Adolph Wilhelm Hermann Kolbe

The Fascism (in Italy N fascismo ) is a movement Politique of origin Italy appeared in 1919. This term, very much used, took a direction much broader thereafter. It is thus necessary to determine its various levels of meaning.

In a strict sense , the term recovers the movement and the Italian mode of 1922 with 1945. Its origin comes from the foundation after the First World War, by Benito Mussolini, of a movement called Fasci italiani di combattimento (“Italian Faisceaux of combat”), which will give to the expressions “fascist” and “Fascism”. The word fasci itself is a reference to the ancient Rome, where the beams were a symbol of being able, and with the Fascio , movements and secret societies, years 1890, composed of Italian revolutionary peasants. This strict direction is in particular used by the historians. The ideas of Mussolini also refer to those of the French trade unionist-revolutionist Georges Sorel, for which the emancipation of the working class passes by violence. Lastly, the methods of organization of the fasci are inspired of the Irregular forces.

In the broad sense , the Fascism term took a generic direction. The Italian model being exported in all Europe (Nazism in Germany, Francoism in Spain), it then extended to any political movement being based on a strong capacity, preaching a sedentary State, the trades organized in Corporation S (this at least until 1945), the exaltation of the nationalist feeling and a political reactionary. The French political economist Pierre Milza thus titrated one of his works Fascisms . Many specialists affirm that the Nazisme is contrary to Fascism, this last having for objective to create a strong state, whereas the purpose of the Nazism is to destroy the state (justice, army, police force…) and to make hold the kingly fields by the party and its leaders. Moreover, Fascism approaches the racial topics very little.

In its broadest meaning , the term is polemical: in the contemporary political debate, it became a political insult. The members with certain political ideologies tend to associate Fascism with their enemies, or define it as being the opposite of their own visions (for example, “islamo-fascist” against islamist capacities; the Stalinist ones thus have a treated time of the social democrat leaders of “social-fascists”).

The ideology

The word comes from Italian fascio (“beam”, emblem of the Roman authority) taken again towards 1919 by the militia squadrists of Mussolini, which had initially grouped war veterans disappointed and enthusiast of order.

It is defined itself as “Totalitaire”, and can be summarized by a formula of Mussolini: “Very for the State, all by the State, nothing out of the State”.

With the most strict direction, it thus indicates the mode of Benito Mussolini. So historically, the Nazisme seems close to Fascism, many other political regimes were qualified, wrongly, of fascists by their opponents, like Egypt nassérienne, the mode of the Taliban S, the Stalinisme, the Péronisme, etc In the contemporary political debate, the members with certain political ideologies tend to associate Fascism with their enemies, or define it as being the opposite of their own visions.

In its broad direction, Fascism is defined as a reaction in the humanistic values of the Age of Enlightenment. Resulting from the frustrations generated by this new model of company, Fascism rejects the Human rights, the Communisme, the Anarchisme, the Liberté S individual and the Libéralisme. Mussolini in the political and social Doctrines of Fascism , in 1933, affirms:

“the fact is that the XIXe century was the century of socialism, liberalism, of the democracy, this does not mean that the XXe century must also be the century of socialism, liberalism, the democracy. The political doctrines pass; the nations remain. We are free to believe that this is the century of the authority, one century tending towards the " droite" , one century fascistic. If the XIXe century were the century of individualism (liberalism implies individualism) we are free to believe that this is the century " collectif" , and thus the century of the State. ”

The origins of Fascism are the subject of a sometimes rough debate among the historians. For Zeev Sternhell and its partisans, the fascistic ideology was mainly forged in France, between the years 1880 and 1914, by conjunction between an antidemocratic toughening of certain movements of extreme left (in particular the revolutionary Syndicalisme) with a new nationalist right, forming the “revolutionary line”, from which Fascism is resulting. For authors like Pierre Milza, the First World War is completely essential in the formation of the fascistic ideology, although it moderated his point of view by recognizing that Sternhell was right partially by underlining the relationship between certain French ideologists of before 1914 and theorists of Fascism. For Robert O. Paxton, the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) constitutes the first fascistic form of movement, or protofascist, and it partly joined Sternhell on the French origins of the ideology.

