunges Assyrie during one time of internal disorders.

With leaving these conflicts, Babylonia and Assyrie are weakened considerably. First knew years of conflicts which devastated its territory, while second was lost forces in these engagements and knows internal disorders.

The fall of Kassites

As from 1200, Élam, where the new dynasty of Shutrukides seized the power, becomes more and more threatening. And in 1160, whereas Marduk-apla-idina had succeeded in stabilizing the capacity in Babylon, the élamite Shutruk-Nahhunte attack invades Babylon and takes it. It names his son Kutir-Nahhunte governor of the area, but a kassite of the name of Enlil-nadin-ahhe temporarily takes again the capacity, before being relieved, during a new catch of the city by Élamites, which is completed by a plundering. Thus ends, after more than four centuries, the dynasty kassite.

Turbid times

The fall of the dynasty kassite mark the one long period beginning of weakening of the Babylonian kingdom, parallel with a crisis concerning Babylonia, that it maintenance undoubtedly as far as it is the consequence. The invasions of new people (Araméens, Chaldéens) deeply modify the ethnic landscape of Babylonia with orée of the thousand-year-old 1st, while the assertion and Assyrie preceding its conquest by Babylonia upset the political situation.

The 2nd dynasty of Isin

The Élam ites continue on their impetus under the reign of Shilhak-Inshushinak, which progresses towards north until Arrapha, after being seized the Eastern provinces of Assyrie. But it does not go further, and, in the old country of Sumer, left independent, a new dynasty, said " 2nd dynasty of Isin " (city from where its kings are originating), seized the power, and its third sovereign Ninurta-nadin-shumi seizes Babylon in 1130. The son of this one, Nabuchodonosor Ier, finds himself in war against the king élamite Hutelutush-Inshushinak, whom it overcomes after two offensives, thus washing the affront made with its country. Its grandson Marduk-nadin-ahhe attacks Assyrie, but its adversary Teglath-Phalasar Ier pushes back it and invades Babylonia, before being itself stopped. After this defeat, his/her son Adad-apla-idina must resist the cruel attacks of tribes, and, in 1024 dies Nabû-shum-libur, last king of the 2nd dynasty of Isin.

The crisis of the 10th century

After that, a kassite named Simbar-Shipak reign sixteen years, and founds the 2nd dynasty of the Country of the Sea, which ends in 1006, after its third successor, and is replaced by the dynasty of Bazi, is rested by a sheik of unknown origin, named Elam-shakin-shumi, probably coming from a tribe living in the area between the Tiger and Euphrate on the level of Babylon, and which lasts until 986. The following dynasty is rested by a soldier élamite, Mar-biti-apla-usur, and knows only this only king. Lastly, the following dynasty, founded by Nabû-mukin-apli into 977, is longer, but the country did not know any therefore a greater stability.

These political disturbances are common to all Middle East of the end of the 2nd millenium and of the beginning of the thousand-year-old 1st, friends touch Mésopotamie more tardily than the Middle East. In Syria and Mésopotamie, it is the arrival of the Araméens which constitutes a great factor of disorders. They end up basing several kingdoms on high Euphrate and encircle Assyrie. They arrive even as far as Babylonia, and Nabû-mukin-apli seems to have been one of the first to have faced them. But they are not the only ones to cause problems in this area, and other tribes wandering, like the Sutéens, already installed in the area since a certain time, frequently attack the cities, which explains the disorders that the area crosses. To those come to be added new arrivals, such as Gambuléens in the areas of the Zagros closest to Babylon, and especially, in Babylonia even, the Chaldéens, who quickly became very influential. The latter like Araméens were divided into houses ( bītu ), but, unlike the latter, these tribes were in Babylonia only five, with three more important (Bīt-Yakîn, Bīt-Dakkuri and Bīt-Amukkani). Chaldéens are more powerful than the other new people of the area, and settle gradually in the extreme south, the Country of the Sea, marshy area, where it is very difficult to attack them. They become increasingly active during time, and strengthen their power under the Assyrian domination.

