Agoudat Israel

Agoudat Israel is a founded Political party Jewish in 1912 with Katowice (current Poland, at the time Russian Empire) like political arm of the orthodoxe Judaïsme. There exists today as a political party in Israel, but also with the international level under the denomination World Agudath Israel Federation .

Organization

The party is centered around a " The Council of Large (or Wise) of the Torah " , composed of largest the Rabbi S representatives the currents which created the party. This council is not-elected official. There can be two way of becoming member of the council:

the co-optation, or the members in function choose a novel member among the rabbis of high rows,
the nomination, or a structure member of Agoudat (for example a hassidic community ) names his representative supremely, in practice his chief.

One also notes, at certain times, the determining influence on the decisions of Agoudat of prestigious rabbis external with the structures of the party (the Hazon Ish in the years 1940-50, for example).

The influence of the elected officials of the party is not null, but is subordinated to the council of the wise ones.

Agoudat Israel before the creation of the State of Israel

The Agoudat was created in 1912 by a coalition of groups concerned with the orthodoxe Judaïsme. Each one of these groups has its own options and a broad ideological autonomy. That is due to the structure even of the orthodoxe Judaïsme, which does not have centralized direction. Each important rabbi thus has his faithful. It is particularly true at the Hassidim , very burst on an almost feudal model. The Agoudat is the spokesperson of this coalition of influential rabbis, and to in no case it is not the emanation of its militants or cannot impose an opinion on the groups which compose it.

To speak about the policy of Agoudat is thus always difficult, because it is not monochromic.

Reasons of creation

It is a question of organizing the religious Jews in the nonJewish States of Eastern Europe, like forces political pressure. The idea force is to refuse (more or less largely according to obediences) modernity, to preserve a traditional lifestyle rather largely centered on the community, and as isolated as possible from the nonreligious environment. It is also a question of fighting against the “modernistic ones” within the Judaism: reformed, Zionists, liberal, socialist, etc

Orthodoxe and ultra-orthodoxe

The Israeli sociologists often make a distinction between the laymen (not very interested by the religion, but not inevitably anti-monk), the traditionalists (partial religious practice), the orthodoxe ones (strict religious practice, but immersion in the modern world) and theorthodoxe ones, or Haredim , or fear-god (strict religious practice, broad refusal of modernity, will of social separatism extremely: specific clothing, specific districts, specific religious institutions).

The haredim are not defined themselves as theorthodoxe ones, but as Jews haredim (" trembleurs" , within the meaning of " those which tremble in front of Dieu" , or " Craignants-Dieu").

The orthodoxe ones and the haredim do not differ from a theological point of view, but in their lifestyle and their political orientations.

During the creation of Agoudat, the distinction between orthodoxe and Haredim were in the course of structuring. But the party yet strictly did not consist of haredim. With time, the party was however centered on the haredim , while the orthodoxe ones joined in mass with the Sionisme.

As from the years 1930-1940, the party can be regarded as the strict political expression of the Haredim .

Agoudat Israel in Poland

World party, with antennas in Palestine, with the the United States or in other European countries, Agoudat Israel had, between the two world wars, like principal zone of force Poland.

The party obtained there, generally via electoral coalitions, elected officials with the Polish Parlement. A scientific work of reference was devoted to this period: Gershon C.Bacon, The Politics off Tradition: Agudat Israel in Poland, 1916-1939 , The Magnes Near, Jerusalem, 1996, ISBN 9652239623.

The relation with the Zionism

One can note 3 periods.

From 1912 with the beginning of the year 1930

More, to see the chapter Jewish Antisionisme.

The opposition is frontal. The Sionisme is a rebellion against God. Indeed, God destroyed the Jewish State, and only its Messiah can recreate it. The Zionism is thus the evil. One cannot cooperate with the evil, one must on the contrary fight it. The top of this confrontation will see the assassination by the Haganah of one of the leaders of Agoudat in Palestine, Jacob Israel de Haan, on July 1st 1924, parce this one proposed a co-operation with the Arabs against the Sionisme.

As from 1922 is created Poalé Agoudat Israel (FEEDS), in the beginning connects " ouvrière" of Agoudat, but which will end up taking a broad autonomy (traditional phenomenon in an ultra-orthodoxy very balkanized between religious leaders). FEEDS will rather quickly take more open positions on the Sionisme (while criticizing its too laic side). It will create also Kibboutz im and Mochav im on the model of the socialist Zionists.