For the American historian, Fascism develops according to five phases. Firstly, of the dissenting publicity agents, extremists of right-hand side scorning the moderation of the conservatives, and former extremists of left disavowing the Democracy, form a common criticism of political liberalism, in the name of a national and social synthesis. The ideology is thus formed in countries of old democratic tradition, like France, and, paradoxically, a country where is born the fascistic ideology little chance has to see arriving quickly a fascistic party at the capacity. Secondly, these movements, up to that point marginal, take importance, because they appear, with the eyes of the large industrialists and the land great landowners, like the only means of restoring the order, in particular against agitation Communiste. At this time, Fascism gives up its advanced social claims for a strict economic liberalism. Thirdly, the fascistic party reaches the capacity. Fourthly, the fascistic capacity is consolidated. The fifth and last phase, of toughening, were fully accomplished only by the Nazisme, with the Shoah and the creation of spaces where the protective State disappears absolutely: the Concentration camps, and more still the Death camps, it founds the Popolo d' Italia , with subsidies of the French secret services and Italian employers. The Popolo d' Italia militates for a war rédemptrice which must regenerate Italy. In 1915, Italy declares the war in Austria but the face of the Alps is not easily bearable and Venice is threatened (demolished Caporetto, 1917). However, at the price of amazing sufferings, the Italian army gains the victory of Vittorio Veneto, which precipitates the defeat and the bursting of the Austria-Hungary in October 1918.

With the treaties of 1919-1920, Italy pushes back its border to the Alps of the the Tyrol, but the Dalmatian coast, that she regards as Italian, is given to the Serbia to form a new State, the Yugoslavia. The Italian opinion is disappointed: “all these sacrifices for nothing”; it is the set of themes of the “mutilated victory”. With the head of volunteers armed with all political tendencies, the poet Gabriele D' Annunzio occupies Fiume (Rijeka) and there reigns more than one year. He invents there a folklore which the fascists will copy (for example the rallying cry Eia, Eia Alala! ) at the same time as a certain romanticism used by the future mode. In this direction, of Annunzio is a precursor of Fascism.

Social conflicts of post-war period

In 1920, social agitation goes up of a notch: the workmen occupy the factories and form working councils in order to manage by themselves the factories and the distribution. January 21st, 1921, the Communist party of Italy is founded. But the organized labor and the Syndicat S are attacked by “bruisers” paid by certain owners, the capacity in place remains obliging vis-a-vis this organization which fights " organizations subversives". The fascists (squadrists), which after being itself leagued under the direction of Mussolini forms them also a party, the fascistic national party, in November 1921. The Italian labor movement will be decapitated in 1922 in spite of the resistance of the movement of the Arditi del Popolo such as to Parma, the socialist parties and Communists not having taken the direction of the insurrectionary movements.

The fascistic equipment comprises a black shirt (resulting from the behavior of the shock troops of the Italian army created in 1917: the Arditi ), various types of bludgeons and purgative powerful, the castor oil, which they make swallow of force to some their adversaries. Soon, the fascists hold the top of the paving stone and Mussolini the group in a party, with a muscular ideology, which benefits from the failure of the left and the fear of the right-hand side.

The Italian fascistic mode: policy and company

In 1922, the fascistic national party has 35 deputies at the Parliament, and more: 700000 members.

After having driven out the left organizations of the cities of the north of the peninsula, the fascistic militia threaten to launch a Marche on Rome. Hardly this one begins that the king Victor-Emmanuel III names Mussolini president of the council. Mussolini respects initially the democratic game, while being with the head of a broad coalition going until the Center right. But in May 1924, the leader of the Italian socialist party Giacomo Matteotti, in addition appointed, denounces the elections legislative, gained successfully by the fascistic party partly following a modification of the methods of poll, and claims their cancellation: he is assassinated on June 10th, assassination which will be asserted by Mussolini in a speech before the Parliament on January 3rd 1925. To cross short to any agitation, Mussolini founds a mode of exception: the laws fascistissimes (1926); the other political parties are prohibited, their deputies are deposed, the press is censured, a secret police, the OVRA (organization of vigilance and repression of the antifascism), is founded as well as a file of political suspects and a “Special court”.