The administration of Babylonia towards the end of the médio-Babylonian time remains overall the same one as that of the time kassite. The king is always helped by sukkalu , his " ministres" , but of other titles appear, beside those inherited the period kassite. But their functions remain vague. Chiefs of tribes ( bēl bītī ) always have a great influence, although now they are especially chaldéens and araméens. The provinces ( pāhatu ), are still directed by governors ( bēl pahāti or šaknu ). The taxes are taken by rab alāni (" chiefs of villes"), assisted by hazianu . One finds also other characters such as the massû, which exerts a legal function, or the šakin tēmi , which assists the governors of the provinces. The temples are disorganized by the crisis of the 11th-10th centuries, and their religious and economic activities decrease considerably. It is necessary whereas the kings take the things in hand to reorganize them. The donation royal continue as at the previous period, and are always registered on kudurru .

The resumption of the fight against Assyrie

At end of the 10th century, a determining event occurs in north mésopotamien, in Assyrie, 911: Adad-nerari II seizes the power, and rectifies the situation in its country, before launching an attack to Babylonia, where reign then Shamash-mudammiq, which had undergone a few years before an attack élam ite. It seizes the septentrional provinces of the kingdom of the south. The following Babylonian sovereign, Nabû-shumi-ukin, counter-attack, and succeed in pushing back the border with Assyrie more in north. Its successor Nabû-apla-idin reinforces the Babylonian capacity, vis-a-vis the tribes of Sutéens in particular. But the situation changes when the following king, Marduk-zakir-shumi, had to face a crisis of succession, his/her brother trying to reverse it. It then calls upon Assyrian the Salmanazar III to solve the situation. This last the assistance to overcome the rebels, and continues even his offensive towards the south, plundering the tribes chaldéennes. Whereas Assyrie was in strong position, the situation was turned over a few years later, when Assyrian the Shamshi-Adad V made in its turn call to Marduk-zakir-shumi to face a revolt. The Babylonian helped it to gain the victory, and became his guard. But Shamshi-Adad did not support the situation, and at once Marduk-zakir-shumi died into 818, it attacked the new king de Babylone Marduk-balassu-iqbi, and first once overcame it, before turning over to Babylonia into 813 to finish some with its adversary. Babylonian named Baba-ah-idin tried to carry out resistance against the invader, but it was quickly overcome. Shamshi-Adad V fought then Chaldéens.

Starting from this defeat, Babylon does not have capacity any more stable. They are thus lprincipalement Chaldéens which will try to resist vis-a-vis increasingly powerful Assyrians, while being combined with the ocasion with the Babylonians of stock. During nearly one half-century, some kings after a fashion will try to reign on Babylonia, but the area is then in such a chaos that one knows very few things about the events which occur, and even certain names of kings were lost. The first sovereigns of Babylon who of origin chaldéenne, arrived at the capacity at the beginning of the 8th century, have much evil to restore the order. When it is Babylonian the Nabonassar which seizes the power into 747, it calls upon Assyrian the Teglath-Phalasar III to help it to improve the situation in its kingdom, and to overcome Chaldéens and Araméens. This last accepts, and off-sets the adversaries of Nabonassar towards north. It benefits from it to establish a narrow control on Babylon, which becomes a protectorate of Assyrie. But the son of Nabonassar, Nabû-zadin-zeri, is reversed by called a Nabû-shuma-ukin II, which is in its turn overcome by the chaldéen Nabû-mukin-zeri, the whole in the two years space, from 733 to 731. Teglath-Phalasar III, which loses the control which he exerted on Babylon with the come to power of Chaldéens, decides to intervene in the South, reverses Nabû-mukin-zeri, and assembles itself on the throne of Babylon, under the name of Pulû. From 728, Assyrie is main of Babylonia.

The period of Assyrian domination

Two years after its takeover, Teglat-Phalasar III/Pulû dies. His/her son Salmanazar V continuous to reign at the same time on the Assyrie and Babylon, where it takes for name Ulûlaiu. But the Babylonians did not hope to let themselves make, and organize a savage opposition, with the assistance of the Élam ites, which craigent the progression of the Assyrians. As from this moment, Babylonia will know one century of resistances to the occupation of its neighbor of north, and the spirit of resistance is increasingly strong there during time, and resistant increasingly active and plain ones.