Beginning of the year 1930 with the creation of Israel

The pressure on the Eastern-European Judaism becomes very strong: Germany, Poland, Hungary, has hostile policies with the Juifs. The direction of Agoudat (based in Eastern Europe), decides to increase the emigration towards the Holy Land, and for this reason a collaboration limited with the Zionists accepts, but who is not a rallying. It is indeed the Jewish Agence which had the monopoly of the distribution of the certificates of immigration for the Palestine agent allotted by the British

Starting from 1939 - 1940, rabbis and the faithful ones arrive in catastrophe of Europe. They will direct the Agoudat in a direction more moderated with respect to the Sionisme.

The Agoudat of Holy Land was traditionally the branch of the most hostile Agoudat to the Sionisme. The monks traditionalists installed in the country since centuries had felt a strong feeling of aggression (threat on their lifestyle) because of arrival of the newcomers Zionists, as from the end of the 19th century.

The Agoudat of Palestine will thus know a scission, when the Edah haHaredit leaves the party by refusal of its new attitude. This federation of ultra-orthodoxe groups, especially centered with the the United States and Jerusalem, and including/understanding many communities Hassidim or not (most powerful being the hassidim of Satmar), always exists, and is always also hostile with the Sionisme. One can also note the scission of the Neturei Karta of Méa Shéarim , which are not formally member of the Edah , and which are regarded as still more antisionists.

The creation of Israel and the letter on the Status quo

See also: Political of the status quo in Israel

After the Shoah, the Agoudat of Eastern Europe does not exist any more, and the Palestinian branch (then Israeli) becomes dominant (even if today, some of the rabbis décisionnaires of the party are always based out of Israel, in the United States in particular).

In 1947, at the time of the investigation of UNO (UNSCOM) into the creation of a Jewish State, the Agoudat agrees not to take position against this one (but it support not), in exchange of a mail known as of the status quo , signed by the leaders Zionists (left Zionist, Zionists general and religious Zionists), who engage with:

to reserve for the rabbinical courts managements of the personal status of the Jews (marriages and divorces, in particular);
to protect the autonomous institutions from the Agoudat (in particular in the educational field);
to make so that the State supports the practice of the divine commands.

The State will exonerate shortly after (in 1950) theorthodoxe ones of the military service.

The letter of the status quo and the exemption of the military service are still today the base of the current Israeli policy with respect to the ultra-orthodoxe Jews.

Agoudat Israel in Israel

In spite of its hostility with the Zionism, based on the religious principle according to which only the arrival of the Messie can restore a Jewish State in Eretz Israel , Agoudat Israel took part in all the parliamentary elections in Israel, only or in coalition.

The partner of these occasional coalitions was the Poalé Agoudat Israel until the years 1980, then the party (Ashkénaze S orthodoxe not hassidic). This last alliance was known under the denomination Yahadout HaTorah (see) .

This participation in the elections is utility, and relatively not very ideological: Agoudat Israel currency after each election its support for the government in training (of left or right-hand side) in exchange of material advantages for its yeshivot (religious schools) and its other Community institutions, and plays of its position often essential with the survival of the governmental majority to make pass from the laws reinforcing the respect of the laws of the Judaism in general and the Shabbat and the Cacheroute in particular.

The period 1948-1952

For this period, the party takes part in the government coalition with the Workers party, the Mapai. Its centers of interests are primarily monk. It is for this reason that it obtains in 1950 the exemption of military service for the students of the Yeshivot . Those were at the time very few. But their fast numerical increase will end up creating important tensions with the Israeli civil society, which always does not include/understand this “privilege”.

Alliance with the members of the Labor Party is broken in 1952 following the insistence of those on the military service of the young girls. For the Haredim , any domination other than that of the father or the husband on the woman is unacceptable. One of the leaders haredi will declare that even if the purpose of the conscription were to make recite psalms with the conscripts, it was to be fought, because it derogated from this rule.

The period 1952-1977

The Agoudat Israel is in the opposition. In the ideological plan, this one is radical. With the political plan, much less.

From an ideological point of view, the public haredi of the time developed a visceral hostility with the Socialists " athées". In the medium haredi , the access to the modern media is weak, and the rumors are spread there quickly. Two generations of haredim have grows with horrifying stories (from their point of view), sometimes true, sometimes false, of profaned crowned texts, boys and girls taking their joint shower in the Kibboutzim , high religious children of force in the laic education system.