Towards 1929, the dictatorship of the fascistic party soaks all the company (only the cultural life remains relatively free, with the proviso of not criticizing the mode). Thousands of democrats are exiled to escape from the prison or the deportation on islands. The pope Black and white XI sign the Agreements of Lateran with the Italian fascistic State which will concede to him the existence of the State of the the Vatican.

Mussolini summarizes Fascism in December 1925 by the formula: “All in the State, nothing out of the State, nothing against the State”.

The fascistic ideology is founded on:

the Nationalism (to restore the Roman Empire): the mode builds stages with gantries, of the colossal statues, with beams everywhere. Italy, in addition to its colony (the Libya), must control the the Mediterranean: she asserts the Corsica , the Albania, the Dalmatie, the Savoy, Nice, makes the war in Spain, Greece, Egypt…
the worship of the chief: Mussolini is Duce (“guide”). Its image monopolizes the attention of the Italians, in postures which show it either concerned of the people, or very courageous: harvesting, to parade, join lions out of cage, etc Some slogans: Credere, obbedire, combattere (“To believe, obey, fight”; for the fascists, the man should not reflect too much, it is carried out only by the war), It Duce ha sempre ragione (“Duce is right always”).
the framing of the population.
high centralism of the State: the Parliament has only one minor role after 1928, since chosen by the Great Council of Fascism, true capacity.
the enrollment of the masses: as of the nursery school, the Balilla (or Wire of the she-wolf) ravel in black uniform, greet with the Roman, attend the manifestations of the mode, are involved with wood rifles. The force, violence are exaltées. The trade unions are replaced by corporations controlled by the state and employers. The right to strike is abolished.
the Propaganda: the fascistic emblems and slogans, the marching songs, the monuments out of concrete néo-Romans flower everywhere. The fascistic mode exalte its great work: the drainage of the marshes pontins, first highways. Even a fascistic era is founded (the Year I = 1922).

The Italian fascistic mode: economy

The fascists define their economic design as a “third way” between Capitalisme and Marxisme. Their policy results in a considerable extension of the governmental control of the saving without however in massive Expropriation of the property of the means of production. The government nationalizes key industries, controls the exchanges and makes invest the State massively. The fascists institute the price control, the control of the wages and other measurements of economic planning, they institute a resource allocation dominated by the official regulation, especially in the financial sectors and of the raw materials. The economy is put at the service of the State.

The refusal of capitalism and the Marxism results in an initially fluctuating economic policy.

The revolutionary fascistic program of 1919

The Faisceaux of combat appear in reaction to the social disturbances, in particular those of Milan. The revolutionary program of the movement in 1919 is of inspiration nationalist and socialist in a mixture particularly progressist and confused. He claims:

a democratic republic,
the creation of a constituent Assembly,
the abolition of the titles,
the separation of the Church and the State,
seizure of the goods of the religious communities,
the 8 hours day,
the minimum wage,
the vote of the women,
the participation of the representatives of the workers in the technical operation of industry,
the reform of the disablement insurance and old-age pensions in favor of the workers,
the management of public industries ensured by the proletarian organizations,
nationalization of the industry of armament,
a national army with obligatory military service,
of the annexations,
the limitation of the economic role of the State,
the fight against the banking speculation,
the participation of the workmen in the profits of the companies,
seizure of the profits of war,
obligation with the owners to cultivate the ground, or else this one will be given to the co-operatives,
the Graduated income extraordinary on the capital,
adhesion with the Société of the Nations,
general disarmament,
the prohibition of the production of weapons,
an alienation partial of all the richnesses.

The defeat with the elections of 1919 leads the groupings to withdraw fascios on the left. With the evolution of the movement, number of the ideas of the program will be rejected.

In a difficult social climate (strikes and agitations) which makes fear with the liberal democracy a revolutionary social rising as in Russia (Révolution of October), in Germany (German Révolution), and other countries in which revolutionary disorders exist, Mussolini announces in 1921, before its accession with the capacity, its support for liberalism and capitalism:

“I am a liberal. The new reality of tomorrow, let us repeat, will be to it capitalist. The true history of capitalism starts only now. Socialism does not have any more one chance to be essential. It is necessary to abolish the State collectivist, such as the war transmitted it to us, by the need for the things, and to return to the State manchestérien” (Mussolini at the Parliament on June 21st, 1921)

Rocca and Corsini will establish, thereafter, a program for PNF favorable to the Economic liberalism “manchestérien”.