When Salmanazar V is évincé by Sargon II into 722, the chief of the tribe chaldéenne of Bīt-Yakîn, Merodach-baladan II, grandson of the former Babylonian sovereign Eriba-Marduk, benefits from the disorder thrown in Assyrie to seize the throne of Babylon. He subjects of all the area, évinçant all his opponents. Sargon II, occupied in other areas, leaves Merodach-baladan II in peace during twelve years. But, in 710, it attacks the Babylonians and their Élamites allies. It pushes back its adversaries towards the south, and seizes Dūr-Yakîn, the capital of Bīt-Yakīn, before being delivered to the plundering of all the area. But Merodach-baladan II had time to escape to him and to flee in Élam.

After the death of Sargon II in 705, his/her son Sennacherib succeeds to him. Two years later, Merodach-baladan returns from Élam, and takes again the capacity in Babylon. The Assyrian sends its troops in Babylonia, which is put at bag, although valiant Chaldéen still escapes to them. It will return into 700, once again constant by Élamites, which will cause a new invasion of Babylonia by the Assyrians, which still push back it. If it succeeds in fleeing third once, in the marshes of the south from where it returns never again. During these a few years, Sennacherib entrusted the throne of Babylon to right-hand men, initially Babylonian the Beautiful-ibni, which was high in Assyrie, and then, after this last appeared unable to deal with Merodach-baladan, with Assur-nadin-shumi, his/her oldest son. But this last holds only five years, and it is reversed into 694 by the Babylonians who deliver it to king d' Élam, who takes it along in his country and the fact of carrying out. Two sovereigns chaldéens occupy successively the capacity in Babylon: Nergal-mushezib, then Mushezib-Marduk. But this last is killed into 689 at the time of the counterpart of Sennacherib. Exasperated by the keen resistance of the Babylonians and the death of his oldest son, it decides to carry a fatal blow to the city which causes him so many disorders. It orders the massacre or the deportation of the inhabitants of the area, then the plundering and the destruction of the Holy City, and will carry the statue of Marduk to Assur. The city spends a few years to be recovered from this destruction, which was felt like a sacrilege in Babylonia because of the crowned character of the city. Sennacherib is assassinated thereafter by his/her son Arad-Mulissu.

His/her son Assarhaddon, who seizes the power in Assyrie after a civil war, tries to regain the heart of the Babylonians, and orders the rebuilding of the large monuments of the city, as well as the restitution of the grounds lost by the inhabitants of the area during this disturbed period. Besides the area will remain calm all along its reign. With its death, whereas the throne of Assyrie returns to Assurbanipal, it is his/her brother Shamash-shum-ukin which becomes king de Babylone, while being submitted to his/her brother in spite of a certain autonomy. He brings back into 668 the statue of Marduk to Babylon, and seems to be adopted by the population, so much so that, after sixteen years of reign in peace, to be gained by the Babylonian spirit of rebellion, he revolts in his turn against Assurbanipal into 652, with the assistance chaldéenne and élamite. Whereas he coveted the throne of Assyrie, Shamash-shum-ukin is pushed back by his/her brother, who besieges Babylon during two years, from 650 to 648. At the end of these two years, Shamash-shum-ukin, in front of the obviousness of its defeat, committed suicide by setting fire to its palate.

After this new revolt, the city undergoes a new repression, less violent however than that of Sennacherib. Assurbanipal gave the throne of the city to Kandalanu, which was faithful for him. When they died both into 627, a revolt of palate burst in Assyrie, and announced the beginning of the end of this powerful empire.

The dynasty chaldéenne (627-539)

Destruction of the Assyrian kingdom

Died of Assurbanipal, his/her son Assur-etil-ilani succeeds to him. But the brother of the new king, Sîn-shar-ishkun, revolts against this one, and seizes the power in Babylon, from where it drives out an ambitious Assyrian former general which had tried to go up on the throne of this city. At the same time, the governor of the Country of the Sea, Chaldéen named Nabopolassar, benefits from the situation to make in his turn secession. He will let the two brothers initially regulate their account, and gather his troops. Sîn-shar-ishkun demolishes Assur-etil-ilani, and goes up on the Assyrian throne. Nabopolassar benefits from the situation to seize Babylon, which obliges the new Assyrian sovereign to attack it. This war devastates some time Babylonia before being held more in north. Sîn-shar-ishkun, does not have time to disengage and leave the south to Nabopolassar since Cyaxare, king of the Mèdes, is combined with the chaldéen to destroy Assyrie. The Babylonian armies push back the Assyrians towards their country, while Mèdes attack in north. Assur falls into 614, then Kalkhu little time after, and finally Ninive into 612. The last Assyrian pockets of resistance were eliminated with Harran into high Mésopotamie into 609. Thus, Babylonians and Mèdes avient succeeded in making fall the Assyrian Empire, and could share its remainders.