From a political point of view, the Agoudat however took care not to bind to the nationalist right (Herout, principal ancestor of the Likoud). It on the contrary monnayé its voices at the Parliament according to its interests of the moment. Agoudat exerted an influence in two ways:

By the means of the Left national monk. This one, representing the religious Zionists, was of all the coalitions with the Socialists until 1977. It always had some " complex of infériorité" monk with respect to theorthodoxe ones (according to Ilan Greilsammer, an Israeli political economist in Israel, men in black ). Those and their rabbis thus exert a certain influence on the religious positions of PNR, which in its turn influences the attitude of the coalition to the capacity, directed by the Mapai until 1977.
Through its direct votes. Mapai and the other parties of the coalition sometimes divided on certain subjects not-monk. The Agoudat monnayé its votes on laic subjects which hardly interested it, in exchange of advantages, in particular of the funds for its religious institutions, its schools, its Yeshivot .

Of 1960 with 1969, it should be noted that the Poale Agoudat Israel , hitherto very related to the Agoudat (but more nationalist), took part in the Israeli government (with the support of certain rabbis) against the order of the " council of large of Thora" Agoudat , which was a traumatism for the world haredi , which will consider this " révolte" like a sacrilege. Members of FEEDS will be molestés, of attacked permanences. The person in charge of FEEDS, Benyamin Mintz, him even hassid of Gour, will be excluded from the Synagog S of its community. During 9 years, the relations will be broken between the two brothers parts, and will not really begin again that after the departure of FEEDS of the government.

For this period, the Agoudat in general obtained 3 to 4 seats when it was only presented, and FEEDS it 2. Lorqu' they were presented together, the two parties had 5 to 6 seats (4 to 5% of the voices). It should be noted that the capacity of the Agoudat to attract an electorate not haredi is low.

The conflicts between internal factions with the Agoudat often occur during the distribution of the funds obtained of the government. Each group indeed wants a share as important as possible for its institutions.

After 1977

Starting from 1977, Menahem Begin and the Likoud arrive at the capacity. Although Zionist, the line is more preserving as regards religion, and the relations between the government and the haredim thus improve. Menahem Begin, in particular, which insists much for its respect for the religious traditions, is very popular in the world haredi . Its successor, Yitzhak Shamir, which did not hide its lack of interest for the things of the religion, will be much less well perceived. Still today, Begin is undoubtedly the Prime Minister who will have left the best memory to the haredim .

The Agoudat returns in the government and will take part in many of those since the time, but not in all.

The Agouda will develop sounds actions in 2 directions:

collection of funds : as always, obtaining funds for its institutions is a priority. In this field, the governments of the Eighties and Nineties will be governments records for Agoudat (and its scissions, to see low). The Agoudat is necessary to the governments Likoud until in 1983. The 2 parties which animate the governments of national unit right-hand side-left (1983-1990), the Mapai and the Likoud, also dispute alliance with the parties haredim , for the continuations of an inevitable rupture of the coalition government. The payment of the sums thus reaches unequalled amounts hitherto. The Agoudat chairs starting from 1977 the committee of supply of the Knesset, and thus obtains an access facilitated to the governmental funds. But the payments are done by the means of the religious deputies. Each deputy privileges the faction which it represents and the religious institutions which depend on it. This function of representation and collection of funds of the Agoudat , at least as much as ideological reasons, rather largely explains the following scissions: each faction wants its own deputies.

If he explains the bursting of Agoudat partly, the surge of governmental funds explains also the considerable growth of the religious institutions, in particular educational, of the world haredi since 1977.

the respect of the Jewish laws : the Agoudat will obtain a considerable hardening of the legislation on the matter, which was very badly lived by the laymen, and involved confrontations with the monks: law on the sale of pig, the autopsies, the abortion, the respect of Shabbat (prohibition of the flights of El-Al), etc the posterior analyzes show that the Israeli company rather largely circumvented these prohibitions. On this point, beyond the law, the haredim did not obtain a success as broad as in the financial field.

Scissions of the years 1980

In the years 1980, Agoudat Israel will know two scissions.

Shass

After the creation of Israel, the ultra-orthodoxe Israelis tried to attract with them Sépharades. Those, rather religious, did not make however then the distinction between orthodoxy (politically rather Zionist) and ultra-orthodoxy (rather Agoudat ). But certain Sépharades (especially young people raised in the religious education system as from the Fifties) accepted the mistrust of the Agoudat with regard to modernity, and one joined, constituting a new Sépharade faction. This one will remain however held with the variation of the central decisions of Agoudat, and will end up leaving the party, to form its own training, the Shass, in 1984.