The liberal phase of the policy of Mussolini (1921-1925)

Arrived at the capacity, combined with a vast coalition, the government of Mussolini, under the impulse of the liberal Alberto De Stefani, who succeeds the liberals, continues the liberal economic policy of the preceding government:

“We want to strip the State of all its economic attributes: enough the State railwayman, the State post-office employee, the State insurer” (Benito Mussolini, 1922).

The turning takes place in second half of the years 1920: Alberto De Stefani resigns in 1925, promulgation of the laws fascistissimes in 1926, vote of the laws on corporatism in 1927, and 1929 world economic crisis.

The fascistic corporatism, set up as from 1925

The fascists monopolize the capacity gradually. After the assassination of Giacomo Matteotti on June 10th, 1924, they establish a dictatorship, the laws fascistissimes are promulgated in 1926 and Mussolini gives to Fascism celebrates it formula: “All in the State, nothing out of the State and nothing against the State”; he repudiates and tackles (in the wake of the confidustria ), following an economic crisis, the economic liberalism. He will express the idea that he has of it in the Doctrines of Fascism in 1935:

“Fascism is absolutely opposite with the doctrines of liberalism, at the same time in the political arena and the economic sphere…. The fascistic State wants to control in the economic domain not less than in the others; that made that its action, felt through the country length into broad by the means of its institutions corporative, social and educational, and of all the forces of the nation, policies, economic and spiritual, organized in their respective associations, circulates within the State”

Mussolini follows a policy interventionist then: great work, Protectionism, stimulation of consumption, constitution of monopolies, framing and restriction of the rights of the workmen, Battle of the corn.

The Corporatisme is instituted: a system of Guild S which frames the relations working and paid owners/so that they plan the economy in the general interest. October 2nd, 1925, it Pact (of the palate) Vidoni, signed between the Confindustria and the representatives of the fascistic mode abolishes the catholic, socialist unions of which CGIL or independent the substitute by those to control by Fascism. Confindustria and the Confederation of the fascistic Corporations recognize exclusive representative of the industrialists and the fascistic trade-union monopoly is approved, such a pact includes/understands two other requests, the regulation of the right to strike which will be removed on April 3rd, 1926 and the car-fascisation of Confindustria.

The mode receives its support of the large industrialists, the small capitalists, the middle-classes, of the small civils servant, but also of the peasants and the poorest workmen (Lumpenprolétariat in the Marxist theory).

In the years 1930, Italy recovers Grande Depression and knows an economic growth. But it is opposed by the international sanctions according to the invasion of the Ethiopia of October 1935, by the expensive military support with the Spanish nationalists and in fine by the failure of the policy of Autarcie.

The republic of Salò (1943-1945)

Beside a bloody totalitarian policy and anti-semite under the German direction, the Italian Social republic (RSI), or the République of Salò tries to implement a socialist policy. All the more easy choice as the economic and cultural elites, by conviction or opportunism, take more and more their distances with Fascism.

Expansion in Europe during the inter-war period

Italian Fascism will cause imitateurs in several countries throughout the world of the years 1930 and 1940: Fascism in France (various movements: French Solidarity, Movement francist, French Popular party, popular national Gathering, LVF, etc), in Belgium (the Rexisme, incarnated by Leon Degrelle), in Austria (Austrofascisme), in Spain (the Spanish Phalange), with the Portugal (the green Shirts), in Romania (Guard of iron), etc

Neofascism after 1945

After the defeat, part of the former fascists were organized in legal opposition in the Italian Social movement, which referred explicitly to the memory of Mussolini. This party obtained appreciable electoral scores (without reaching the majority) especially in the poor areas of the South. Tolerated by the governments Christian-Democrats, which saw a derivative from Communism there, it was however always excluded from the governmental combinations.

In its new formula, the National alliance of Gianfranco Fini, the party abjured its old totalitarian principles and could take part in the governments of Silvio Berlusconi. It still counts nostalgic Duce, like its grand-daughter Alessandra Mussolini.

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