Cyaxare seems in makes have received few territories of the old Assyrian kingdom. It will not take that is Eastern Élam (the Anshan), and high Mésopotamie. Nabopolassar thus accepted the Mésopotamie, the west of Élam (the Susiane), the Syria and the Raising. These two last areas did not intend however to pass in the hands of a new occupant, and they did not want to return independence acquired during the war. The Babylonians thus had to go to the west to take possession of these areas.

Nabopolassar, now old, entrusted the direction of the operations to his/her oldest son Nabuchodonosor, and continued to reign in Babylon and to renovate the city. His/her son carried out his armies in Syria, with Karkemish, where the Egyptian army had penetrated to lend hand-strong to the inhabitants of the area. It took him two years to reinforce its back lines, then it passed to the action into 605, and crushed the unfavourable coalition. It could then direct its troops towards the Palestine, which was about to fall when it learned death from his father and that it had to return to Babylon. It went up on the throne in September 605.

Nabuchodonosor II

When he became king, Nabuchodonosor II missed neither of experiment, nor of ambition. He wanted to continue the work of his father and to return to his kingdom his last prestige. At once its takeover officialized, it turned over on the edges of the Mediterranean, where the sovereign of Ashalon had revolted, and where it wanted to also affirm his domination on the sovereigns of the kingdoms of Phénicie, and also on the king of Juda. But the Egyptians were always present in the area to support the latter. In 601, the shock between the opponents, Babylonians on a side, Egyptians and combined other, took place. Nabuchodonosor essuya a defeat, and to withdraw itself in its fortresses of Syria. It decided to attack in another direction, in Arabia, the following year, and was victorious. Then it turned over to Raising to receive the tribute of the sovereigns of the area. That of Juda, Joiakim, refused to pay, and had to undergo repression: its capital Jerusalem was besieged then taken into 597, and it lost the life, its Joakin son and the other notable ones and well-read men of the kingdom being off-set in Babylon. For better controlling the area, Nabuchodonosor builds a fort with Riblah, with the Lebanon. But that did not prevent the local kings continuing to revolt, and from being the principal concern of the sovereign chaldéen. A revolt took place also in Babylonia even into 593, and was quickly repressed with violence.

In 589, the Egyptians seized Gaza, and besieged Tyr and Sidon. Then they formed a coalition with the Phéniciens, to which Sédécias joined, new king de Juda, however at this station thanks to Nabuchodonosor II. This one thus returned in Riblah, from where it prepared its counter-attack. It besieged Jerusalem into 588, and after nearly two years of seat, the city fell. The wire of Sédécias were killed, then it was mutilated and off-set in Babylon with the majority of the elites of her kingdom. Jerusalem was then burned. In parallel, Tyr was also besieged. This time, the situation spent more time to be solved, and it was only at the end of thirteen years that Nabuchodonosor II could insert its troops in the city. In 585, the Babylonian arbitrated a conflict opposing his ally Mède Cyaxare to the king Alyatte of Lydie, and benefitted from it to seize some cities in Cilicie. A little later Palestine revolted into 582, and its population had been off-set. The situation in the Middle East was arranged only into 568, when Nabuchodonosor II put in rout the Egyptians close to Gaza. The end of the reign of Nabuchodonosor II is obscure, and one knows that he died into 562 in Babylon, of disease probably. During all these years, it had not ceased embellishing the big cities of Mésopotamie, and, in first, its Babylon capital, which became most famous of the cities of the East, whose memory passed to the posterity. This monarch will have also extended the Empire of Babylon to his historical maximum.

Successional disorders

After the reign of Nabuchodonosor II, Babylon will not find any more political stability, because of too great conflicts at the top of the capacity.

The son of Nabuchodonosor II, Amêl-Marduk reigned only two years during which the only notable act was the release of Joakin, king de Juda. He was assassinated during a palace revolution carried out by Nériglissar.

Nériglissar was an influential man at the court of Babylon. Having taken part in military operations of the time of Nabuchodonosor II, it occupied the function to simmagir , was governor of one province in the east, the border with the Mède kingdom, and, moreover was the son-in-law of the former king. He had only little time to reign, because probably of his advanced age. He conducted a campaign in Cilicie however, and made build and restore some monuments in Babylon.