Like all the great decisions at theorthodoxe ones, the scission was done under the patronage of influential rabbis. Here, they are especially Rav Ovadia Yossef (former chief rabbi sépharade of Israel) and the Rav Chakh or Shach (a Ashkénaze rabbi of the “Lithuanian” tendency (not Hassidim )). The influence of the rav on the haredim sépharades is explained by the fact why much of them was formed in “Lithuanian” Yeshivot . The rav Schach (or Chakh) was one of the leaders of the Agoudat . But it had increasing divergences with some Hassidim , in particular the Loubavitch. Those are not formally member of the Agoudat , but have certain influences on this one. The hardening of the confrontations partly explains the secessionist attitude of the rav.

Degel HaTorah is the other scission sponsored by Rav Chakh (or rav Shach), in 1988. It relates to this time Ashkénazes not Hassidim (the Mitnagdim ), which was estimated under-represented within the Agoudat . It expresses also the hardening growing of the confrontations with Loubavitch, which will strongly take part in the elections of 1988 in with dimensions of the Agoudat , before returning to their traditional and relative political indifference.

Scissions: consequences

In second half of the years 1980, the landscape of the religious political parties not Zionists burst in Israel.

the Agoudat gathers now especially ultra-orthodoxe the Hassidim and Ashkénazes. FEEDS (which obtained only one seat in 1977 and 0 in 1981) does not have thus more autonomous expression as from 1988, and completely joined the Agoudat .
Degel HaTorah gathers especially ultra-orthodoxe not the hassidim (“Lithuanian”) and Ashkénazes (to be however noted that in 1988, the hassidim of Belz, nonrelated to the Agoudat , one decided to support the party).
the Shass gathers ultra-orthodoxe not the hassidim and Sépharades. Characteristic of Shass, one of its spiritual mentors (the only one after the death of Rav Chakh) is a former chief rabbi of Israel, an institution Zionist. Another originality, it attracts also a nonultra-orthodoxe electorate and rather Zionist: traditionalists Sépharades.

Beyond these differences, the three parties have rather similar approaches. They wish that their education institutions and nuns be helped by the State, and that this one supports the Jewish religious practice.

In the years 1990, Agoudat Israel and Degel HaTorah will present joint lists (but without reunifying itself) under the name of Yahadut Hatorah . This alliance was broken in 2005 following a divergence between rabbis (should be accepted or not official stations), before reforming itself.

Perception by the Israeli public opinion today

Three items in the program of the three parties Haredim today are badly perceived by the majority of the public opinion (according to the surveys):

will to impose religious rules on the remainder of the Jewish population. There are divergences between haredim (Rav Chakh saw little advantage there), but there is a tendency to ask a reinforcement of the respect of the religious laws, in particular as regards Cacheroute and of Shabbat;
the request for additional funds for the schools and yeshivot;
the refusal to let the ultra-orthodoxe young people (there are exceptions) make their military service, in a country or defense is a priority.

Thus, a party like the Shinouï, gathering the partisans of larger Secularity, built its electoral success on the denunciation of the “privileges” and the “abuses” the religious parties.

But another part of the population regards also these parties as the guarantors of a fidelity of the “modern” institutions of the State to the Jewish tradition.

Today, the report/ratio with the Sionisme is ambiguous: it is always officially the rejection (from time to time returns the idea that the Shoah is a punishment of God against the Sionisme). But at the same time, there is an obvious attachment in the State. One also noted a bringing together in fact with the religious Zionists: the partisans of Agoudat showed a clear opposition to the evacuation of the Jewish colonies (generally Zionists nuns) of the Gaza Strip, in 2005.

Electoral results

Below the electoral scores of Agoudat Israel and Poale Agoudat Israel are indicated, whether they was presented jointly or separately.

FEEDS and Agoudat are presented separate in 1951 (1,6% for FEED); in 1961 (1.9% for FEED); in 1965 (1.8% for FEED); in 1969 (1.9% for FEED); in 1977 (1.3% for FEED).

(*) since 1992, one cannot give the specific score of Agoudat: its elected officials were it on a joint list with those of HaTorah Thaw. Alliance (broken in 2005, reconstituted beginning 2006) is called Yahadut Hatorah (unified Judaism of the Torah). Its scores:

1992: 3,3% (2 seats for HaTorah Thaw).
1996: 3,3% (1 seat for HaTorah Thaw).
1999: 3,7% (2 seats for HaTorah Thaw).
2003: 4,3% (2 seats for HaTorah Thaw).
2006: 4,7% (2 seats for HaTorah Thaw).

Source: Marius Schattner: " History of the right-hand side israélienne" - Editions complexes - 1991 and the site of Knesset.

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