To his death in 556, his/her son Labasi-Marduk went up on the throne. This last, grandson of Nabuchodonosor II by his mother, was very young person and not very authoritative. He was thus assassinated the year even of his establishment by dignitaries of the court.

Nabonide

They were the two chiefs of the revolt, Nabonide and his/her son Balthazar who seized the power. Nabonide was for a long time an important character at the court of Babylon, but it did not have however, and with the difference in its predecessors, any family ties with Nabuchodonosor II, and was undoubtedly not chaldéen. It also seems to be opposed to Nériglissar. It was probably rather old at the time it reached the capacity, and undoubtedly became king above all so that his/her son succeeds to him.

However, Nabonide reigned sixteen years, during which it encountered many difficulties. The palace revolutions which had shaken the royal court had had any consequence in the Empire, which remained rather calm (after any Nabuchodonosor II had died only for six years when Nabonide went up on the throne). Once with the capacity, it did what a sovereign of Babylon did of odinaire: it returned the worship, renovated the monuments, and conducted even a campaign in Cilicie. however, it was strongly disputed because of its religious attitude. Originating in Harran, one of the two places of principal worships of Sîn, god-sun, it dedicated to this last more admiration than with Marduk, which attracted to him the hostility of the clergy of Babylon. Moreover, to solve some problems at the economic level, it increased the control of the State on the temples. Become undesirable to Babylon, fearing to be évincé, by his son even, it initially left to conduct a campaign in Palestine, before settling during ten years with Teima, in Arabia, place of worship to the god-sun. The reason of this so long exile is unknown, and various theories are advanced (problem with the capacity, religion, influence of Balthazar, etc).

At all events, it is his/her Balthazar son who controls indeed Babylon during these years, without being a king however. If it seems to have been him also a restorer and a builder, it inherited a not very skilful reputation of man in policy, and disputed. When Nabonide returns into 541, it reorganizes its administration and évince some members influential of the court. But there undoubtedly remains disputed by part of its court.

The political organization of the néo-Babylonian kingdom

The organization of the Babylonian Empire, is approximately identical to that of the néo-Assyrian Empire, which it replaced, and of which it had about the same borders, although the neighbors are then less turbulent with the Babylonians than they were it with the Assyrie NS, the Mèdes being the allies (in the first time) of Babylon, and having destroyed the Urartu, while the Élam was nothing any more but one weak kingdom, concerning at its end; and the Egypt was still turbulent, but its military power was far from reaching that of the Babylonian kingdom. The political context is thus more lenient for the Babylonians than it had been it for their predecessors, although revolts always occurred.

The Babylonian administrative structure was copied on that of the Assyrian Empire: at the top, the king, to which one was to lend oath of fidelity (the adê , Assyrian heritage). At his sides, at the court, one found approximately the same dignitaries as in Assyrie, except the turtānu (the general), which disappears, as well as rab šaqē , the Royal Cupbearer, replaced by the rab nahatimmu , the chief cook, old Assyrian load, which exerted an identical role. Whereas in Assyrie the king made and demolished with his own way his entourage, made up as a majority of her family, the Babylonian dignitaries were the noble ones, chiefs of tribes, which one knows few things however, if not which they took an active part in the businesses of the State, the Babylonian files palatiales being limited. One thus does not know as many things on the life of the Babylonian court, of “Large of the country of Akkad”, as calls them Nabuchodonosor II, that on that of the Assyrian court, in the absence of royal archives.

The provinces of the Empire were is managed by governors (the bēl pahāti , chief of district, and the šaknu , appointed), or left to the king of the country, simple vassal as long as it was held quiet and satisfied the king. One finds also the systems of free cities set up in Assyrie, the majority of the cities of Babylonia being directed by the administrators of the temple of the local divinity, and especially the first of them, the large priest ( šangu ). Generally, the provinces remained the same ones as under the last Masters of the country.

The Empire is managed according to the model set up by the Assyrians, and the vassal provinces and States must still pour a tribute with the Babylonian king, under penalty of seeing it coming, to devastate the country, to even off-set its inhabitants as it was the case for Israel. It raises moreover of the taxation and taxes of its population and the temples. But the Babylonian State is generally too extravagant, and especially does not record enough money re-entries in the royal treasure for all that in fate. To give again prestige at all the cities of the country of Sumer and Akkad is very expensive, and this ostentation is not without posing problems with the Babylonian Empire.

Socio-economic aspects

Great organizations

The most powerful temples and palates had great properties, being able to cover until the three quarters of the territories where they were (that they managed in addition). It is with them that thus the largest cereal fields, the large gardens, the palm plantations belonged, and cattle intended for a breeding in rather large quantities. The administration of the temples is well by the files of Ebabbar of Sippar and especially the Eanna of Uruk. The temples had their own administration, which remains subjected as a last resort to the royal capacity all the same. This one remains indeed the principal provider of the temples. Nabonide increases its control on the temples by installing one of its representatives in the college directing the administration of these organizations, at the sides of the šatammu , which directs the management of the temple. Fields belonging to the palate, one knows on the other hand almost nothing.

“Farmers” ( ikkaru ), which exploited the grounds for their own subsistence and that of their family while paying a royalty ( sūtu ) at the organization owner of the field, fixed as a preliminary after an estimate of the outputs ( immitu ), which took place before the beginning of the culture. The system of operation of the palm plantations is different, because the owner (the nukarribu , “gardener”) is a simple employee remunerated by the owner of the field on which he works.

The large temples employed oblats ( širku ), which all are not of the slaves. They are not moreover not all of the farm laborers, and some occupy a position higher than the others and have a suitable standard of living. But the majority are small farmers, gardeners or craftsmen. They are directed by a chief, the rab širki (“chief of the oblats”), and place in a residence which is reserved to them, the bīt širki (“house of the oblats”).

The exploitation of the temples fields was organized according to a system very arranged hierarchically. Thus, there were persons in charge of the farms ( rab ikkāri ), and persons in charge of the breeding ( rab būli and rē' I sattuki ). The farmers were divided into small groups, the “plow” ( epinni ; this name comes owing to the fact that they had of a plow and its attachment by group), directed by rab epinni (“chief of plow”). But the temples did not exploit all their grounds, and they entrusted a part of it to errešu , sharecroppers in general leaving them half of their production. This system had the advantage of disengaging the temple of the development of this part of its property, and it could thus leave its less good grounds to the good care of small farmers all while making sure of touching an advantageous share of its product. Towards the end of the néo-Babylonian era appeared the general farms, possessions of the temples exploited by the notable ones under the control of the temple owner of the field, which perceived moreover a royalty. The person undertaking the field was to exploit it by her own means. With regard to the breeding, the management of the herds was carried out in a very rigorous way, according to a codified hierarchical system. One kept the animals reserved for the worship in the cattle sheds of the temple, while the others were entrusted to external shepherds.

To provide for the whole of their needs, the temples also had recourse to the services of merchants ( tamkāru ), as well as craftsmen, specialized in various fields, in particular for the worship (realization of jewels and clothing of the divinity, material for the worship).

The notable urban ones

The rich person inhabitants of the cities profit from the néo-Babylonian prosperity of the times to constitute kinds of “firms”. They are documented by various batches of files found in the big cities of Babylonia, showing a relatively homogeneous group. It acts families in the broad sense (; it is in fact of the people having jointly the same ancestor, even if they are only distant parents), committed with various activities, a their aim being above all of thriving, and of if possible earning more money: they are contractors. They were a success thanks to places in the administration of the temples, and much of them also Prébende S hold (a function in the clothes industry of an object, or a met being used for the worship, which often takes little time, and offers advantages and a certain prestige). They thereafter took an important place in the local government and the well-read man medium.

The fact that the most important contracts were preserved from generation to generation in the same family made that the files were bulky. They testify to the varied activity of the families to notable. With the head of the family a chief was. One followed one another the head of the families of father as an oldest son, or if there are no wire, or that this one last is too young, it is a brother who takes the direction of the businesses. The head of the household manages the activities of the firm, signs the contracts, decides great financial transactions and commercial. At the first point, it manages the available capital, and arranges anything to lose. It must thus manage the dowries of the girls, and compensate for them by those brought by the marriages. It is arranged so that the real goods, the financial activities and the slaves are profitable. These notable indeed had properties which they rented, and made of the loans, some creating even kinds of deposit banks. Their slaves saw themselves entrusted the exploitation of the arable lands, or the artisanal activities. The notable ones had also other activities other than the revenue. They signed from the contracts of tenant farming with the temples for the exploitation of properties, with the royal administration for the assumption of responsibility of taxes, or of the business transactions. To that is added the emoluments. These notable thus had very varied activities.

The family of the Egibi is the example most representative of this group for the néo-Babylonian period. Originating in Borsippa, then installed with Babylon, it thrives as of the rebuilding of Babylon after the devastations made by Sennacherib into 689. Its members launch out at the time chaldéenne in the real estate, the loans, buy and exploit arable lands, launch out in the trade, and make even deals with the kings Nériglissar, the prince Balthasar and the achéménide Cambyse II.

Badly known groups: large of the kingdom, dependant and slaves

At the ends of the company several social categories are which one knows little about fault of having of the written files, for different reasons.

“Nobility” Babylonian, which trained the entourage of the king, who occupied the high positions at the court, the provincial governments and the army, is very badly known in the absence of sources coming from the royal palace. An inscription of Nabuchodonosor II calls them “Large country of Akkad”. Considering the origin of the reigning dynasty, it is extremely probable that one finds chiefs of tribes chaldéennes there. But one found there according to any probability of Babylonian of stock. At all events, the opposition between these groups disappears from the texts, and it is extremely probable that the constitution of a welded kingdom led to the mixing of the elites of the south mésopotamien.

The free men of average and low social condition are only perceptible in the files of the temples, when they work for their account, or in those of notable urban. A great part of them does not have indeed sufficient means to ensure its subsistence, also they take with farm grounds of great organizations or rich person town. One can thus consider that they are numerous with being in a situation of economic dependence, while being free juridically.

The slaves and semi-free (one speaks sometimes about “serfs”) are better known when they work for the temples, with the statute of “oblat” ( širku ). They are in statute of a legal and economic dependence. They there are rather numerous, and occupy an important place in the agricultural economics of those as one saw higher. The domestic slaves fewer, are treated probably better, even if certain notable can buy some to work their field as the great organizations do it. Their condition remains overall the same one as at the previous periods, even if from now on there is no more slavery for debts.

The fall of Babylon

While Nabonide put at back most of its subjects, another king, on the contrary, affirmed himself: Cyrus II, king of the Persian , grandson of Mède Astyage (wire of Cyaxare), of which it was the vassal one. It seized the power in a world indifferent to the small power which it directed. Only, its people had largely benefitted from the decline élamite to replace this kingdom and to take again his heritage. This ambitious sovereign undoubtedly does not wait whereas a pretext to raise itself against his grandfather.

This occasion is given to him by Nabonide, which is wary of its Astyage ally, become too powerful. It thus decides to call upon Cyrus, to get rid of this neighbor well too harmful. Persians raise and demolish Mèdes into 550, seizing then all the possessions of their former suzerains. Cyrus then undertook a series of victories in Anatolia, and demolished the king Crésus of Lydie, and becoming thus a threat for the Babylonians. Arrived on banks of the Aegean Sea, the Persian king changes direction, and seized territories in Iran, Afghanistan, until the south of the Central Asia and the valley of the Indus. In ten years hardly, it built an empire larger than all those which had preceded it.

Babylon was then in a bad posture, with which more is a king disputed at his head. In spite of the precautions of Nabonide, which felt the wind to turn and reinforced its septentrional lines of defense, the conflict which were declared was a quickly regulated business. Nothing to arrange with the Babylonian businesses, Gobryas/Ugbaru, governor of Gutium (frontier province of Persia), was joined the invader. This one attacks while descending the valley from the Diyala, in June 539, then seized Sippar, before demolishing the Babylonian troops directed by Balthazar, which found death not without to have carried out a rough fight. Cyrus could then enter in peace Babylon, acclaimed by its new subjects. Nabonide was dislocated, and have undoubtedly sent it in a satrapie less importance of the Persian Empire. In 539, Cyrus thus seized in some time all the Babylonian Empire, and extended its possessions on Mésopotamie and the Middle East. Had been finished some Babylonian independence, in spite of the fact that the new king being presented in the form of a new sovereign of the country, respecting his customs and habits. But nevertheless he had become the king of an immense territory gathering several nations, in which Babylonia occupied a place certainly important, but was not any more the center of the World.

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